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A  'history    of  the    town   from  1633   TO  1700,   CONTAINING  THE     LETTERS 











By  Thomas  Franklin  Waters 

President  of  the  Ipswich  Historical  Society 

The  Ipswich  Historical  Society 

ipswich,  mass. 



I  T\»u  QopiBs  rtaceivot 

AUG  30   1906 

Sooyrmni  cnu-> 

Copyridht,  1905. 


Thomas  Franklin  WATf;Rs. 

Salem  press: 
The  Salem  Press  Co.,  Salbm.  Mass. 


In  the  preface  of  his  History  of  England,  Macaulay  observed : 
' '  I  shall  cheerfully  bear  the  reproach  of  having  descended  below 
the  dignity  of  history,  if  I  can  succeed  in  placing  before  the 
English  of  the  nineteenth  century  a  true  picture  of  the  life  of 
their  ancestors."  My  own  aim  and  method  in  the  writing  of 
this  book  could  not  be  described  more  fitly. 

I  have  tried  to  tell,  accurately  but  in  readable  fashion,  the 
story  of  the  builders  of  our  Town:  their  homes  and  home  life, 
their  employments,  their  Sabbath  keeping,  their  love  of  learning, 
their  administration  of  Town  affairs,  their  stern  delusions,  and 
their  heroism,  in  War  and  in  resistance  to  Tyranny.  The 
seventeenth  century  was  a  brilliant  and  thrilling  period  in 
Ipswich  history,  and  it  seemed  best  to  me  to  consider  it  some- 
what at  length,  and  to  close  my  historical  study  with  the  end  of 
that  century  rather  than  to  attempt  a  briefer  summary  of  the 
complete  history  of  the  Town.  If  this  work  finds  favor,  I  shall 
begin  at  once  to  gather  material  for  another  volume,  in  which 
the  historical  and  topographical  studies  will  be  carried  on  to 

No  attempt  has  been  made  to  construct  a  genealogical 
appendix.  The  magnitude  of  the  undertaking,  properly  carried 
out,  seemed  too  great,  and  the  forthcoming  i)ublication  of  the 
Vital  Statistics  of  the  Town,  by  the  Essex  Institute,  renders  it 
unnecessary.  In  Part  Two,  however,  a  topographical  study 
has  been  made,  from  the  beginning  to  the  present  generation- 
Nearly  two  thousand  citations  from  the  County  Records  have 
been  carefully  verified,  and  the  likelihood  of  error  has  been 
reduced  to  the  lowest  possible  degree. 



I  wish  to  acknowledge  my  great  indebtedness  to  the  late 
Daniel  Fuller  Appleton  Esq.  for  the  original  incentive  to  this 
work,  and  for  his  constant  and  substantial  encouragement. 
1  am  indebted  as  well  to  Mr.  Francis  R.  Apj^leton,  Mr.  John  B. 
Brown,  Mr.  Charles  A.  Campbell,  Mr.  Moritz  B.  Philipp,  Mr. 
Charles  H.  Tweed,  and  Capt.  Augustus  P.  Gardner  for  valuable 
assistance.  Mr.  Robert  Dudley  Winthrop  of  New  York  gener- 
ously contributed  a  now  photograph  from  the  original  portrait 
of  John  Winthro))  Jr.,  now  in  his  possession,  and  the  Essex 
Inslit  uto  of  Salem  kindly  allowed  tlic  use  of  ancient  maps.  Mr. 
Jolin  W.  Nourse  has  contributed  greatly  to  the  interest  and 
value  of  the  topographical  studies  by  his  skilful  diagrams. 

Ipswich,  June,  1UU5.  T.  F.  W. 


PART    I. 


Primeval  Agawam, 1 

The  Coming  of  the  English, 7 

Homes  and  Dress, 21 

Some  Notable  Settlers, 45 


The  Development  of  our  Town  Government,        .     .         56 

Common  Lands  and  Commonage,        68 

Trades  and  Employments, 75 

The  Body  Politic,        87 


The  Sabbath  and  the  Meeting  House, 107 

The  Early  Military  Annals, 119 

The  Charter  in  Peril, 128 

The  Grammar  School  and  Harvard  College,       .     .       146 




King  Philip's  War, 159 

Ipswich  and  the  Andros  Government,       ....        225 

Laws  and  Courts, 274 


Witchcraft, 287 

War    of   William    and    Mary    and    other    Indian 

Troubles, 301 

PART    II. 

Houses  and  Lands,         317 


Names  of  the  First  Settlers, 490 


Some  Early  Inventories,        495 

Letters  of  Rev.  Nathaniel  Ward, 504 

Dr.  Giles  Firmin's  Letters, 508 

Letters  OF  Samuel  Symonds, 511 

A  Valedictory  and   Monitory  Writing    by   Sarah 

Goodhue, 519 

The  Narrative  of  Rev.  John  Wise,        525 

Index, 539 



'Portrait  of  John  Winthrop  Jr.,      .     .     .     fronti.'^jiiece, 
Map  op    New    England  from    Hubbard's  History   op 

THE  Indian  Wars  in  New  England 7 

^  The  original  deed  of  Mttsconominet, 9 

J  Facsimile   of   petition  of  remonstrance  against  the 

departure  of  John  Winthrop  Jr., 50- 

vi  Monument  with  tablets  near  the  Meeting  House  of 

I               the   South  Church,        •'>4 

r  Home  of  Ma.ior  Samitel  Appleton, 224- 

'J.  Home  of  Rev.  John  Wise,  Essex,  built  in  1703,       .     .  271 

"i  Grave  of  Rev.  John  Wise,  Essex,        271 

^    Diagram  No.   1,        319 

n/ Whipple  House,  the  home  of  the  Ipswich  Historical 

;              Society,  rear  view,       325 

Whipple  House,  end  view, 327 

{  Diagram  No.   2,        338 

4    Map  of  1717  (A), 343 

I    Col.  John  Appleton  house, 344 

i    Map    of     1717  (B),       349 

"'    The  Caleb  Lord  house 355. 

The  John  Caldwell  house, 355 

■i     Facsimile   of   petition   of   citizens   against  Corporal 

John  Andrews, 360 

^  Rev.  Nathaniel  Rogers  house, 385 

Diagram  No.  3,        386 

-    Capt.  Matthew  Perkins  house, 389 

H     The  Hovey  house, 389 

^    The  Meeting  House  Green,        422 

V     The  Stone  Bridge,  1764, 443 

■    Diagram  No.  4,        445 

Col.  Samuel  Appleton  house, 446 

The  Ross  Tavern,        446 

Andrew  Burley  hoxtse,        458 

:  Dr.   Joseph   Manning  hottsb,         458 

/    Dr.  Philemon    Dean   house,  used  as  a  Lace  Factory, 

1824-1827,        460 

/    Dea.  Thomas  Norton,       468 

/  "Dutch's    house," 473, 

'  Col.  Nathaniel  Wade  house, 473 

n/   Diagram  No.  5,        477 

^  The   Howard   house,        481 

\j  Plan  of  Ipswich  Village,        489 






The  long,  simple,  uneventful  ages  of  the  wilderness  period 
that  ended  when  the  white  man  came,  nuist  ever  remain  too 
dim,  shadowy  and  ghost-like  to  be  subjected  to  the  historian's 
rigid  method.  But  a  fine  sense  of  justice  to  the  unnumbered 
generations  of  Indian  men  and  women,  that  preceded  our  own 
ancestors  in  ownership,  as  truly  men  and  women  as  ourselves, 
however  rude  or  cruel,  compels  us  not  to  ignore  their  unre- 
corded history,  but  to  construct  it  as  best  we  can. 

In  many  localities  they  have  left  enduring  memorials  of 
their  presence  and  the  manner  of  their  life.  On  the  sandy  tract 
sheltered  by  forest,  bordering  the  way  to  Pine  Swamp,  where 
arrow  heads  innumerable  have  been  found,  and  the  ground  is 
still  strewed  with  chips  struck  off  by  their  cunning  hands,  we 
can  believe  they  made  their  winter  home,  and  spent  many  an 
hour  in  fashioning  their  implements  for  the  chase  and  for  agri- 
culture, their  arrows  and  spears,  axes  and  hoes.  That  level  field 
by  the  Lower  Falls,  now  included  in  the  County  House  grounds, 
must  have  been  occupied  for  generations  and  centuries  as  a 
compact  village  of  bark-covered  wigwams.  Here  and  there 
upon  Eagle  Hill  and  Jeffrey's  Neck,  and  all  the  fields  skirting 
the  river  on  either  bank  and  near  the  beaches,  the  abundant 
shell  heaps,  rich  in  debris  of  early  ages,  attest  their  presence. 
How  vivid  the  ancient  village  life  becomes  as  we  burrow  into 
these  simple  cairns ! 

Here  are  the  very  stones,  blackened  and  chipped,  and  the 
charcoal  of  the  camp  fire.  Near  by,  the  black,  grimy  wigwam 
stood.  Hither  the  warriors  brought  the  bear,  deer  or  beaver, 
their  skill  in  arms  had  given  them.  Soon  with  their  stone 
knives  they  have  skinned  and  dismembered  it  roughly,  and  a 
feast  is  prepared,  to  which  we  arc  not  drawn,  for  their  cookery 



was  of  the  simplrst,  fingers  and  teeth  were  not  nsecl  daintily, and 
cleanliness  was  not  a  virtue.  Anon,we  see  them  at  their  toil. 
The  skins  are  smoothed  and  cured  and  reserved  for  robes,  or 
divested  of  hair,  softened  and  shred  into  strips  for  bow-strings 
and  strong  cords  for  fishing  or  domestic  use;  or  cut  and  shaped 
and  sewed  skilfully  to  make  them  garments,  squaw  work,  we 
presume,  carried  on  most  industriously,  with  sleek  little  pap- 
pooses  slung  up  in  the  bushes  near  by,  and  naked  children  play- 
ing their  rude  games.  Here  are  the  very  smooth  stones,  and 
bone  awls  and  needles  which  they  lost  or  left  behind  long  years 
ago.  Here,  too,  are  the  fragments  of  the  clay  dishes  and  bowls 
used  in  their  housekeeping,  skilfully  fashioned  and  ornamented  . 
Their  stone  pestles,  gouges,  axes  ami  hoes,  tell  of  rude  agricul- 
ture in  the  fields  adjoining,  toilsome  carpentry  anil  deadly  fights 
with  other  tribes. 

Now  and  then,  one  of  these  cairns  tells  a  more  thrilling  tale. 
On  the  seaward  side  of  Treadwell's  Island  a  large  and  deep  de- 
posit of  shells,  patiently  examined,  has  yielded  abundant  re- 
turns. No  less  than  foiu*  feet  of  shells  of  the  clam,  oyster  and 
mussel  indicate  a  prolonged  occupation  of  this  site  as  a  village. 
Mingled  with  these  are  bones,  large  enough  to  belong  to  the  larg- 
est game,  teeth  of  the  beaver  and  the  bear,  vertebrae  of  large  fish, 
the  coals  of  the  fires,  and  circles  of  stones.  But  the  gruesome 
remains  are  the  human  bones,  not  laid  in  order  as  for  burial,  but 
broken  and  scattered  and  mixed  with  shells,  and  the  bones  of 
the  head  crushed  and  juml)lcd  together  in  a  little  heap  as  though 
they  had  been  cooked  in  some  primitive  kettle  and  thrown  out 
in  a  mass — traces  of  a  horrid  feast  on  human  flesh,  we  think 
though  no  other  suggestion  of  such  appetite  has  before  been  dis- 
covered. It  is  the  body  of  some  dreaded  foe,  perhaps,  slain  at 
last  and  now  ignominiously  consumed ;  or  can  it  be,  that  some 
living  man  was  tortured  here,  while  the  wilderness  round  rang 
with  the  shouts  of  the  torturers,  though  he  scorned  to  give  one 
dying  groan  before  his  bones  were  torn  asunder?  Some  rods 
back  from  the  highway  at  the  Village,  on  the  farm  of  John 
W.  Nourse,  a  few  years  ago,  the  ploughshare  disclosed  a  cache 
of  finely  fashioned  stone  spearheads,  some  forty  or  more,  the 
buried  treasure,  perchance,  of  an  Indian  brave,  or  some  armorer 
of  the  centuries  past. 


Save  for  these  remains,  scant  in  variety,  though  wondrously 
abundant  in  quantity,  this  ancient  people  has  passed  away  hke  a 
dream.  Not  even  their  bones  are  left.  Now  and  then,  indeed,  a 
solitary  skeleton  has  been  discovered;  but  where  are  the  re- 
mains of  the  hundreds  and  thousands  who  dwelt  here,  who  died 
in  childhood  and  youth  as  well  as  mature  age?  Record  re- 
mains, of  a  consuming  pestilence  that  raged  among  them  in 
1616-17  and  swept  away  full  nine-tenths  of  their  numbers. 
That  pestilence,  which  reduced  the  red  men  of  Eastern  Massa- 
chusetts to  a  handful,  broke  their  pride  and  made  them  the 
victims  of  the  strong  Tarratines  of  the  Maine  coast,  seems  a 
providential  factor  in  the  planting  of  the  English  settlement. 
Save  for  this  the  little  group  at  Plymouth  and  the  feeble  com- 
panies of  the  later  Colony  might  have  been  annihilated  by  the 
forest  peoples.  These  strong  children  of  Nature  died  tliat  the 
more  delicate  pale  face  might  live;  but  deep  pathos  attaches  to 
the  thought  of  the  destruction  of  a  whole  nation  by  loathsome 
disease, which  filled  the  land  with  gloom  and  strewed  the  earth 
with  unburied  corpses. 

But  a  knell  of  doom,  surer  than  the  pestilence,  was  sounded 
when  the  first  white  man  amazed  them  by  his  appearance,  and 
when  William  Jeffrey  bargained  with  them  for  a  trifle  for  what 
we  still  call  Jeffrey's  Neck,  and  John  Winthrop  purchased  the 
fair,  broad  fields  of  their  cherished  Agawam  for  £20.  They  were 
doomed  to  disappear;  but  before  they  vanished  there  came  ob- 
serving men  who  were  interested  enough  in  these  rude  people  to 
describe  them  as  they  saw  and  knew  them,  when  their  primitive 
modes  of  life  were  just  feeling  the  influence  of  higher  civiliza- 

The  excellent  Francis  Higginson,  pastor  at  Salem,  described 
their  personal  appearance  as  early  as  1629.  "They  area  tall 
and  strong-limned  people,  their  colours  are  tawney,  they  goe 
naked,  save  only  they  are  in  part  covered  with  beasts'  skins  on 
one  of  their  shoulders  and  wear  something  before  them." 
"Their  haire  is  generally  black  and  cut  before  like  our  gentle- 
women, and  one  lock  longer  than  the  rest  much  like  to  our 
gentlemen,  which  fashion  I  think  came  from  hence  into  Eng- 

Thomas  Lechford  writingin  1641,  completes  the  story  of  their 


hair  dressing,  by  informing  us  that  they  wore  the  long  lock  on 
the  side  of  their  heads  and  "weave  feathers  of  peacock  and  such 
like,  and  red  cloth  or  ribbands  at  their  locks, beads  of  wanipum- 
peage  about  their  necks,  and  a  girdle  of  the  same  two  fingers 
Ijroad  about  the  loins."  "Some  of  the  chief  men  wear  pendents 
of  wampum  in  their  ears,  and  the  women,  some  of  the  chief,  have 
fair  bracelets  and  chains  of  wampum." 

"John  Jossclyn,  Gentleman,"  as  he  subscribes  himself,  v(>n- 
tured  from  England  in  two  voyages  to  these  shores  in  1638  and 
in  1663.  He  wrote  a  narrative  which  is  not  always  judicious 
and  trustworthy,  as  may  be  seen  from  his  descriptions  of  the 
moose  as  an  animal  with  huge  horns,  "the  tips  whereof  are  some- 
times found  to  be  two  fathom  asunder, "  "and  in  height  from  the 
toe  of  the  foi  efoot  to  the  pitch  of  the  shoulder,  twelve;  foot,  both 
which,"  he  naively  observes,  "have  been  taken  by  some  of  my 
scepti(iue  Readers  to  be  monstrous  Lyes. "  He  says  he  has  seen 
radishes,  too,  as  big  as  a  man's  arm,  and  hens,  with  spurs  like  a 
cock,  that  crew  often. 

Subtracting  our  grain  of  allowance  from  our  Munchausen's 
tale,  we  still  find  much  that  is  credible  and  vivid  in  Josselyn's 
record.  The  Indians  but  rarely  wore  beards,  he  informs  us. 
"Their  teeth  are  very  white,  short  and  even.  They  account 
them  the  most  necessary  and  best  parts  of  a  man. "  Their  noses 
were  inclined  to  flatness,  yet  their  appearance  was  prepossessing. 
They  were  "of  a  disposition, "  he  adds,  "very  inconstant,  crafty, 
timorous,  quick  of  apprehension,  and  very  ingenious,  soon 
angry  and  so  malicious  that  they  seldom  forget  an  injury,  and 
barbarously  cruel,  witness  their  direful  revenges  upon  one  an- 
other; all  of  them  cannibals,  eaters  of  human  flesh."  This  ex- 
treme statement,  which  he  substantiates  by  the  tale  of  cruel 
maiming,  joint  by  joint,  and  burning  with  hot  embers,  of  two 
Mohawk  Indians  while  he  was  in  this  country,  until  the  agony 
was  finished  by  tearing  out  the  heart,  which  was  bitten  into  by 
every  old  Squaw,  finds  confirmation  in  the  Treadwell's  island 

Their  wigwams  built  of  poles,  he  describes,  as  generally 
round,  but  sometimes  square.  Leaving  a  hole  at  the  top  for  the 
smoke,  "the  rest  they  cover  with  the  bark  of  trees,  and  line  the 
inside  of  their  wigwams  with  mats  made  of  rushes,  painted  with 


several  colors.  Round  by  the  walls  they  spread  their  mats  and 
skins  where  the  men  sleep,  whilst  their  women  dress  their 
victuals  .  They  have  commonly  two  doors,  one  opening  to  the 
South,  the  other  to  the  North,  and  according  as  the  wind  sets 
they  close  one  door  with  bark  and  hang  a  deer's  skin  of  the  like 
before  the  other." 

Daniel  Gookin's  painstaking  "Historical  Collections  of  the 
Indians  of  New  England  "  of  the  date  1674  give  us  light  as  to  the 
cooking  utensils.  "The  pots,  they  seeth  their  food  in,  which 
were  heretofore  and  yet  are  in  use  among  some  of  them, 
are  made  of  clay  [or  earth,  almost  in  the  form  of  an  egg, 
the  top  taken  off;  but  now  they  generally  get  kettles  of  lirass, 
copper,  iron,  as  the  clay  or  earth  they  were  made  of,  was  very 
scarce  and  dear.  Their  dishes  and  spoons  and  ladles  are  made 
of  wood, very  smooth  and  artificial.  Their  pails  to  fetch  water 
in  are  made  of  birch-bark.  Some  of  their  baskets  are  made  of 
rushes,  some  of  bents,  others  of  maize  husks,  others  of  a  kind  of 
silk  grass,  others  of  a  kind  of  wild  hemp,  and  some  of  barks  of 
trees,  many  of  them  very  neat  and  artificial  with  the  portrait- 
ures of  birds,  beasts,  fishes,  and  flowers  upon  them  in  colours. 
Also  they  make  mats  of  several  sorts  for  covering  their  houses 
and  doors,  and  to  sleep  and  sit  on.  The  baskets  and  mats  are 
always  made  by  their  women,  their  dishes,  pots,  and  spoons 
are  the  manufacture  of  the  men."  A  scouting  party  of  the 
Pilgrims  discovered  within  a  sand  heap  "a  fine  great  new  basket 
full  of  very  fair  corn  of  this  year,  with  some  six  and  thirty 
goodly  ears  of  corn,  some  yellow,  and  some  red,  and  others  with 
mixed  lilue.  The  basket  was  round  and  narrow  at  the  top.  It 
held  about  three  or  four  bushels,  and  was  very  handsomely 
and  cunningly  made." 

Birch-bark  furnished  material  for  their  canoes,  as  well,  which 
were  so  light  that  a  man  could  easily  carry  one  a  mile,  and  yet 
large  enough  sometimes  to  transport  ten  or  twelve  savages  at 
once.  William  Wood  records  that  they  also  made  canoes  of  pine 
trees,  which  "they  burned  hollow,  scraping  them  smooth  with 
clam  shells  and  oyster  shells,  cutting  their  outsides  with  stone 
hatchets ;  these  boats  be  not  above  a  foot  and  a  half  or  two  foot 
wide,  and  twenty  foot  long." 

The  century  was  well  gone,  in  1G85,  when  the  bookpeddler 


John  Dunton  came  to  Ipswich,  with  his  stock  of  books  and  im- 
proved the  opportunity  to  go  to  Wonasquam,  an  Indian  village, 
"after  a  long  and  difficult  ramble. "  On  the  way  he  found  some 
Indians,  with  faces  blackened  with  soot,  who  rather  alarmed 
him,  though  their  greeting,  Aseowequassummis,  which  was 
being  interpreted,  "Good  morrow  to  you,"  relieved  his  fears. 
They  were  in  mourning  for  a  dead  chief  and  they  buried  him  that 
night.  Dunton  remained  and  made  a  note  of  the  funeral 

"First  the  gravest  among  them  wound  up  and  prepared  the 
deafl  body  for  the  coffin;  when  the  mourners  came  to  the  grave 
they  laid  the  body  by  the  grave's  mouth,  and  then  all  the 
Indians  sat  down  and  lamented,  and  I  observed  tears  to  run 
down  the  cheeks  of  the  oldest  among  them,  as  well  as  from 
little  children. 

"After  the  dead  body  was  laid  in  the  grave  (and  in  some 
parts  some  of  their  goods  are  cast  in  with  them),  they  then 
made  a  second  great  lamentation.  Upon  the  grave  they  spread 
the  mat  that  the  deceased  died  on,  the  dish  he  eat  in,  and  two 
of  the  Iiidians  hung  a  fair  coat  of  skin  upon  the  next  tree  to  the 
grave,  which  none  will  touch,  but  suffer  it  there  to  rot  with  the 

Map  of  New  England  from  Hubbard's  History  of  the 
Indian  Wars  in  New  England. 



Just  when  and  whore  the  first  white  man  stepped  upon  the 
shores  of  Agawani  we  may  not  hope  to  discover.  As  earlj-  as 
1G08,  as  Captain  John  Smith  mentions  in  his  History  of  Vir- 
ginia, Captain  HaHow,  Master  of  the  ship  Ordnance,  touched 
here,  wliile  on  a  voyage  in  the  interest  of  an  English  company, 
which  inchided  John  Popham,  Lord  Chief  Justice  of  England, 
to  the  grant  it  had  obtained  about  the  Kennebec.  But  one 
item  of  that  visit  has  been  preserved, — "the  people  at  Agawam 
used  them  kindly."  Smith,  himself,  landed  here  in  1614,  and 
sa)^s  of  Augoan,  as  he  calls  it,  "this  place  might  content  a  right 
curious  judgement;  but  there  are  many  sands  at  the  entrance  of 
the  Harbour,  and  the  worst  is,  it  is  iml^ayed  too  farre  from  the 
deepe  sea.  Here  are  many  rising  hills,  and  on  their  tops  and 
descents  are  many  corne  fields,  and  delightfuU  groves.  On 
the  East  is  an  Isle  of  two  or  three  leagues  in  length ;  the  one  half 
plaine  marish  ground,  fit  for  pasture,  or  salt  ponds,  with  many 
faire  high  groves  of  mulberry  trees  and  gardens.  There  is 
also  C)kes,  Pines,  Walnuts  and  other  wood  to  make  this  place  an 
excellent  habitation,  being  a  good  and  safe  harbor." 

Thomas  Morton  in  his  "New  English  Canaan,"  and  William 
Wood  in  "New  England's  Prospect"  record  the  habit  of  the 
Indians  of  biu'ning  over  the  country  in  November.  B}^  this 
means,  the  dense  undergrowth  was  destroyed,  large  tracts  were 
made  passable  for  the  hunter,  and  easily  capable  of  tillage,  and 
the  heavy  woods  grew  like  groves  in  a  great  park.  The  Pilgrim 
explorers  found  "a  high  groimd,  where  there  is  a  great  deal  of 
land  clearetl  and  hath  been  planted  with  corn,"  and  good  Pastor 
Higginson,  of  Salem,  wrote  to  his  friends  in  the  old  country, 
that  he  had  been  told,  that  a  man  might  stand  on  a  little  hilly 
place  about  three  miles  from  Salem  and  "see  divers  thousands 
of  acres  of  ground  as  good  as  need  to  be,  and  not  a  tree  in  the 



sanio."  When  t  he  lands  wore  apportioned  among  the  settlers, 
the  broad  suniniits  of  Heartbreak,  Hagamore  and  Town  Hills 
were  assigned  as  i)lanting  lots,  and  the  mystery  attending  the 
choice  of  the  hill  tops  for  tillage  instead  of  the  rich  and  level 
lowlands  may  be  solved  by  these  records.  The  Indians  had 
cleared  these  slopes  with'  patient  industry  anrl  planted  them 
with  corn,  and  the  new  owners  of  the  land  enjoyed  the  fruits 
of  their  toil. 

News  of  the  pleasantness  of  the  Indian  village,  its  gof»d  land 
and  rich  fisheries  spread  abroad.  The  Pilgrims,  shivering  in 
their  rude  huts  at  Plymouth,  debated  whether  they  should  not 
migrate  at  r)nce  to  this  Land  of  Promise.  Mourt,  in  his  Relation 
under  date  of  December,  1620,  says  that  some  of  them,  "urged 
greatly  the  going  to  Anguum  or  Angoum,  a  place  twenty  league? 
off  to  the  Northward,  which  they  .heard  to  ])e  an  excellent 
harbor  for  ships,  better  ground  and  better  fishing."  But  they 
chose  to  remove  to  some  less  distant  spot  should  removal  become 

From  time  to  time,  settlers  came  and  built  their  cal)ins,  to 
fish  for  sturgeon,  cod  and  salmon,  a?id  gather  beaver  skins  and 
other  ix>ltry  from  the  natives  by  barter,  ijxlividual  adventurers 
or  empkn^ees  of  some  English  trading  company,  and  they 
were  not  molested  by  the  Indian  warriors.  The  first  English- 
man, whose  name  has  been  preserved,  was  William  Jeffreys. 
Jeffreys  was  never  a  resident,  so  far  as  is  known.  In  1623,  he 
came  over  in  Robert  Gorges'  company  and  settled  at  Wessa- 
gussett,  now  Weymouth,  and  in  1630  was  reckoned  one  of  the 
principal  men  of  that  little  hamlet.  Prior  to  1633,  however, 
he  must  have  been  in  this  neighborhood,  for  Great  Neck  was 
called  Jeffrey's  Neck  from  the  Ijeginning.  As  late  as  1666  he 
claimed  ownership,  and  the  General  Court  voted  him  500  acre 
elsewhere,  "to  ])e  a  final  issue  of  all  claims  by  virtue  of  any 
grant,  heretofore  made  by  any  Indians,  whatsoever." 

The  formal  occupation  and  settlement  of  Agawam  were  now 
at  hand.  By  a  grant  of  King  James,  on  Nov.  3,  1620,  the 
whole  country  from  the  4()th  to  the  4Sth  degree  of  latitude, 
reaching  from  Philadelphia  to  the  Bay  of  Chaleur  had  been 
granted  to  the  "council  at  Plymouth"  so  called,  headed  by 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges.    This  company  made  no  serious  attempt 

-  ^a^a 


/•^  '^!-^  '•^/'^r,^:!^.  J 

1,^     UvJ.    /iS^     l-t^- 

The  original  deed  of  Musconominet,  preserved  among  the  papers 

of  the  Winthrop  family  and  given  to  the  Essex  Institute 

by  Robert  C.  Winthrop  Jr. 

I  Musconominet,  Sagamore  of  Agawam,  doe  by  theise  p'sents 
acknowledge  to  ha\e  Received  of  M""  John  Winthrop  the  some  of 
Twenty  poundes,  in  ful  satisfacon  of  all  the  Right,  property  and 
Cleame,  I  have  or  ought  to  have,  imto  all  the  land  lying  and  being 
in  the  Bay  of  Agawam,  alls  Ipswich,  being  soe  called  now  by  the 
English,  as  well  alsuch  land  as  I  formerly  reserved  unto  my  owne  use 
at  Chibocco,  as  alsoe  all  other  lands  belonging  unto  me  in  those  parts, 
M'  Dummers  farme  excepted  onh^  And  I  herby  relinquish  all  the 
Right  and  Interest  I  have  mito  all  tlie  Havens,  Rivers,  Creekes, 
Islands,  huntings  and  fishings,  with  all  the  woodes,  swampes,  timber 
and  wliatsoever  ells  is  or  may  be  in  or  upon  the  said  ground  to  me 
belongeing,  and  I  doe  hereby  acknoledge  to  liave  received  full  satis- 
facon from  tlie  said  J"  Wintropp  for  all  former  agreements  touching 
the  p''mises  or  any  part  of  tliem,  and  I  doe  hereby  bind  my  selfe  to 
make  good  the  foresaid  bargaine  and  saile  mi  to  the  said  John  Wintrop 
his  heires  and  assignes  forever,  and  to  secure  him  against  the  tytle 
and  claime  of  all  other  Indians  and  Natives  whatsoever.  Witnesse 
my  hand  this  28  June  1638. 


his      marke. 
Witnesses  hereunto. 

Thomas  Coytmore. 
James  Downinge. 
RortERT  Hardixge. 
Jno  Jollife. 

This  deed  above  written,  so  signed  &  witnessed,  being  compared 
w*''  the  original  (4  :  B.  p  381  :  2)  word  for  word,  stands  thus  entred  & 
Recorded  at  the  request  of  Captaine  Wayte  Winthrop  this  IS"*  of 
february  1682,  as  Attests 

Edward  Rawson,  Secret. 

THE    COMING    OP    THE    ENGLISH.  9 

at  settlement,  and  on  the  19th  of  March,  1627-28,  issued  a 
patent  to  Sir  Henry  Rose  well  and  others,  covering  the  territory 
bounded  by  a  line  three  miles  south  of  the  Charles  River,  and 
reaching  northward  to  a  line  three  miles  north  of  the  Merrimac. 
Charles  the  First  confirmed  this  patent  by  royal  grant  to  the 
re]-)resentatives  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Company  on  the  4th 
of  March,  1629,  and  on  the  20th  of  June,  the  ship  George,  bear- 
ing John  Endicott  and  the  first  company  of  colonists  reached 
Salem.  Ship  followed  ship,  and  hundreds  of  sturdy  Puritans 
were  soon  found  in  the  various  settlements. 

The  attention  of  the  Court  of  Assistants  was  soon  directed 
toward  the  squatter  settlers  at  Agawam.  On  Sept.  7,  16.30, 
it  was  "ordered,  that  noe  p'son  shall  plant  in  any  place  within 
the  lymitts  of  this  pattent  without  leave  from  Gounr  and  Assist- 
ants or  the  maior  parte  of  them;"  and,  more  specifically,  "Also 
that  a  warrant  shall  p'sently  be  sent  to  Aggawam  to  coiiiand 
those  that  are  planted  there  forthwith  to  come  away." 

But  it  was  not  until  March,  1633,  that  the  Court  made 
any  effort  toward  peopling  this  attractive  region  with  settlers 
after  its  own  heart.  "On  the  17th  of  January,  1632-3,"  as 
Rev.  William  Hubbard,  our  famous  Ipswich  historian  relates 
in  his  History  of  New  Pjigland,  "they  had  intelligence  that  the 
French  had  bought  the  Scottish  plantation  near  Cape  Sables, 
and  that  the  fort  there,  with  all  the  annnunition  was  delivered 
to  them  and  that  the  cardinal  of  France  (supposed  to  be  Rich- 
elieu) having  the  managing  of  that  affair,  had  sent  some  com- 
panies already,  and  that  preparation  was  made  to  send  more 
the  next  year,  with  divers  priests  and  Jesuits  among  them. 
This  news  alarmed  the  Governor  and  Council  to  stand  upon 
their  guard  and  look  to  themselves,  and  upon  further  debate 
and  consultation  with  the  chief  of  the  country,  it  was  agreed 
with  all  expedition  to  finish  the  fort  began  at  Boston,  antl  raise 
another  at  Nantasket,  and  to  hasten  the  planting  of  Agawam 
(since  Ipswich)  one  of  the  most  commodious  places  in  the 
country  for  cattle  and  tillage,  lest  an  enemy  should  prevent 
them  by  taking  possession  of  the  place."  Hubbard  adds, 
"the  settlement  was  well  advised,  but  they  were  more  afraid 
than  hiu't,  for  the  French  aimed  at  nothing  but  trade." 

No  less  a  person  than  John  Winthrop,  son  of  the  Governor. 


was  selected  as  the  leader  of  tiiis  expedition.  He  was  but 
twenty-seven  years  of  age,  yet  a  man  of  large  ))ractical  sagacity, 
and  nndou])ted  gifts  of  leadership.  Twelve  men  were  assigned 
him,  with  the  promise  of  more  when  the  ships  arrived,  but  of 
these  twelve,  the  names  of  only  nine  have  been  preserved. 
These  were  Mr.  Clerk.  Robert  Coles,  Thomas  Howlett,  John 
Biggs,  John  CJagc,  Thomas  Hardy,  William  Perkins,  Mr.  Thorn- 
dike  and  Will  .Sergeant. i 

The  urgency  of  the  settlement  is  indicated  by  the  departure 
of  the  colonists  in  March,  as  early  as  possible  after  the  severity 
of  the  winter  was  spent.  There  were  no  roads,  and  the  journey 
was  made  undoubtedly  in  a  shallop,  skirting  the  coast.  Tn 
imagination  we  can  see  the  hills  that  stand  like  sentinels  on 
either  side  of  the  River,  densely  wooded  and  white  perhaps 
with  snow,  the  marshes  laden  with  the  stranded  ice  floes,  and 
that  little  craft,  with  the  tide  at  flood,  slowly  sailing  up  the  river, 
eager  eyes  scanning  every  rod  of  the  banks  to  guard  against 
Indian  assaults.  It  rounded  Nabby's  Point,  and  dropped  anchor 
in  the  still  cove,  where  there  was  firm  landing  place' near\at 

We  hope  their  wives  and  children  did  not  accompany  them, 
for  those  bleak  March  days  must  have  been  days  of  hardship,  if 
not  of  suffering.  If  the  squatter  settlers,  who  had  been  driven 
away,  had  grace  to  leave  their  cabins  undestroyed,  temporary 
shelter  might  have  l)cen  found  in  them,  or  they  may  have  lived 
al)oard  ship  awhile,  if  they  really  came  that  way.  Yet  for  all 
we  know,  the  planters  at  Agawam  may  have  had  the  same 
experiences  that  Edward  Johnson  describes  in  his  "Wonder 
Working  Providence,"  as  frequently  falling  to  the  lot  of  those 
opening  up  the  wilderness.  "After  the}'-  have  found  out  a 
place  of  aboad,"  he  writes,  "they  burrow  themselves  in  the 
Earth  for  their  first  shelter,  under  some  Hill-side,  casting  the 
earth  aloft  upon  timber;  they  make  a  smoaky  fire  against  the 
earth  at  the  highest  side,  and  thus  these  poor  servants  of  Christ 
provide  shelter  for  themselves,  their  wives  and  little  ones, 
keeping  off  the  short  showers  from  their  lodgings,  but  the  long 
rains  penetrate  through,  to  their  grate  disturbance  in  the  night 
season;  yet  in  these  poor  wigwams,  th(\v  sing  Psalms,  pray  ami 

I  Wlntlirop'8  History  of  New  England,  ed.  1863,  1 :  120. 


THE    COMING    OF   THE    ENGLISH.  11 

praise  their  God,  till  they  can  provide  them  homes,  which 
ordinarily  was  not  wont  to  be  with  many  till  the  Earth,  by  the 
Lord's  blessins;,  broiii>,ht  forth  bread  to  feed  them,  their  wives 
and  little  ones." 

The  long  snnmier  afforded  ample  opportunity  to  build 
comfortable  homes,  and  make  preparation  for  the  winter,  in 
striking  contrast  with  the  unfortunate  experience  of  the  Pilgrims, 
landing  at  Plymouth  when  winter  was  already  begun.  Nature 
lent  kindly  aid.  The  meadows  abounded  in  grass,  "both  verie 
thicke,  verie  long,  and  verie  high  in  divers  places,  with  a  great 
stalk  and  a  broad  and  ranker  blade"  as  Pastor  Higginson  of 
Salem  records,  and  a  letter  of  Master  Graves  mentions  that  it 
was  "up  to  a  man's  face."  The  broad  marshes  afforded  a 
plentiful  supply  of  salt  hay  and  thatch  for  their  ropfs. 

Mr.  Higginson  found  the  vegetables  grown  in  the  virgin  soil 
very  comforting.  "Our  turnips,  parsnips  and  carrots  are  here 
both  l^igger  and  sweeter  than  is  ordinary  to  be  found  in  England. 
Here  are  stores  of  pumpions,  cucumbers,  and  other  things  of 
that  nature  I  know  not.  Plentie  of  strawberries  in  their  time, 
and  penny-royall,  winter  saverie,  sorrell,  brook-lime,  liver- 
wort, carvell  and  water-cresses,  also  leeks  and  onions  are 
ordinarie."  Great  lobsters  abounded,  weighing,  it  was  affirmed 
from  sixteen  to  twenty-five  pounds.  As  for  drink,  Mr.  Higgin- 
son declared,  "a  sup  of  New  England  aire  is  better  than  a  whole 
draught  of  English  ale." 

An  air  of  dignity  attached  to  the  new  settlement.  Three 
men  of  the  little  company  were  gentlemen,  as  the  title  Mr. 
prefixed  to  their  names  proclaims.  It  was  a  far  more  signifi- 
cant prefix  than  it  is  today.  Josias  Plaistowe  was  found  guilty 
of  theft  by  the  General  Court  in  1631,  and  the  Court  ordered 
that  henceforth  he  should  be  called  by  the  name  of  Josias,  and 
not  Mr.  as  formerly.  Only  the  wealthier  and  the  more  educated 
wore  that  name  of  honor.  Simple  Goodman  was  the  appella- 
tion of  the  common  sort. 

The  new  plantation  was  not  forgotten  by  the  good  people  of 
Boston.  On  the  twenty-sixth  of  November,  Rev.  John  Wilson, 
by  leave  of  his  congregation,  "went  to  Agawam  to  teach  the 
people  of  that  plantation  l)ecause  they  had  yet  no  minister." 
He  tarried  a  week  and  on  December  fourth  the  snow  fell  knee 


deep  and  dotaiuod  him  several  days  lonfier  and  a  boat  wliieh 
came  was  frozen  up  in  the  River.'  Attain,  in  the  f()lh)\vinp; 
spring,  on  April  3,  1634,  th(>  Governor  himself,  anxious  to  see 
his  son,  and  the  new  settlement,  went  on  foot  to  Agawam,  and 
because  the  people  there  wanted  a  minister,  spent  a  Sabbath 
with  them,  and  (>xercised  by  way  of  i)r()i")heey,  and  returned 
home  the  lOth.^ 

The  General  Court  was  jealous  of  too  great  an  influx  of  set- 
tlers into  the  new  plantation  at  the  outset,  and  forbade  any 
taking  up  residence  here,  without  leave  from  that  body,  except 
the  original  company.  During  the  year,  1633,  only  one  other 
man,  Thomas  Sellan,  received  permission  to  locate  here.  The 
year,  1634,  witnessed  a  great  incoming.  In  May,  the  people 
of  Newton,  now  Cambridge,  meditating  removal,  "sent  men 
to  Agawam  and  Merrimack,  and  gave  out  they  would  move," 
but  they  emigrated  to  Connecticut.  Rev.  Thomas  Parker, 
and  a  company  of  a  hundred,  from  Wiltshire  in  England,  came 
and  decided  to  make  their  home  here;^  but  Parker  and  a  con- 
siderable company  removed  the  next  May,  and  settled  at  Quas- 
cacunquen,  which  they  called  Newbury,  where  Mr.  Parker's 
name  is  still  borne  by  the  familiar  Parker  River. 

Notwithstanding  all  this  coming  and  going,  there  was  steady 
growth  in  population,  and  in  August  the  settlement  had  attained 
to  too  great  dignity  to  wear  its  Indian  name  any  longer. 
Accordingly,  on  Aug.  4,  1634,  the  Court  of  Assistants  decreed 
that  the  place  be  called  Ipswich,  after  old  Ipswich  in  Englaiul, 
"in  acknowledgment  of  the  great  honor  and  kindness  done  to 
our  people,  who  took  shipping  there."  Previous  to  this,  in 
Capt.  John  Smith's  time,  the  name  Southampton  had  been 
recommended,  and  this  name  occurs  on  Smith's  map  of  New 

Three  locations  of  the  first  importance  were  decided  on  at 
once.  For  their  food  supply,  they  needed  a  mill,  and  with  com- 
mendable thrift  they  relieved  themselves  of  any  common  ex- 
pense in  building  one,  by  granting  to  Mr.  John  Spencer  and  Mr. 
Nicholas  Easton  liberty  to  build  a  mill  and  a  fish  weir  upon  the 

1  Winthrop's  History  of  New  England,  ed.  I&i3,  1 :  141. 
»  Winthrop's  History  of  New  England,  ed.  1853,  I:  154. 
3  Winthrop's  History  of  New  England,  ed.  1853  i:  168. 

THE    COMING    OF    THE    ENGLISH.  13 

river,  "about  the  falls  upon  it,"  on  condition  that  they  sold 
half  their  fish  to  the  inhabitants,  at  five  shillings  a  thousand 
more  or  less,  as  the  market  price  varied.  Spencer  and  Easton 
did  not  improve  their  privilege  and  definitely  resigned  it  in 
December.  They  removed  to  Newbury  in  Mr.  Parker's  com- 
pany in  1636.  Mr.  Easton  became  involved  in  the  religious 
troubles  incident  to  Mrs.  Hutchinson's  teachings,  and  subse- 
quently removed  to  Rhode  Island  and  became  the  Governor 
of  the  Colony.^  Mr.  Richard  Saltonstall,  however,  son  of  the 
titled  Sir  Richard  of  Watertown,  became  a  resident  and  built  the 
mill  just  about  where  the  old  stone  mill  now  stands. 

For  their  spiritual  nurture,  they  must  have  a  meeting- 
house, and  they  built  some  humble  structure,  perhaps  of  logs 
and  thatch,  like  the  first  church  in  Winnisimmet.  There  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  that  they  chose  for  its  location  the  sightly  spot 
where  the  present  First  Church  stands.  "Meeting  House  Hill" 
it  has  been  from  the  earliest  times.  The  "way  to  the  meeting 
house"  was  the  name  given  to  streets  leading  toward  it,  and 
Edward  Johnson,  who  was  here  in  1646,  says,  "Their  meeting 
house  is  a  very  good  prospect  to  a  great  part  of  the  town,  and 
beautifully  built."  He  was  speaking  of  the  new  building  that 
was  erected  that  year,  perhaps,  but  as  the  Town  sold  the  old 
building  to  Thomas  Firman  in  February,  1646-7,  and  stipulated 
that  it  should  be  removed  by  the  29th  of  September,  the  old 
building  either  occupied  the  very  spot  desired  for  the  new,  or 
was  very  near  at  hand,  and  detracted  from  the  glory  of  the  new 

For  the  burial  of  their  dead  they  must  have  a  Burying 
Ground.  In  their  old  English  homes  the  village  church  had 
its  quiet  church-yard,  and  the  dead  slept  close  by  the  walls  of 
the  sanctuary.  In  their  Puritan  dislike  of  all  things  savoring 
of  churchly  leanings,  our  fathers  built  themselves  not  churches 
but  "meeting-houses,"  and  they  had  no  "churchyards,"  but 
simple  "burying-grounds."  They  selected  a  goodly  spot,  the 
old  ground  at  the  foot  of  the  sunny-hill  slope  on  High  Street, 
and  the  year,  1634,  saw  a  very  sorrowful  company  gathered 
about  a  new  grave  somewhere  there,  for  Martha,  the    young 

1  Fell,  page  7"2  . 

2  See  rublications  of  the  Ipswich  Hiat.  Soc.  Xo.  XI,  The  Meeting  House  Green,  etc. 


vvifo  of  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  lived  but  a  year  after  the  settlement 
was  befjuti, —  the  very  first,  perhai)s,  to  be  laid  to  rest  there. 

Roads  were  cut  through  the  woods.  They  were  soon  called 
"streets,"  but  it  is  likely  they  were  rough  and  encumbered 
with  stumps  and  stones  in  these  earliest  years.  The  principal 
thoroughfare  was  quaint,  crooked,  venerable  High  Street,  skirt- 
ing the  bank  of  the  river,  reaching  out  to  the  fat  tillage  lands 
on  Manning's  Neck,  the  goodly  pastures  on  Jeffrey's,  and  the 
level  acres  of  salt  marsh,  on  the  one  side,  and  on  the  other  fol- 
lowing the  warm,  western  slope  of  Town  Hill,  a  most  inviting 
shelter  for  the  homes  of  the  infant  conmiunity,  and  opening  a 
way  to  other  marshes  and  pastures  on  the  western  border.  That 
part  of  the  street  that  now  borders  the  wharves  was  at  first 
called,  "the  way  to  the  meeting  house,"  or  "the  cross-way 
leading  to  the  mill."  How  vividly  these  names  recall  the  sim- 
plicity and  reverence  of  those  days!  Later,  it  bore  the  more 
sounding  title,  "East  End."  The  main  portion  of  the  Street 
was  variously  called  "ye  Great  St.,"  "ye  Long  St.,"  High  St., 
Hill  St.,  and  in  common  with  other  streets  is  sometimes  alluded 
to  as  "the  king's  highway",  while  the  upper  portion  was  known 
as  West  End. 

North  Main  Street  was  styled  originally  "the  way  to  the  mill" 
or  "to  the  meeting  house"  as  physical  or  spiritual  food  engaged 
the  thought  of  the  speaker.  Market  Street  and  Washington 
Street  both  seem  to  have  been  called  Mill  Street.  Access  to  the 
mill  was  gained  through  the  present  Union  Street.  Stony 
Street  or  Aniball's  or  Annable's  Lane  of  the  early  days  is  now 
known  as  Summer  Street.  Scott's  Lane  was  known  later  as 
Washington  Street,  and  Dirty  Lane,  because  it  was  so  muddy, 
afterwards  Baker's  Lane,  now  rejoices  in  the  name  of  Mineral 

A  crooked  foot-way  led  from  Scott's  Lane  toward  the  spot 
occupied  by  the  Burke  shoe  factory,  across  the  brook,  and  up 
over  the  hill  where  the  cellars  of  the  ancient  Pindar  houses 
show  its  course,  and  turning  sharply  to  the  right,  entered 
North  Main  Street.  This  was  distinctively  a  way  to  the  meeting 
house  for  settlers  in  the  northwest  section  of  the  town.  It  was 
known  later  as  Pindar's  Lane,  and  the  upper  end  of  it  is  still 
known  as  Loney's  Lane. 

THE    COMING    OF    THE    ENGLISH.  15 

Another  lane,  early  distinguished  as  Hog  Lane,  and  earlier 
than  that  as  "the  way  to  the  Merrimack,"  came  to  be  called 
Brook  Street.  This  was  the  main  road  for  eastern  travel,  and 
continued  to  be  used  for  many  years.  Mr.  John  W.  Nourse  has 
very  ingeniously  traced  this  ancient  way  over  the  hills,  and  by 
bridge  across  Egypt  River  to  its  juncture  with  the  present 
highway.  Green  Lane  is  recognized  as  Green  Street.  Thus 
in  name  at  least  the  sturdy  pioneers  preserved  the  remembrance 
of  the  delightful,  shadowy,  quiet  lanes  of  Old  England,  with 
their  hedgerows  and  primroses,  but  in  this  land  of  forest, 
thicket  and  swamp  the  lanes  were  probably  only  narrower  than 
streets  and  equally  rough  and  uninviting. 

Close  by  the  river  bank,  on  either  side,  a  public  way  was 
sedulously  preserved  from  any  encroachment.  On  the  north 
side  of  the  river  it  still  remains  in  Water  Street,  and  originally 
it  seems  to  have  continued  near  the  river,  through  the  present 
County  lands.  On  the  south  side  it  skirted  the  river,  where  the 
remains  of  the  old  Heard's  Wharf  are  seen  today,  followed 
Turkey  Shore,  and  continued  round  the  cove  to  the  saw-mill. 
There  were  ways  to  the  Labour-in-vain  fields,  and  to  the  Heart- 
break Hill  lands,  "Old  England,"  as  we  call  it  now,  and  to  Che- 
bacco.  One  of  these  is  known  now,  as  from  the  earliest  days,  as 
Argilla  Road. 

South  Main  Street,  in  part,  at  least,  was  not  opened  until 
1646,  when  the  bridge  was  built.  The  present  County  Road 
on  the  south  side  was  an  ancient  way,  extending  to  the  river. 
Foot-travellers  crossed  the  river  on  a  foot-bridge  in  1634. 
This  bridge  was  near  the  saw-mill  now  owned  by  the  Damon 
heirs.  ^ 

On  all  these  streets  and  lanes,  plots  of  various  sizes,  but 
rarely  exceeding  three  acres,  were  assigned  for  house  lots.  Til- 
lage lands  were  apportioned  in  six  and  twelve  acre  lots,  and  even 
larger,  near  the  town,  and  great  farms  were  granted  on  the  out- 

It  is  a  matter  of  more  than  passing  interest  to  see  how  these 
earliest  settlers  chose  their  lands.  Robert  Coles  received  a 
house  lot  on  East  Street,  not  far  from  Brook  Street,  and  the 
farm  that  is  believed  to  be  the  Greenwood  farm.  Winthrop's 

1  See  a  careful  consideration  of  tliis  in  tlie  chapters  on  Houses  and  Lands. 


lot  iiiljoiiKMl,  lower  down  the  street.  Here  we  may  suppose 
Winthrop  bviilt  his  house.  He  also  received  a  grant  of  a  six- 
acre  field  that  seems  to  have  included  a  part  at  least  of  the 
fine  lot  on  the  south  side  of  South  Main  St.  opposite  the  Heard 
mansion,  and  a  300  acre  farm,  called  the  Argilla  farm,  afterwards 
owned  by  Samuel  Symonds,  and  now,  in  part,  the  property  of 
the  heirs  of  the  late  Thomas  Brown. 

Howlett  and  Hardy  located  on  the  land  bounded  by  the 
way  now  called  Agawam  Avenue,  leading  from  East  Street  to 
the  shipyard.  Hardy  built  his  house  there  "on  the  highway 
leading  to  the  river."  Howlett's  lot  adjoined  Hardy's,  fronting 
"on  the  cross-way  leading  towards  the  Mill,"  and  although  no 
mention  of  his  house  occurs,  I  have  seen  an  allusion  to  the  well 
known  as  "KowIqWs  well,"  on  this  tract  of  land.  Back  of  the 
shipyard  shed,  an  old  well  may  be  found  by  the  curious  searcher, 
and  the  bricks  of  ancient  pattern  strewn  around  attest  an  early 
residence,  and  suggest  that  here  may  have  been  Howlett's 
lot.  The  remains  of  old  wharves  near  by  indicate  that  this  was 
a  nuich-used  way  in  those  times. 

Win.  Perkins  owned  land  on  the  north  side  of  the  road  to 
Jeffrey's  Neck,  and  perhaps  lived  there,  and  Mr.  William  Clerk, 
or  Clark,  had  an  acre  and  a  half  house  lot  near  the  corner  occu- 
pied by  Mr.  Glover.  But  he  did  not  build,  for  Thomas  Clark 
recorded  a  purchase  of  the  lot  in  1639,  and  the  deed  stated  that 
he  had  "sett  a  dwelling  there."  William  Clark  also  owned  60 
acres  in  the  Labour-in-vain  fields,  as  they  styled  the  lands  near 
the  great  creek,  called  "Labour-in-vain."  John  Gage  had  a  six- 
acre  lot,  as  did  Howlett  and  later  settlers,  on  "this  neck  of  land 
the  Town  standeth,"  as  the  Town  Record  quaintly  reads,  com- 
monly known  as  Manning's  Neck. 

Thus  we  know  that  seven  of  the  original  thirteen  chose  lands 
in  neighborly  proximity,  and  the  whole  baker's  dozen  may 
have  pitched  their  camp  in  this  section.  Convenience  and 
safety  and  love  of  society  naturally  constrained  these  lonely 
adventurers  to  keep  within  easy  touch  of  each  other  during 
those  spring  and  summer  months,  while  they  livetl  in  expecta- 
tion of  French  incursions  and  Indian  assaults. 

As  for  the  homes  of  the  settlers,  we  know  some  things  and 
can  imagine  others.     The  house  lots  were  fenced  in,  in  1635, 

thp:  coming   of  the  English.  17 

or  paled,  as  the  phrase  was,  with  sharpened  stakes  driven  in 
to  the  earth,  perhaps  in  the  criss-cross  style,  a  rough  inclosiire, 
for  we  must  beware  of  imagining  any  resemblance  to  the  trim 
fence  of  oiu-  day  at  the  first. 

Within  the  fences,  I  imagine,  were  generally  gardens  or  a 
grass  plot  separating  the  houses  from  the  highway,  for  many 
of  our  oldest  houses  were  built  well  back  from  the  street,  and 
old  deeds  contain  many  references  to  land  in  front.  Edward 
Johnson,  in  1646,  remarked  on  "the  pleasant  gardens  and 
orchards"  about  the  houses.  Here  the  housewives  doubtless 
had  their  beloved  English  flowers,  heart's-ease,  mignonette  and 
wall-flowers,  and  their  lavender  and  thyme,  rue  and  rosemaiy, 
marjoram,  saffron  and  anise,  for  scenting  chests  and  closets  antl 
flavoring  their  cookery. 

Trees  of  many  kinds  were  soon  grown.  The  Assistants  of 
the  Company  sent  over  in  their  first  ships  seeds  or  cuttings  of 
the  peach,  plum,  filbert,  cherry,  pear,  apple,  quince  and  pome- 
granate, as  well  as  potatoes  and  hop  roots.  In  1646-47,  an 
ancient  interleaved  almanac  of  Rev.  Mr.  Danforth  mentions 
"great  pears,"  "long  apples,"  Blackstone  apples,  Tankerd 
apples,  Kreton  pippins,  "long  red  apples"  all  ripe  and  gatherefl 
by  the  middle  of  August,  "Russetines  and  Pearmaines"  gath- 
ered in  the  middle  of  September. 

The  home  surroundings  then  were  inviting.  What  of  the 
homes  themselves?  Certain  ancient  mansions  of  venerable 
age  remain.  Their  exact  age  is  a  matter  of  conjecture,  but 
popular  tradition  as  to  their  anticpiity  is  generally  in  error. 
Be  that  as  it  may,  these  fine  old  houses,  large  and  imposing 
still,  are  not  to  be  considered  as  the  type  of  the  first  dwellings. 
It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  there  was  no  saw-mill,  of  which 
we  have  certain  record  until  1649.  Previous  to  that  date,  the 
sawing  of  trees  into  planks  and  boards  was  done  by  hantl  with 
a  long  saw,  working  in  a  saw-pit,  one  man  standing  below  and 
one  above  the  saw-log;  and  clapboards  and  shingles  were  made 
by  hand  for  a  century  and  more.  Every  nail,  hinge  and  bolt 
was  forged  out  laboriously  by  the  village  blacksmiths.  Cut 
nails  were  not  made  till  1790,  and  laths  were  not  sawed  till 
1S30.     There   was  no     time    for  elaborate   carpentry.     Work 


must  bo  spent  on  clearinfj;  the  forest,  anil  breaking  up  the 
soil  to  provide  food  for  themselves  and  their  cattle. 

So  they  built  for  themselves  small,  rough  houses.  St)me  of 
them  were  doubtless  the  simple  log-house  of  the  modern  back- 
woods man, with  a  roof  covered  with  tiles  or  with  the  long  thatch, 
as  many  a  laborer's  cottage  in  Old  England  is  still  roofed. 
Sometimes,  as  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Oldham  at  Watertown,  they 
were  built  all  of  clapboards.^ 

The  chinmeys  were  chiefly  of  wood,  daubed  with  clay. 
Mr.  Sharpe's  house  in  Boston  took  fire  ("the  splinters  being  not 
clayed  at  the  top")  and  "taking  the  thatch  burned  it  down.'"^ 
This  happened  on  March  16,  1630,  and  Governor  Dudley's  ac- 
count of  the  fire  speaks  of  this  and  Colborn's  house,  "as good  and 
well-furnished  as  most  in  the  plantation."  Repeated  accidents 
of  this  kind  show  how  common  these  wood  chimneys  were,  and 
a  vote  of  the  Town  was  passed,  in  1647,"re(iuiring  chimnies  to  be 
kept  clean,"  and  "also  to  look  to  any  defect  in  daubing."  Gov- 
ernor Winthrop's  Journal  mentions,  under  date  of  March  16, 
16o8,  a  violent  south  scnitheast  storm  that  o^'erturned  some  new- 
strong  houses,  but  the  Lord  miraculously  preserved  old  weak 
cottages.  He  also  records  a  dreadful  tempest  at  northeast  with 
wind  and  rain,  in  1646,  in  which  the  Lady  Moody's  house  at 
Salem,  being  but  one  story  in  height,  and  a  fiat  roof,  with  a 
brick  chimney  in  the  midst,  had  the  roof  taken  ofT  in  two  parts 
(with  the  top  of  the  chimney)  and  carried  six  or  seven  rods  off. 
This  house,  a  letter  of  Winthrop  mentions,  as  nine  feet  high.^ 

One  item  of  quaint  interest  adds  vividness  to  our  conception 
of  this  simple  type  of  dwellings.  In  1668,  the  house  of  Jacob 
Perkins  was  burned.  The  maid  servant  was  arrested  on  suspi- 
cion of  incendiarism.  She  testified  that  she  stood  upon  the 
oven  on  the  back  side  of  the  house,  and  sui)ported  herself  by 
holding  to  the  thatch  of  the  roof,  while  she  looked  to  see  if  there 
were  any  hogs  in  the  corn.  Standing  there,  she  knocked  the 
ashes  out  of    her  pipe  upon  the  thatch  .   .   .  When  she  looked 

1  WinUiroii'e  History  of  New  England,  ed.  18.i8.  i  :  104. 

2  Winthrop's  History  of  New  England,  18.i3,  1 :  58. 

'  See  Publications  of  Ipswich   Historical  .Society,  No.  v,  The  Early   Homes  of  the 



THE    COMING    OF    THE    ENGLISH.  19 

back  from  the  cornfickl,  she  saw  smoke,  and  gave  the  alarm 
to  Neighbour  Abraham  Perkins's  wife.  She  came  in  haste,  and 
looked  into  "both  the  rooms  of  the  house,  and  up  into  both 
the  chimneys."  8he  also  "looked  up  into  the  chamber  thro 
the  boards  that  lay  very  open  towards  that  side  where  the 
smoke  was  on  the  outside." 

A  photograph  could  hardh^  be  more  realistic.  The  house 
had  two  rooms  on  the  ground  floor,  and  a  chimney  at  each  end. 
In  the  kitchen,  an  oven  was  built  outside,  opening  froin  the 
fireplace,  without  doubt.  The  house  had  but  a  single  story, 
we  judge  from  the  low  roof,  and  the  floor  of  the  loft  was  so 
loosely  boarded  that  the  roof  could  be  seen  through  the  cracks. 

Up  and  down  our  streets,  these  small, roughly-built  pioneer 
homes  were  built.  They  were  devoid  of  paint.  Many  windows 
were  destitute  of  glass,  and  were  provided  with  oiled  paper. 
Heavy  thatch  roofs  and  clumsy  wooden  chinmeys  blended  well 
with  the  savagery  of  the  wild  forest.  Winthrop's  anticipation 
of  "poor  cottages  in  the  wilderness"  was  realized  by  many  a 
Puritan  in  all  these  early  settlements.  Here  and  there,  how- 
ever, more  pretentious  houses  arose  at  a  surprisingly  early  date. 
Deputy  Governor  8ymonds's  house  at  the  Argilla  farm  was  of 
superior  cpiality,  if  the  plan  of  the  owner  was  carried  out.  He 
bought  the  farm  of  Mr.  Winthrop  in  February,  1637-8.  Shortly 
after  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Winthrop,  desiring  him  to  superintend 
the  building.^  "I  am  indifferent  whether  it  be  30  foote  or  35 
foote  long;  16  or  18  foote  broade.  I  would  have  wood  chim- 
neys at  each  end,  the  frames  of  the  chimney es  to  be  stronger 
then  ordinary,  to  beare  good  heavy  load  of  clay  for  security 
against  fire.  You  may  let  the  chimneyes  be  all  the  breadth  of 
the  howse,  if  you  thinke  good;  the  2  lower  dores  to  be  in  the 
middle  of  the  house,  one  opposite  to  the  other.  Be  sure  that 
all  the  dorewaies  in  evry  place  be  soe  high  that  any  man  may 
goe  upright  under.  The  staiers  I  thinke  had  best  be  placed 
close  by  the  dore.  It  makes  noe  great  matter  though  there  be 
noe  particion  vpon  the  first  floore;  if  there  be,  make  one  biger 
then  the  other.  For  windowes  let  them  not  be  over  large  in 
any  roome,  and  as  few  as  conveniently  may  be :  let  all  have  cur- 
rent shutting  draw-windowes,  haveing  respect  both  to  present 
and  future  vse." 

'  Ma»sg.  Hist.  Soc.  Collections,  series  4,  vol.  vii,  p.  118. 


"I  think  to  make  it  agirthowsewill  inakeitinore  cliarji;cable 
then  needc;  liowevcr,  the  side  bearers  for  the  second  story  being 
to  be  loaden  with  corne,  etc.,  must  not  be  pinned  on,  but  rather 
eyther  lett  in  to  the  studds,  or  borne  vp  with  false  studds,  and 
soe  tenented  in  at  the  ends;  1  leave  it  to  you  and  the  carpenters. 
In  this  story  over  the  first,  1  would  have  a  particion,  whether 
in  the  middest  or  over  the  particion  vnder  I  leave  it.  In  the 
garrett,  noe  particion,  but  let  there  be  one  or  two  luconie' 
windowes,  if  two,  both  on  one  side." 

"I  desire  to  have  the  sparrs  reach  doune  i^retty  deep  at  the 
eves  to  preserve  the  walls  the  better  from  the  wether.  1  would 
have  it  sellered  all  over,  and  soe  the  frame  of  the  howse 
accordeingly  from  the  bottom.  I  would  have  the  howse  stronge 
in  timber,  though  plainc  &  well  brased.  I  would  have  it  cov- 
ered with  very  good  oake-hart  inch  board,  for  the  present,  to 
be  tacked  on  onely  for  the  present  as  you  tould  me." 

''Let  the  frame  begin  from  the  bottom  of  the  seller,  and 
soe  in  the  ordinary  way  upright;  for  I  can  hereafter  (to  save 
the  timber  within  grounde)  run  vp  a  thin  brick  worke  without. 
I  think  it  l:)est  to  have  the  walls  without  to  be  all  clap- 
boarded  besides  the  clay  walls.  It  were  not  aniisse  to  leave  a 
doreway  or  two  within  the  seller,  that  soe  hereafter  one  may 
make  comings  in  from  without  and  let  them  be  both  vpon  that 
side  which  the  Income^  window  or  windowes  be." 

As  Mr.  Symonds  desired  that  it  be  built  as  speedily  as  pos- 
sible it  may  have  been  erected  that  same  year.  This  was  cer- 
tainly a  comfortable  home.  The  west  end  of  the  ancient  house 
now  owned  by  the  Historical  Society  was  framed  in  precisely 
this  fashion,  and  was  built  probably  by  John  Fawn,  before  his 
removal  about  the  year  1638.'^  No  other  house  of  this  period 
exists  today  in  our|community. 

>  Lutheran? 

*  Publications  of  the  li)swicli  Hist.  Society,  No.  x. 




Our  surmise  as  to  the  common  style  of  their  dwellings  is 
confirmed  by  indubitable  record.  Matthew  Whipple  lived  on 
the  corner  of  the  present  County  and  Summer  streets,  near  Miss 
Sarah  P.  Caldwell's  present  residence.  In  the  inventory  of  his 
estate  made  in  1645,  his  dwelling  house,  barn  and  four  acres 
of  land,  were  appraised  at  £36,  and  six  bullocks  were  valued  at 
the  same  figure.  His  executors  sold  the  dwelling  with  an  acre 
of  ground  on  the  corner,  in  1648,  to  Robert  Whitman  for  £5. 
Whitman  sold  this  property,  and  another  house  and  lot,  to 
William  Duglass,  cooper,  for  £22,  in  1652.  John  Anniball,  or 
Annable,  bought  the  dwelling,  barn,  and  two  acres  of  land,  on 
the  eastern  corner  of  North  Main  and  Summer  streets,  then 
called  Annable's  Lane,  for  £39,  in  1647.  Joseph  Morse  was 
a  man  of  wealth  and  social  standing.  His  inventory  in  1646 
mentions  a  house,  land,  etc.,  valued  at  £9,  and  another  old 
house  with  barn  and  eight  acres  of  land  valued  at  £8,  10s  and 
one  cow  and  a  heifer,  estimated  at  £6,  10s.  Thomas  Firman 
was  a  leading  citizen.  His  house  was  appraised  in  the  in- 
ventory at  £15,  and  the  house  he  had  bought  of  John  Proctor, 
with  three  acres  of  land,  was  estimated  to  be  worth  £18,  10s. 
Proctor's  house  was  near  the  lower  falls  on  County  street,  and 
his  land  included  the  estate  now  owned  by  Mr.  Warren  Boynton, 
Mr.  Samuel  N.  Baker  and  others.  Few  deeds  of  sale  or  inven- 
tories mention  houses  of  any  considerable  value  in  these  earlier 

Richard  Scofield  sold  a  house  and  two  acres  of  land  to 
Robert  Roberts,  in  1643,  for  £11,  17s.  In  1649  John  West  sold 
John  Woodman,  for  £13,  a  house  and  an  acre  of  land,  and 
another  half  acre  near  the  Meeting  House.  Robert  Whitman 
sold  John  Woodman  a  house  near  the  Meeting  House,  for  £7. 
In  1652,  Richard  Scofield,  leather  dresser,  sold  Moses  Pengry 
yeoman,  a  house  and  land,  for  £17,  and  Solomon  Martin   sold 



Thomas  Lovell,  currior,  a  house  and  lot  near  the  present 
"I)o(lo;e's  Corner,"  for  £16.  Rarely  in  these  openino;  years, 
tlu^  ajipraised  value  of  an  estate  amounted  to  £100.  In  KUB, 
this  was  the  valuation  of  John  Shatswell's.  It  included  a 
"house,  homestead,  barn,  cow  house,  orchard,  yard,  etc." 
Six  oxen  were  appraised  at  £36,  and  five  cows  at  £25,  Os.  The 
average  price  received  from  the  actual  sale  of  houses  was  less 
than  £25.  Mr.. John  Whittingham  had  a  house  on  High  street 
containing  kitchen  and  parlor,  and  chambers  over  the  kitchen 
and  parlor,  sumptuously  furnished,  as  the  inventory  records 
in  1648,  and  valued  with  the  barn,  cow  house  and  forty-four 
acres  of  land,  at  £100,  but  the  contents  of  a  single  chamber 
were  appraised  at  £82  15s. 

The  established  value  of  a  bullock  seems  to  have  been 
£6,  and  cowes  were  appraised  at  about  £5.  A  day's  work  of  a 
team  in  drawing  timber  for  the  watch  house,  in  1645,  was  reck- 
oned at  8  shillings,  and  in  1646,  the  inventory  of  the  estate  of 
Joseph  Morse  reveals  the  market  prices  of  various  commodities. 

20  bushels  of  Indian  corn  were  rated  at  £2,  10s. 
4  bushel  of  hemp  seede,  ...  2 

(1  small  cheeses, 2 

20  lbs.  butter, 10 

These  prices  fix  the  purchasing  power  of  money  at  that 
period  and  make  it  certain  that  houses,  that  were  quoted  at 
£25  and  less,  were  very  simple  and  primitive.  Often,  we  may 
jiresume,  they  were  log-houses. 

Thomas  Ijcchford,  in  his  Note  Book,  preserves  an  interesting 
contract,  made  by  John  Davys,  joiner,  to  build  a  house  for 
William  Rix,  in  1640;  it  was  to  be  "16  foot  long  and  14  feet 
wide,  w'th  a  chamber  floare  finish't  summer  and  joysts,  a 
cellar  floare  with  joysts  finish't,  the  roofe  and  walls  clapboarded 
on  the  out  syde,  the  chimney  framed  without  daubing,  to  be 
done  with  hewan  timber."     The  price  was  to  be  £21. 

Houses  of  this  dimension  were  common,  as  late  as  1665. 
In  that  year  such  inroads  had  been  made  upon  the  oaks  and 
other  valuable  trees,  that  the  Town  of  Ipswich  ordered  the 
Selectmen  to  issue  a  permit  before  a  tree  could  be  cut.  The 
certificates  issued  possess  a  curious  interest. 

Edmund  Bridges  was  allowed  timber"to  make  up  his  cellar," 

HOMES    AND    DRESS.  23 

in  1667.  In  1670,  Joseph  Goodhue  received  permit  for  a  house 
18  feet  square,  and  Ephraini  Fellows  for  a  house  16  feet  square. 
In  1671,  Thomas  Burnam's  new  house  was  20  feet  square,  that 
of  Obadiah  Bridges  IS  feet  square,  and  Deacon  Goodhue  built 
one  16  feet  square.  In  1657,  Alexander  Knight,  a  helpless 
pauper,  was  provided  with  a  house  at  the  Town's  expense,  and 
the  vote  provided  that  it  should  he  16  feet  long,  12  feet  wide. 
7  or  8  feet  stud,  with  thatched  roof,  for  which  £6  was  appro- 

Within,  these  homes  were  for  the  most  part  very  plain 
and  simple.  Governor  Dudley's  house  in  Cambridge  was  re- 
puted to  be  over-elegant,  so  that  Governor  Winthrop  wrote 
him:  "He  did  not  well  to  bestow  such  cost  about  wainscotting 
and  adorning  his  house,  in  the  beginning  of  a  plantation,  l)oth 
in  regard  to  the  expense  and  the  example."  But  Dudley  was 
able  to  reply, that  "it  was  for  the  warmth  of  his  house,  and  the 
charge  was  but  little,  being  but  clap-boards,  nailed  to  the  wall 
in  the  form  of  wainscot."  The  common  finish  of  the  rooms  of 
houses  of  the  better  sort  was  a  coating  of  clay,  over  the  frame 
timbers  and  the  bricks  which  filled  the  spaces  between  the 
studs.  The  ceilings  were  frequently,  if  not  universally,  left 
unfinished,  and  the  rough,  unpainted  beams  and  floor  joists, 
and  the  flooring  of  the  room  above,  blackened  with  the  smoke 
and  grimy  with  dust,  were  a  sombre  contrast  to  the  white  ceil- 
ings of  the  modern  home. 

Nevertheless,  I  incline  to  believe  that  if  we  could  turn 
back  the  wheels  of  time  and  enter  an  early  Ipswich  home,  we 
should  find  that  it  was  not  only  habitable,  but  comfortable, 
and  the  furnishings  much  beyond  our  anticipation.  For  these 
yeomen  and  carpenters  and  weavers  very  likely  had  transported 
some  of  their  furniture  across  the  sea,  and  they  reproduced 
here  in  the  wilderness  the  living  rooms  of  their  old  P^nglish 

Happily  our  curiosity  may  be  gratified  in  very  large  degree 
by  the  numerous  inventories  that  remain,  and  we  may  in 
imagination  undertake  a  tour  of  calls  in  the  old  town,  and  see 
for  ourselves  what  those  houses  contained.  There  were  but 
two  rooms  on  the  main  floor,  the  "hall"  and  the  parlor,  and 
entrance  to  them  was  made  from  the  entry  in  the  middle  of  the 


house.  The  "hall"  of  the  old  Puritan  house,  was  the  "kitchen" 
of  the  next  century.  Indeed,  these  two  words  are  used  of  the 
same  apartment  from  the  earliest  record.  It  was  the  living 
room,  the  room  where  they  cooked  and  ate  and  wrought  and 
sat;  in  one  home  at  least,  that  of  Joseph  Morse,  a  well-to-do 
settler,  the  room  where  his  bed  was  set  up,  wherein  he  died  in 

The  chief  object  in  this  family  room  was  always  the  fireplace, 
with  its  broad  and  generous  hearth  and  chimney,  ample  enough 
to  allow  boys  bent  on  mischief  to  drop  a  live  calf  from  the  roof, 
as  they  did  one  night,  into  poor  old  Mark  Quilter's  kitchen. 
As  brick  chimneys  were  not  the  rule  at  first,  safety  could  l)e 
secured  only  by  building  their  wooden  chimneys,  daubed  with 
clay,  abnormally  large.  No  wonder  the  worthy  folk  who  wrote 
these  inventories  invariably  began  with  the  fireplace  and  its  ap- 
purtenances. Piled  high  with  logs,  roaring  and  snapping,  it 
sent  forth  most  comfortable  heat,  and  cast  a  warm  glow  over 
the  plainest  interior,  and  beautified  the  humblest  home.  "Here 
is  good  living  for  those  that  love  good  fires,"  Pastor  Higginson 
wrote.  Bare  walls,  rough,  unfinished  ceilings,  floors  without 
carpets  or  rugs,  all  took  on  an  humble  grace ;  privation  and 
loneliness  and  homesickness  could  be  forgotten,  in  the  rich 
glow  of  the  evening  firelight. 

Several  pairs  of  andirons  or  col^irons  were  frequently  used 
to  support  logs  of  different  lengths.  In  one  hall,  at  least,  two 
pairs  of  cobirons,  and  a  third  pair  ornamented  with  brasses  are 
mentioned.  Within  easy  reach,  were  the  bellows  and  tongs, 
the  fire-pan  for  carrying  hot  coals,  the  "fire-fork"  and  "fire- iron, 
for  use  about  the  hearth,  we  presume. 

Over  the  fire  hung  the  trammel  or  coltrell,  as  it  is  called  in 
one  inventory.  Pot  hooks  were  suspended  from  the  wooden  or 
iron  bar  within  the  chimney  that  was  supplanted  by  the  crane 
in  later  times,  and  from  them  hung  pots  and  kettles  of  copper, 
brass  or  iron,  and  of  sizes,  various.  Some  of  these  kettles  nnist 
have  been  of  prodigious  size.  Matthew  Whipple  had  three 
brass  pots  that  weighed  sixty-eight  pounds,  and  a  copper  that 
weighed  forty  pounds.  The  rich  John  Whittingham's  kitchen, 
in  his  High  street  home,  boastefl  a  co}i])er  that  was  worth  £3 
10s,  and  Mr.  Nelson  of  Rowley  had  a  "great  copper"  that  was 

HOMES    AND    DRESS.  25 

inventoried  at  £10  sterlinjy.  The  family  washinfi',  soap-making, 
candle-dipping  and  daily  cookery,  no  douljt,  recpiired  them  all. 
A  copper  baking-pan,  a  great  brass  pan,  spits  for  roasts, 
iron  dripping  pans  to  catch  the  juices,  gridirons  and  frying- 
pans,  an  iron  peele  or  shovel  for  the  brick  oven,  a  trivet  (a 
three-legged  support  for  hot  pans  or  pots),  anfl  the  indispensa- 
ble warming-pan,  were  common  appendages  of  this  central  orb. 
Lesser  articles — skimmers,  skillets  and  ladles,  chafing  dishes 
and  posnets,  smoothing  irons  and  box  irons  that  were  heated 
from  within,  and  sieves  covered  with  haircloth  or  tiffany,  were 
found  as  well.  Upon  the  open  shelves  stood  the  rows  of  pewter 
plates  or  platters,  and  latten  or  brass  ware,  all  bright  and  shining 
in  the  firelight,  and  upon  nails, 

"  The  porringers  that  in  a  row 
Hung  high  and  made  a  glittering  show." 

Trenchers  and  trays  and  platters  of  wood  were  still  common; 
"juggs"  and  leather  bottles  found  place.  Pewter  salts,  pots, 
bottles,  spoons,  cups  and  flagons,  candlesticks  of  pewter  or 
iron,  spoons  of  silver  or  "alchimie,"  an  alloy  of  brass,  were 

The  cupboard  or  shelf  bore  the  books  that  were  foimd  in 
almost  every  family,  "the  great  Bible"  and  smaller  Bibles,  the 
Psalm  book,  some  sad  volumes  of  Doctor  Preston's  or  Mr. 
Dike's  or  Doctor  Bifield's  theological  writings,  the  "physike 
book"  in  one  instance,  and  the  silver  bowl,  or  other  cherished 
remnant  of  former  luxury.  For  furniture,  there  were  tables  and 
frames  on  which  boards  were  laid  and  removed,  forms  or  long 
settees,  stools  and  cushions,  but  only  a  chair  or  two,  for  chairs 
were  luxuries  then.  Other  clumsy  things,  that  ought  to  have 
found  place  in  barn  or  "leanto,"  are  mentioned  so  regularly  in 
the  list  of  hall  or  kitchen  chattels,  that  we  are  compelled  to 
think  they  were  really  there — the  "chirne,"  and  powdering  tub, 
as  they  called  the  great  tub  used  for  salting  meats,  barrels  and 
keelers,  cowles  for  water-carrying  and  jiails,  bucking  tubs  for 
washing  and  buckets,  beere  vessels  and  sundry  articles  of  un- 
known use,  "earthen  salts,"  "cheese-breads,"  "beekor  balke," 
and  "hayles." 

Either  those  halls  must  have  had  extraordinary  capacity 


for  storage,  or  the  occupants  must  have  had  scant  room  in 
luany  a  house.  Queer,  confused  rooms  th(>y  Tnust  liave  l^cnni  at 
best,  in  their  i'urnishings  and  the  multitude  of  (>mi>loyments 
continually  going  on,  as  suggested  by  the  imphnnents,  the 
spinning  and  weaving,  the  sewing  and  knitting,  the  washing 
and  ironing,  cooking  and  brewing,  butter  and  cheese-making. 
Their  garnishings,  too,  wore  quaint.  Strings  of  dried  apples 
and  corn  and  fat  hams  swung  in  the  smoke  of  the  chimney  and, 
grim  and  stern,  the  ever  present  fire-arms,  ready  for  use  at  a 
moment's  warning  hung  ujion  the  walls.  The  briefest  inven- 
tory includes  these. 

Matthew  Whipple's  "hall,"  on  the  corner  of  Summer  and 
County  streets,  must  have  been  a  veritable  arscMial.  l^pon 
its  walls  hung  three  muskets,  three  pairs  of  bandoleers,  three 
swords  and  two  rests  (or  crotched  sticks,  in  which  the  long 
heavy  musket  barrel  was  rested  while  aim  was  taken),  a  fowling 
piece,  a  "costlett,"  or  armor  for  the  breast,  a  pike  and  sword, 
a  rapier,  a  halberd  and  bill.  In  John  Knowlton's  "hall,"  we 
should  have  found  a  musket,  bandoleers,  rest,  knapsack,  moulds 
and  scourer.  John  Lee,  the  owner  of  the  land  still  known  as 
Lee's,  or  Leigh's  meadow,  on  the  Argilla  road,  had  a  sword  and 
belt,  pistols  and  holster,  and  Luke  Heard  owned  a  "pistolctt." 
Head  pieces  and  corselets  were  not  uncommon.  John  Win- 
throp's  kitchen  may  have  been  a  depot  of  supply,  for  it  con- 
tained foiu'teen  muskets,  rests  and  ])andoleers. 

The  frequent  mention  of  candlesticks  suggests  that  candles 
were  in  conunon  use  in  these  first  Ipswich  homes,  yet  a  more 
primitive  method  was  common  in  the  poorer  families  at  least. 
Higginson  tells  us  how  the  Salem  houses  were  lighted,  at  the 
])eginning  of  the  settlement.  "Although  New  England  hav(> 
no  tallow  to  make  candles  of,  yet  by  the  abundance  of  the  fish 
thereof,  it  can  afford  oil  for  lamps.  Yea,  our  pine  trees  that 
are  the  most  plentiful  of  all  wood,  doth  allow  us  plenty  of 
candles,  which  are  very  useful  in  a  house.  And  they  are  such 
candles  as  tho  Indians  commonly  use,  having  no  other,  and 
they  are  nothing  else  but  the  wood  of  the  pine  tree,  cloven  in 
two  little  slices,  something  thin,  which  are  so  full  of  the  moys- 
ture  of  turpentine  and  pitch,  that  they  ])m-n  as  cleere  as  a 
torch."     "Candlowood,"  is  the  name  of  a  fine  farm  district 


HOMES    AND    DRESS.  27 

of  our  town  today.  It  assures  us  that  the  Ipswich  planters 
knew  the  value  of  the  fat  pine  strips.  "Old  lamps/'  are  some- 
times mentioned,  perhaps  the  open  iron  or  tin  cuji  with  a  wick 
lying  over  one  side  fed  with  fish  oil,  or  lamps  broniiht  with  their 
household  goods. 

The  frugality  of  the  early  living  is  frequently  remarked  on. 
Felt  says,  "For  more  than  a  century  and  a  half,  the  most  of 
them  had  pea  and  bean  porridge,  or  broth,  made  of  the  liquor 
of  boiled  salt  meat  and  pork,  and  mixed  with  meal,  and  some- 
times hasty  pudding  and  milk,  both  morning  and  evening." 
But  those  great  spits  (Matthew  Whipple  had  fom-  that  weighed 
together  twenty  pounds),  brass  baking  pans  and  dripping  pans, 
kettles  and  pots,  gridirons,  frying  pans  and  skillets,  tell  of  more 
appetizing  fare.  The  cattle  in  the  stalls  and  the  abounding 
game  in  forest  and  sea,  furnished  the  material  for  substantial 
and  generous  living  for  the  great  majority,  we  will  believe. 
Yet  the  best  spread  table  would  have  looked  strange  to  vis. 
Wooden  plates,  sometimes  a  square  bit  of  wood  slightly  hol- 
lowed or  perfectly  plain,  and  platters  for  the  central  dish,  at 
best  dishes  and  plates  of  bright  pewter;  no  forks,  for  forks  did 
not  attain  common  use  till  the  later  years  of  the  century;  no 
coffee  or  tea,  but  plenty  of  home-brewed  beer  and  cider  and 
stronger  spirits  for  drinks, — these  things  seem  rude  in  style  and 
deficient  in  comfort. 

In  the  parlor,  or  the  "fine-room,"  surprises  await  us  as 
well.  liike  the  hall,  it  had  its  fireplace,  and  its  goodly  array 
of  hearth  furniture,  but  its  furnishings  were  rarely  elegant. 
The  most  conspicuous  article,  even  in  the  homes  of  rich  men, 
like  Matthew  Whipple  and  John  Whittingham,  was  the  best 
bed,  of  imposing  size  and  stately  elegance,  with  its  curtains  and 
valance  or  half  curtain,  that  hung  from  the  cross  pieces  to  the 
floor,  and  is  still  in  use  with  ancient  bedsteads, — fitted  most 
luxuriously  with  a  mat  upon  the  cords,  and  with  beds  that 
awake  our  envy.  Matthew  Whipple's  best  feather  bed,  bolster 
and  nine  pillows  weighed  one  hundred  and  six  pounds,  and 
were  valued  at  £5-6-0.  Mr.  "Whittingham's  parlor  bed  and 
furnishings  were  worth  £12-0-0,  Thomas  Barker's  of  Rowley, 
£13-0-0.     What  an  amount  of  "solid  comfort"  is  represented 


by  an  hiuulrod  weight  of  feathors  with  a  warniinp;  pan,  in  those 
bleak  Puritan  winters! 

'i'he  furnishings  were  ample.  Mine  host  Lumpkin,  one  of 
the  earliest  iini-keepers,  had  two  flock  beds  and  two  bolsters,  in 
addition  to  the  feather  bed;  also  five  blankets,  one  rug  and 
one  coverlet.  Strangely  enough,  a  rug  or  carpet  was  a  bed 
furnishing  and  not  a  floor  covering  and  mention  remains  of  a 
rug  for  th(>  baby's  cradle. 

In  John  Jackson's  house,  close  by  the  present  Methodist 
meeting-house,  was  "a  half-headed  bedstead,"  that  rejoiced  in 
"an  old  dornix  coverlet,"  and  it  had  "a  side  bed  for  a  child." 
Lionel  Chute,  the  schoolmaster,  in  his  East  street  home,  had 
an  "old  damakell  coverlet."  Thomas  Firman  had  "damicle 
curtaynes  and  vallens."  A  trundle  bed  was  common.  Beside 
the  l)ed  were  a  table,  a  "joyned  table,"  as  it  is  called,  made  with 
turned  legs,  and  "joyned  stools,"  few  chairs,  but  plenty  of 
cushions,  and  a  "cushen  stoole"  occasionally.  Whittingham's 
parlor  had  eleven  curtains,  and  its  two  windows  were  adorned 
with  curtains  and  curtain  rods,  one  of  the  few  instances  men- 
tioned of  which  1  am  at  present  aware. 

In  the  parlor,  too,  were  the  chests,  the  common  strong 
boxes  in  which  they  brought  their  goods  and  the  more  elaborate 
ones  for  storage  of  bedding  and  table  linen.  One  chest  in 
Whipple's  parlor  was  furnished  with  a  glass  and  there  were 
three  simpler  ones.  These  chests  were  highly  prized  by  their 
owners,  and  they  were  important  pieces  of  furniture  when  the 
closet  and  modern  bureaus  and  chifToniers  had  not  yet  found 
place.  Lionel  Chute  mentions  in  his  will,  "all  things  in  my 
chest,  and  white  deep  box  with  the  locke  and  key."  We  read 
of  great  chests  and  small  chests,  long  boarded  chests,  great 
boarded  chests  and  John  Knowlton's  "chest  with  a  drawer," 
also  of  trunks  and  boxes.  Robert  Mussey  bequeathed  his 
daughter  Mary  in  1642  his  home,  adjoining  that  of  John  Dane 
the  elder,  "in  the  West  street  in  the  town,"  also  "my  best 
Bible,"  "a  great  brass  pan  to  be  reserved  for  her  until  she 
comes  of  years."  and  "the  broad  box  with  all  her  mother's 
wearing  linen." 

The  "cubbered"  as  it  was  spelled,  was  common,  and  it  bore 

HOMES    AND    DRESS.  29 

a  "cubbered  clothe"  "laced"  or  "fringed."  In  some  of  the 
finest  houses  there  was  a  clock,  valued  at  £1  in  Matthew 
Whipple's,  £2  in  Thomas  Nelson's  of  Rowley.  In  Whipple's 
parlor,  too,  there  was  "a  stanicll  bearing  cloth;"  and  a  "baize 
bearing  cloth."  This  was  used,  it  has  been  affirmed,  for  wrap- 
ping babies,  when  carried  to  baptism,  and  Puritan  babies  in- 
variably went  to  church  on  the  first  Sunday  after  birth.  On 
January  22,  1694,  Judge  Sewall  records — "A  very  extraordinary 
storm  by  reason  of  the  falling  and  driving  of  the  snow.  Few 
women  could  get  to  meeting.  A  child  named  Alexander  was 
baptized  in  the  afternoon."  I  fancy  that  many  wee  new-born 
children  may  have  been  taken  to  that  hospital)le  fireside,  before 
and  after  the  baptism  in  the  icy  cold  meeting  house,  and  those 
bearing  cloths  may  have  been  a  kind  of  public  property,  and 
often  seen  in  the  first  house  of  worship,  for  Whipple  died  the 
year  the  old  house  was  sold,  1646. 

The  famil}^  still  for  extracting  the  fragrant  oil  from  rose 
leaves  and  the  medicinal  virtues  from  roots  and  herbs  found 
place  in  the  stately  Whittingham  parlor;  and  in  Cliles  Badger's 
of  Newbury  there  were  a  "glass  bowl,  beaker  and  jugg,"  the 
only  suggestion  of  toilet  convenience  which  I  remember.  A 
case  of  glass  bottles  now  and  then  is  mentioned. 

But  of  pictures  for  the  wall  and  carpets  for  the  floor,  and 
the  ornaments  now  deemed  essential  for  parlor  adornings, 
there  were  few.  The  finest  Puritan  parlor  of  these  early  days 
was  only  a  primitive  best  bed-room.  Indeed,  it  was  not  always 
a  spare  room.  Joseph  Morse,  whose  will  was  probated  in  1646, 
bequeathed  his  son  John  "the  bed  and  all  y''  bedding  he  lyeth 
on,  standing  in  the  parlor." 

Above  stairs  the  sleeping  apartments  of  the  family  were 
found.  For  the  most  part,  they  were  cold  and  cheerless,  mere 
lofts,  as  the  houses  were  of  one  story.  In  one  house  at  least, 
in  Rowley,  the  floor  boards  were  laid  so  loosely  that  a  person 
above  could  look  down  through  the  cracks  and  see  whatever 
was  occurring  below,  as  a  witness  testified  before  the  court. 
If  such  wide  spacing  was  common  the  heat  from  the  hall  fire 
would  have  made  the  "chamber  over  the  kitchen"  the  coveted 


lUit  iMr.  Whittiiifihani's  house  had  a  set  of  fire  irons  in  the 
chamber  over  the  parlor,  and  this  excess  of  dignity  betokens 
more  of  comfort  tlian  fell  to  the  common  lot.  The  contents 
of  that  cliamber  are  so  interesting  that  they  deserve  a  full 
record  as  showing  how  much  of  luxury  even  was  found  in  the 
better  class  of  Ii)swich  houses  of  this  early  period. 

Item  A  bedstead,  two  fether  beds,  curtains,  rung,  etc  £13-  0-0 

"  One  fether  bed,  one  boulster,  two  (luilts,  two  pair 

blankets,  one  coverlet,  and  trundlebed,  G-  0-0 

"  Four  trunks,  one  chest,  one  box,  two  chairs,  four 

stools,  two  small  trunks,  3-  5-0 

"  9  pieces  of  plate,  11  spoons  25-  0-0 

"  10  pr.  sheets,  £8     ten  others  £4  12-0-0 

"  3  pr.  pillow  beers                       8^  1-  4-0 

"  3     '•         "         "                            5"  15-0 

"  Four  table  cloths  2-10-0 

"  1  doz.  iliaper,  2  doz.  flaxen  napkins  1-10-0 

"  2  doz.  of  napkins  12-0 

"  the  hangings  In  the  chamber,  1-10-0 

"  3  hoUand  cupboard  cloths  2-  4-0 

"  2  half  sheetes  1-10-0 

"  1  diai)er  and  damask  cupboard  cloth  1-  0-0 

"  one  screene  10-0 

"  2  pair  cob-iron,  1  pr.  tongs  16-0 

"  one  carpett  3-10-0 

"  one  pair  curtains  and  vallance  5-0-0 

"  one  blew  coverlet,  1-0-0 

This  was  a  regal  room  for  the  times,  with  its  carpet  and  screen, 
its  hangings  upon  the  walls,  its  rich  stor(>  of  family  silver,  and 
its  sumptuous  beds  and  bed  linen.  Think  of  twenty  pairs  of 
sheets,  all  spun  and  woven  by  hand,  and  a  single  bedstead  with 
its  belongings,  worth  13  pounds  sterling,  more  than  twice  the 
whole  value  of  some  of  the  dwellings  of  that  day!  But  Shakes- 
peare's will  specified  the  "second  best  bed"  for  his  wife's  por- 
tion, and  extraordinary  value  commonly  attached  to  these 
high-])osted,  canopied,  curtained  structures.  Yet  this  room 
had  no  looking-glass  nor  toilet  articles,  bureau  nor  case  of 
drawers.  In  the  other  chamber  we  find  a  variety  of  miscel- 
laneous articles  besides  the  beds  and  l)e(kling,  a  saddle,  rolls  of 
canvas  of  different  value,  10  yds.  of  French  serge,  6  yds.  of 

HOMES    AND     DRESS.  31 

carpeting",  reinuants  of  lioUaud  aiul  a  valuable  assortiuent  of 
wearing  apparel,  worth  £22,  unfortunately  for  our  information, 
with  no  mention  of  garments  in  detail. 

In  Matthew  Whipple's  chamber,  there  were  7  chiklren's 
blankets,  and  a  pillion  cloth  and  foot  stool.  At  Joseph  Morse's, 
the  chamber  was  a  store  room,  where  were  deposited,  as  we 
have  mentioned: 

20  bushels  Indian  corn  £2-  10-0 

half  bushel  hemp  seede  2-0 

6  small  cheeses  2-0 

20  pounds  butter  10-0 

"  hemp  drest  and  undrest."  10-0 

One  other  fine  interior  must  be  noted — that  of  Nathaniel 
Rogers — pastor  of  the  church  from  Feb.,  lGo8,  to  1(355,  whose 
residence  stood  very  near  the  old  Baker  house,  so  called,  fronting 
on  the  South  Green,  and  whose  house  lot  reached  down  to  the 
River,  and  was  bounded  by  Mr.  Saltonstall's  property  on  the 
S.  W.  and  Isaac  Coming's  on  the  N.  E. 

Mr.  Rogers  died  in  1655  leaving  an  estate,  real  and  personal, 
valued  at  £1497,  a  princely  fortune  in  those  days.  His  hall 
contained  a  small  cistern,  with  other  implements,  valued  at  17s. 
(this  was  an  urn,  probably  of  pewter,  for  holding  water  and 
wine,  and  the  "other  implements"  were  wine-glasses  perhaps), 
two  Spanish  platters,  of  earthen  or  china  ware,  very  rare  at 
that  time,  a  chest  and  hanging  cupboard,  a  round  table  with 
five  joined  stools,  six  chairs  and  five  cushions.  Evidently 
this  was  a  dining  room,  for  the  kitchen  was  a  separate  room? 
with  an  elaborate  set  of  pewter  dishes,  flagons  and  the  like  that 
weighed  a  hundred  and  fifty  pounds,  and  the  usual  parapher- 
nalia of  cooking  utensils  including  a  "  jacke"  for  turning  the  spit. 

The  parlor  contained  some  rare  articles,  a  great  chair,  two 
pictures,  a  livery  cupboard,  a  clock  and  other  implements  worth 
three  pounds,  window  curtains  and  rods,  and  the  one  solitary 
musical  instrument  in  all  the  town,  so  far  as  early  inventories 
show,  "a  treble  violl,"  by  which  is  meant,  it  may  be  supposed, 
a  violin.  Yet  this  elegant  room  had  a  canopy  bed  and  down 

The  chamber  furnishings  were  exceptionally  fine.     Its  bed 


and  bc'ddinji  were  valiKnl  at  £14-10-0.  A  single  "pcrpetuanny 
coverlot"  was  appraised  at  £1-05-0.  There  was  a  f;ilt  looking 
glass,  a  "childing  wicker  basket"  for  the  l:)abies'  toilet,  perhaps, 
a  tal)le  basket,  and  a  sumptuous  store  of  linen.  A  single  suit 
of  diaper  table  linen  was  reckoned  at  £4.  two  pair  of  holland 
sheets  at  £3-10s.,  five  fine  pillow-beeres  or  cases,  £l-15s.,  and 
goods  brought  from  Old  England  worth  over  twenty  })ounds. 

In  th(>  chamber  over  the  hall  were  a  yellow  rug,  a  couch, 
silver  i)late  worth  £35-18s.,  and  the  only  watch  1  have  ever 
found  mentioned,  valued  at  £4,  in  adtlition  to  the  common 
furniture.  The  study  gloried  in  a  library,  worth  £100-0-0,  an 
extraordinary  collection  of  books,  revealing  scholarly  tastes  as 
well  as  a  plethoric  purse,  a  cabinet,  a  desk  and  two  chairs,  and 
a  jmir  of  creepers  or  little  fire  irons. 

In  contrast  with  the  comfort  and  luxury  of  these  fine  homes, 
"the  short  and  simple  annals  of  the  poor"  would  be  of  deep 
interest.  Unfortunately  for  us,  as  well  as  for  the  humble  folk 
themselves,  who  dwelt  in  houses  sixteen  and  eighteen  feet 
square,  their  belongings  were  so  few  and  cheap  that  an  inven- 
tory seemed  superfiuous,  and  we  are  left  largely  to  our  own 
surmising  as  to  how  they  lived.  One  glimpse  into  the  humbler 
sort  of  home  is  permitted  us  in  the  inventory  of  William  Averill. 
His  will  was  entered  in  1652.  He  gave  to  each  of  his  seven 
children  the  sum  of  five  shillings,  "for  my  outward  estate  being 
but  small."  In  his  inventory  his  house  and  lot  were  appraised 
at  £10,  and  the  furnishings  enumerated  are: 

1  iron  pott,  1  brass  pott,  1  frying  pan,  4  pewter  platters 
1  flagon,  1  iron  kettle,  1  brass  kettle,  I  copper,  1  brass 

pan,  and  some  otlier  small  things,  £  i;-17-0 

2  chests,  1  fether  bed,  1  other  bed,  2  pair  of  sheets,  2 
holsters,  3  pillows,  2  blankets,  1  coverlid,  1  bedstead, 

and  other  small  linen,  5-10-0 

2  coats  and  wearing  apparel  3-0-0 

a  warming  |)an  3-0 

a  tub,  2  pails,  a  few  books  10-0 

a  corslett  1-  0-0 

The  total  of  house,  land,  cattle  and  goods  was  £50. 
He  was  not  desperately  i)oor  then,  but  his  circimistances 
were    somewhat    narrow.     His    family    numbered    nine    souls. 

HOMES    AND    DRESS.  33 

yet  they  had  but  one  bedstead,  and  beds  and  bedding  only 
adequate  for  this,  antl  foin-  pewter  platters  for  the  daily  meals. 
How  these  nine  Averills  ate  and  slept  would  be  an  entertaining 
story,  and  a  reproof  to  much  discontent. 

In  Coffin's  History  of  Newbury  I  find  the  following,  under 
the  date  of  1657:  "Steven  Dow  did  acknowledge  to  him  it  was 
a  good  while  before  he  could  eate  his  master's  food,  viz.  meate 
and  milk,  or  drinke  beer,  saying  he  did  not  know  it  was  good, 
because  he  was  not  used  to  eat  such  victuall,  but  to  eate  bread 
and  water  porridge,  and  to  drink  water."  No  doubt  many  a 
family  of  the  poorer  sort  lived  as  frugally  as  he. 

The  house  of  John  Winthrop,  jun.,  who  led  the  little  band 
of  settlers  to  our  town  in  1633,  is  the  most  interesting  of  the 
earliest  homes.  "An  Inventorie  of  Mr.  Winthropps  goods  of 
Ipswitch,"  made  by  William  Clerk,  about  the  year  1636,  while 
Mr.  Winthrop  was  in  England,  has  recently  come  into  the  posses- 
sion of  the  Historical  Society.  Thanks  to  the  carefulness  of  the 
ancient  recorder,  we  know  the  contents  of  every  room,  and  we 
find  far  less  of  luxury  than  Mr.  Rogers  enjoyed.  Indeed,  the 
humblest  of  his  fellow-citizens  might  have  felt  at  home  in  the 
unpretentious  domicile  of  the  excellent  young  leader.  The 
inventory  was  made  at  so  early  a  date,  moreover,  that  it  gives 
us  certain  knowledge  of  the  rooms  and  their  furnishings  of  one 
of  the  original  houses. 

Imp";      In    the     Cham'  oV  the   parlor     1     feath"^  bed     1     banckett 
1  cov''lett  1  blew  rugg  1  boster  &  2  pillowes. 
truiick  marked  with  R.  W.  F.  wherein  is 
1  mantle  of  silk  wth  gld  lace 
1  holland  tablecloth  some  3  yards  loung 
1  pr.  SSS  hoU  [twilled holland?]  sheets 
1  pillo  bear  half  full  of  childs  liuning,  etc." 

5  childs  blanketts  whereof  one  is  bare  million 
1  cushion  for  a  child  of  chamlett 

1  cours  table  cloth  3  yards  long 

6  cros  cloths  and  2  gnives? 

9  childs  bedds  2  duble  clouts  1  p'  hoU  sleeves 
4  apons  whereof  1  is  laced 

2  smocks  2  pr  sheets  1  napkin 

1  whit  square  chest  wherein  is 
1  doz.  dyp.  [diaper  ?]  napkins  1  damsk  napkin 
1  doz.  hoU  napkins 


2  doz.  &  2  uapkius 
2  cuberil  cloths 
II  pillow  bcares 
II  SSS  napkius 
2  table  cloths 
i  towillis 

1  SSS  hoU  shirt 

2  dyp  tow  ills 

3  dyp  table  cloths 

I  pf  SSS  hoU  sheets 

I  long  great  chest  where  in  is 
I  black  gowne  tam'y 
I  gowne  sea  greeue 

1  childs  baskett 

2  old  petticotts  I  red  1  sand  coU"^  serg 
1  pr  leath"^  stockins  1  muff 

1  window  cushion 

5  (luisliion  cases  1  small  pillowe 

I  peece  stript  linsy  woolsy 

1  pr  boddyes 

I  tapstry  cov''lett 

I  peece  lininge  stuff  for  curtins 

I  red  bayes  cloake  for  a  woman 

1  pr  of  sheets 

In  the  Cham''  ov'"  the  kychin 

1  fealh''bed  I  boster  I  pillowe  2  blanketts 

2  ruggs  bl.  &  w* 

2  floq  bedds  5  ruggs  2  bolsters  I  pillowe 
I  broken  warming  pan 

In  the  Garrett  Cham'"  ov''  the  Storehouse 
many  small  things  glasses,  potts  etc. 

In  the  Parlor 

1  bedsted  I  trundle  bedsted  w"»  curtains  &  vallences 

I  table  &  G  stooles 

1  miiskett,  I  small  fowleing  peece  w"*  rest  and  bandeleer 

ff  1  trunk  of  pewter 

tf  1  cabbinett,  wherin  the  servants  say  is 

rungs  [rings?]  iewills  I3sil''  spoones  this  1  cannot  open 

^  I  cabbinett  of  Surgerie 

In  the  kyttchin 

I  brass  baking  pan 

5  milk  pans 

I  small  pestle  &  niorter 


HOMES    AND    DRESS.  35 

1  Steele  mill 

14  muskets,  rests  &  bandeleers 

2  iron  kettles  2  copp"^  1  brasse  kettle 

1  iron  pott 

2  bl jacks 

2  skillitts  whertof  one  is  brasse 

4  porrinyors 

1  spitt  I  grat"^ 

1  p''  racks  1  p"^  aiidirnes  1  old  iron  rack 

1  iron  pole  1  grediron  1  p"^  tongs 

2  brass  ladles  1  p""  bellowes 
2  stills  w"'  bottnras 

In  M  Wards  hands 

1  silv"^  cupp  6  spoones  I  salt  of  silver 
In  the  ware  howse 

2  great  chests  naled  upp 

1  cliest  1  trunk  w'''>  I  had  ord""  not  to  open 

1  chest  of  tooles 

^  6  coAves  a  steeres  2  heitters 

#  dyv«  peeces  of  iron  and  Steele 

Mr.  Winthrop's  wife  and  infant  daughter  had  died  not 
long  before,  and  a  pathetic  interest  attaches  to  the  contents  of 
the  chests.  The  trundle  bed  in  the  parlor  would  indicate  that 
this  had  been  the  family  sleeping  room.  Evidently  there  were 
but  four  rooms  and  the  house  we  can  easily  imagine  was  small 
and  unassuming. 

A  demure  Puritan  simplicity,  we  may  think,  characterized 
the  dress  of  our  forefathers.  Life  in  the  wilderness  may  seem 
to  harmonize  only  with  coarse  and  cheap  attire,  for  an  age  of 
homespun  logically  admitted  of  no  finery.  Such  preconcep- 
tions are  wide  of  the  truth.  Puritan  principle  required  a  pro- 
test against  current  fashion  as  against  religious  and  social 
usages;  but  the  elegance  and  expensiveness  of  both  male  and 
female  dress  in  Old  England  had  been  so  great  that  a  goodly 
degree  of  reaction  and  repression  could  find  place  and  yet  leave 
no  small  remnant  of  goodly  and  gay  attire.  Not  a  few  of 
those  men  and  women  of  old  Ipswich  came  from  homes  of 
luxury, — Dudley  and  Bradstreet  from  the  castle  home  of  the 
Earl  of  Jvincoln;  Saltonstall  from  contact  with  the  nobility  in 
his  knightly  father's  house;  Winthrop  and  Whittingham  from 


fine  fuinily  coiiiu'ction.s.  Many  fair  Enfj;  custunics  found 
place  in  tlicii'  chests  and  strong  boxes  that  came  over  the  seas, 
antl  the  ])lain  houses  and  phiiner  meeting-house  were  radiant, 
on  Sal)bath  da.ys  and  high  days,  with  l)rigiit  cok)rs  and  fine 

The  common  dress  of  men  was  far  more  showy  than  tlie 
fashion  of  today.  A  loose-fitting  coat,  called  a  doublet, 
reached  a  little  Ijelow  the  hips.  Beneath  this,  a  long,  full 
waistcoat  was  worn.  Baggy  trousers  were  met  just  below  the 
knee  by  long  stockings,  which  were  held  in  ])lace  by  garters, 
tied  with  a  bow-knot  at  the  side.  About  the  neck,  a  "falling 
band"  found  place,  a  broad,  white  collar,  that  api)ears  in  all 
))ictures  of  the  time;  and  a  hat  with  conical  crown  and  broad 
brim  completed  the  best  attire.  A  great  cloak  or  heavy  long 
coat  secm-ed  warmth  in  winter.  Their  garments  were  of  various 
materials  and  colors.  Unfortunately,  wearing  apparel  is  usually 
mentioned  in  the  bulk  in  inv(>ntories.  but  occasional  specifica- 
tions afford  us  an  idea  of  the  best  raiment. 

Mention  is  made  of  "a  large  blew  cote"  and  "a  large  white 
coat;"  of  a  fine  "purple  cloth  sute,  doublett  and  hose"  belonging 
to  John  Goffe  or  Goss  of  Newbury,  who  also  had  a  short  coat, 
a  pair  of  lead-colored  breeches,  a  green  doublett,  a  cloth  doublett, 
a  leather  doublett,  also  leather  and  woolen  stockings,  two  hats 
and  a  cloth  cap.  The  men  generally  had  their  rough  suits  of 
leather  and  homespun  for  the  farm  work,  and  the  delicate  cloth- 
ing for  special  occasions.  So  we  find  musk-colored  broadcloth 
and  damson-colored  cloth,  cloth  grass-green,  blue  waistcoats 
and  green  waistcoats,  cloth  hose,  and  hose  of  leather  and  woolen 
stuff,  boots  and  shoes,  black  hats,  home-made  caps,  gloves, 
silver  buttons,  of  which  John  Cross  owned  three  dozen  and  one, 
and  sometimes  a  gown. 

Of  the  ladies'  wardrobe,  I  am  loath  to  speak.  Certain  pop- 
ular pictures  of  Priscilla  at  her  spinning,  and  sweet  Puritan 
maidens  watching  the  departure  of  the  Mayflower,  have  pleased 
our  fancy,  and  forthwith  we  clothe  the  women  of  the  days  of 
old  in  quaker-like  caps  and  dresses,  graceful  in  their  simplicity, 
—  nun-like  garbs,  over  which  Dame  Fashion  had  no  tyranny. 
But  the  truth  be  told. 

Widow  Jane  Kenning,  who  lived  near  the  corner  of  Lonev's 

HOMES     AND    DRESS,  57 

Lane,  had  for  her  best  array,  "a  cloth  oowne/'  worth  £2  5s.. 
"a  serge  gown"  vahied  at  £2,  "a  red  petticoat  with  two  laces," 
appraised  at  a  pound  sterling,  and  lesser  ones  of  serge  and  para- 
gon, a  cloth  waistcoat  and  a  linsey  woolsey  apron.  That 
"cloth  waistcoat"  was  no  mean  affair,  I  judge.  The  lawyer, 
Thomas  Lechford  of  Boston,  who  indulged  in  a  silver-laced 
coat  and  a  gold-wrought  cap  for  himself,  records:  "Received 
of  Mr.  Geo.  Story,  four  yards  and  half  a  quarter  of  tuft  holland 
to  make  my  wife  a  wastcoate  at  2s.  8d.  a  yard."  Widow  Ken- 
ning's  was  worth  8s.  Lechford  also  enters  under  date  1640, 
Feb.  1:  "I  pay'd  John  Hiu'd  [a  tailor  in  Boston],  delivered  to 
his  wife  by  Sara  our  niayd,  for  making  my  wife's  gown,  8s." 
"Tailor  made"  dresses  are  not  a  modern  invention,  then,  and 
if  Boston  dames  were  patrons  of  tailors, the  ladies  of  aristocratic 
Ipswich  were  not  a  whit  behind.  For  common  wear,  blue  linen, 
lockram  or  coarse  linen,  linsey-woolsey,  mohair,  a  mixture  of 
linen  and  wool,  and  holland  were  the  common  materials. 

Dame  Eliz.  Lowle  of  Newbury  had  her  riding  suit  and  muff, 
silver  bodkins  and  gold  rings.  Some  interesting  letters  to 
Madame  Rebekah  Symonds,  widow  of  the  Deputy  Governor, 
from  her  son  by  a  former  marriage  in  London,  in  the  Antiqua- 
rian papers,  reveal  these  wardrobe  secrets.  He  wrote  in  1664 
of  sending  his  mother  a  "flower  satin  mantle  lined  with  sarsnet. 
£1  10s.,  a  silver  clasp  for  it,  2s.  6d.,  cinnamon  taffity,  15s.,  two 
Cambrick  whisks  with  two  pare  of  cuffs,  £1"  also,  in  the  same 
ship,  "a  light  blew  blanket,  200  pins,  1^  yards  chamlet,  also 
Dod  on  the  Commandments  (bound  in  green  plush),  also  a 
pair  of  wedding  gloves,  and  my  grandmother's  funeral  ring." 
In  1673,  he  sent  "one  ell  n  of  fine  bag  Holland,  2  yds.  |  of 
lute-string,  a  Lawn  whiske,  wool  cards  one  paire,  a  Heath 
Brush,  2  Ivorie  Combe,  ye  bord  box  rest." 

In  her  sixtieth  year,  Madam  Symonds,  keenly  alive  to  the 
demands  of  fashion,  had  written  her  son  for  a  fashionable 
Lawn  whiske;  but  he,  anxious  to  gratify  her,  yet  desirou.-  as 
well  that  his  mother  should  be  dressed  in  strict  accord  with 
London  fashion,  replied  that  the  "fashionable  Lawn  whiske  is 
not  now  worn,  either  by  Gentil  or  simple,  young  or  old.  In- 
stead whereof  I  have  bought  a  shape  and  ruffles,  which  is  now 


tho  vvaro  of  tlie  <>;ravost  as  woll  as  tho  yoiino;  onos.  Such  as  g,oo 
not  with  naked  necks  ware  a  blaek  wifle  over  it.  'rher(>f()re, 
I  have  not  only  Bouo;ht  a  plaine  one  yt  you  .sent  for,  hut  also  a 
TiUstre  one,  such  as  are  most  in  fashion." 

She  had  sent  for  (lanison-coU)red  Si)anish  k^ath(M-  for  women's 
shoes.  This,  he  informed  her,  was  wholly  out  of  style  and  use, 
and  "as  to  the  feathered  fan,  I  should  also  have  found  in  my 
heart,  to  have  let  it  alone,  because  none  but  very  orave  persons 
(and  of  them  very  few)  use  it.  That  now  'tis  o-j-own  almost  as 
obsolete  as  Russets,  and  more  rare  to  be  seen  than  a  yellow 

Nevertheless,  to  please  the  exacting  leader  of  the  Ipswich 
ton,  he  sent,  with  ten  yards  of  silk,  and  two  yards  of  TiUstre 
"a  feather  fan  and  silver  handle,  two  tortois  fans,  200  needles, 
5  yds.  sky  calico,  silver  gimp,  black  sarindin  cloak,  damson 
leather  skin,  two  women's  Ivorie  knives,  etc." 

Madame  Symonds  was  no  more  addicted  to  the  uttermost 
extreme  of  fashion  than  were  the  women  of  the  first  years  of  the 
settlement  and  the  men  themselves,  we  must  confess.     It  is  one 
of  the  anomalies  of  history  that  the  most  religious  of  all  people, 
as  we  have  come  to  think  them,  the  Sabbath-keeping,  church- 
going  Puritans,  should  have  been  so  far  in  thraldom  to  the 
world,  the  flesh  and  the  devil,  that  they  were  guilty  of  frivolous 
excess  in  aping  the  fashions  of  the  mother-land.     But  so  it  was. 
In  1634,  the  love  of  fine  clothes  was  so  notorious,  that  the 
General  Court  felt  constrained  to  lament  "the  greate  supflu- 
ous,  and  unnecessary  expences  occaconed  by  reason  of   some 
newe  and  imodest  fashions,  as  also  the  ordinary  wearing  of 
silver,  golde  and  silk  laces,  girdles,  hat-bands,  etc."  and  ordered 
fortliwith  that  no  person,  either  man  or  woman,  "shall  here- 
after make  or  buy  an  appell  either  woolen,  silke  or  lynnen, 
with  any  lace  in  it,  silver,  golde,  silke  or  threade,"  under  pen- 
alty of  forfeiture  of  such  clothes — "also  noe  ^son,  either  man 
or  woman,  shall  make  or  buy  any  slashed  cloathes,  other  than 
one  slash  in  each  sleeve  and  another  in  the  backes;  also  all 
cut-works,  imbroidered  or  needle  worke,   cappes,  bands  and 
rayles,  are  forbidden  hereafter  to  be  made  or  worn,  under  the 
aforesaid  penalty."     Apparel  already  in  use  might  be  worn 



HOMES    AND    DRESS.  39 

out,  but  the  immoderate  great  sleeves,  slashed  apparel,  immod- 
erate great  "rayles."  long  wings,  etc.,  were  to  be  curtailed  and 
remodelled  more  modestly  at  once. 

In  1639,  when  our  town  had  been  gathering  strength  six 
years,  the  fiat  again  went  forth  against  "women's  sleeves  more 
than  half  an  ell  wide  in  the  widest  place,  immoderate  great 
breches,  knots  of  ryban,  broad  shoulder  bands  and  rayles,  silk 
roses,  double  ruffes  and  cuffes,  etc."  Sleeves  were  a  target 
for  Shakespeare's  wit. 

"What,  this  a  sleeve? 

There's   snip,  and  nip;  and  out  and  slish  and  slash, 
Like  to  a  censor  in  a  barber's  shop." 

No  doubt  the  women  of  Ipswich  needed  admonition  in 
these  particulars,  and  some  of  the  men  most  likely  walked 
abroad  with  their  doublet  sleeves  slashed  to  display  the  fine 
linen  shirt  sleeves  beneath,  with  too  large  trousers  and  knots  of 
ribbon  in  their  shoes,  or  wearing  boots  with  flaring  tops,  nearly 
as  large  as  the  brim  of  a  hat,  very  conspicuous,  if  made  of  "white 
russet"  leather,  as  Edward  Skinner's  in  1641.  Perchance  they 
dared  to  wear  their  hair  below  the  ears,  and  falling  upon  the 
neck.  The  English  Roundhead  with  short,  cropped  hair,  in 
obedience  to  Paul's  injunction,  was  the  ideal  of  the  sterner 
Puritans  of  our  Colony,  but  there  was  from  the  beginning  a 
persistent  determination  by  some  of  the  more  frivolous  sort,to 
wear  long  hair.  Higginson  jocosely  discovered  the  origin  of 
the  fashion  in  the  long  lock  worn  by  Indian  braves.  The 
General  Court  set  its  face  as  a  flint  against  this  in  1634.  It  was  a 
burning  theme  of  pulpit  address,  and  the  clergy  prescribed  that 
the  hair  should  by  no  means  lie  over  the  band  or  doublet  collar, 
biit  might  grow  a  little  below^  the  ear  in  winter  for  warmth. 

Rev.  Nath.  Ward,  in  his  Simple  Cobler,  dispensed  wisdom: 
"If  it  be  thought  no  wisdome  in  men  to  distinguish  themselves 
in  the  field  by  the  Scissers,  let  it  be  thought  no  injustice  in  God 
not  to  distinguish  them  by  the  sword,"  and  "I  am  sure  men 
use  not  to  wear  such  manes."  It  was  derisively  suggested  that 
long  nails  like  Nebuchadnezzar's  would  be  next  in  fashion. 
Rev.  Ezekiel  Rogers  of  Rowley  was  so  bitter  in  his  detestation 
of  the  habit  that  he  cut  off  his  nephew  from  his   inheritance 


becauso  of  his  porsistonco;  and  in  his  Election  sermon  before 
tlie  (JiMieral  Court,  he  assaiknl  lonfi  hair  with  fiery  zeal. 

So  enormous  was  the  offence  that  on  May  10,  1649,(Jovernor 
Endieott.  Deputy  Governor  Dudley  and  seven  of  the  Assistants 
thus  declared  themselves:  "Forasmuch  as  the  wearing  of  long 
hair  after  the  manner  of  ruffians  and  barbarous  Indians  has 
begun  to  invade  New  England,  contrary  to  the  rule  of  God's 
woril,  which  says  it  is  a  shame  for  a  man  to  wear  long  hair,  etc.. 
We,  the  magistrates,  who  have  subscribed  this  paper,  (for  the 
shewing  of  our  own  innocency  in  this  liehalf)  do  declare  and 
manifest  our  dislike  and  detestation  against  the  wearing  of 
such  long  hair,  as  against  a  thing  uncivil  and  unmanly,  whereby 
men  doe  deforme  themselves,  and  offend  sober  and  modest 
men,  and  doe  corrupt  good  manners.  We  doe,  therefore, 
earnestly  entreat  all  the  elders  of  this  jurisdiction  (as  often  as 
they  shall  see  cause  to  manifest  their  zeal  against  it  in  their  pub- 
lic administration)  to  take  care  that  the  members  of  their  re- 
spective churches  be  not  defiled  therewith;  that  so  such  as 
shall  prove  obstinate  and  will  not  reforme  themselves,  may 
have  God  and  man  to  witness  against  them." 

Some  gay-plumed  ladies  of  his  Ipswich  church  may  have 
been  in  his  mind,  when  grim  Mr.  Ward  discharged  himself  of 
his  ill-humor  against  the  sex,  affirming  "When  I  heare  a  nu- 
giperous  Gentle-dame  inquire  what  dress  the  Queen  is  in  this 
week,  what  the  nudius  tertian  of  the  Court,  I  look  at  her  as  the 
very  gizzard  of  a  trifle,  the  product  of  a  quarter  of  a  cypher,  the 
epitome  of  nothing,  fitter  to  be  kickt,  if  she  were  of  a  kickable 
substance,  than  either  honored  or  humored." 

"To  speak  moderately,  I  truly  confess  it  is  beyond  the  ken 
of  my  understanding  to  conceive,  how  those  women  should 
have  any  true  grace  or  valuable  vertue,  that  have  so  little  wit 
as  to  disfigure  themselves  with  such  exotick  garbs,  as  not  only 
dismantles  their  native  lovely  lustre,  but  transclouts  them 
into  gant  bar-geese,  ill-shapen.  shotten  shell-fish,  Egyptian 
hieroglyphics,  or  at  the  best  into  French  flurts  of  the  pastry, 
which  a  proper  English  woman  should  scorn  with  her  heels. 
It  is  no  marvel  they  wear  drailes  on  the  hinder  part  of  their 
heads,  having  nothing  as  it  seems  in  the  fore-part  but  a  few 

HOMES    AND    DRESS.  41 

Squirrel  brains  to  help  them  frisk  from  one  ill-favor'cl  fortune 
to  another." 

His  indignation  against  tailors  for  lending  their  art  to  clothe 
women  in  French  fashions  was  intense:  "It  is  a  more  common 
than  convenient  saying  that  nine  Taylors  make  a  man ;  it  were 
well  if  nineteene  could  make  a  woman  to  her  minde;  if  Taylors 
were  men  indeed,  well  furnished  but  with  meer  morall  principles, 
they  would  disdain  to  be  led  about  like  apes,  by  such  mimick 
Marmosets.  It  is  a  most  imworthy  thing  for  men  that  have 
bones  in  them  to  spend  their  lives  in  making  fidle-cases  for 
futilous  women's  phansies;  which  are  the  very  pettitoes  of  in- 
fermity,  the  gyblets  of  perquisquilian  toyes." 

Ridicule,  precept  and  statute  law  were  alike  powerless  to 
check  this  over-elegance.  Again,  in  1651,  the  General  Court 
repeated  its  "^greife  .  .  .  that  intollerable  excesse  and 
bravery  hath  crept  in  upon  us,  and  especially  amongst  people 
of  meane  condition,  to  the  dishonor  of  God,  the  scandall  of  its 
professors,  the  consumption  of  estates,  and  altogether  unsute- 
able  to  our  povertie."  Hence  it  proceeded  to  declare  its  "utter 
detestation  and  dislike  that  men  or  women  of  mean  condition, 
educations  and  callings  should  take  upon  them  the  garb  of 
gentlemen  by  the  wearing  of  gold  and  silver  lace,  or  buttons, 
or  poynts  at  their  knees,  to  walke  in  greate  bootes,  or  women  of 
the  same  ranke  to  wear  silke  or  tiffany  hoodes  or  scarfes,  which 
though  allowable  to  persons  of  greater  estate  or  more  liberal 
education,  yet  we  cannot  but  judge  intollerable  in  person  of 
such  like  condition." 

So,  at  last,  it  was  ordered  that  no  person  whose  visible 
estate  did  not  exceed  £200  should  wear  such  buttons  or  gold 
or  silver  lace,  or  any  bone  lace  above  2s.  per  yard  or  silk  hoods 
or  scarfs,  upon  penalty  of  10s.  for  each  offence.  Magistrates  and 
their  families,  military  officers,  soldiers  in  time  of  service,  or 
any  whose  education  or  employments  were  above  the  ordinarv 
were  excepted  from  the  operation  of  this  law. 

The  judicial  powers  were  in  grim  earnest,  and  at  the  March 
term  of  the  Quarter  Sessions  Court,  in  Ipswich,  some  of  her 
gentle  folk  felt  the  power  of  the  law. 

Ruth  Haffield,  daughter  of  the  widow  whose  farm  was  near 
the  bridge,  still  called  "HafReld's,"  was    "presented"  as  the 


legal  })hrasc  is,  for  oxcoss  in  apparel,  but  iijx)!!  the  affidavit  of 
Richard  Coy,  that  her  inotlKM-  was  worth  £200  she  was  dis- 
eharKod.  Georfje  I'almer  was  fined  10s.  and  fees  for  wearing 
silver  lace.  Sanuiel  Broeklebank,  taxed  with  the  same  offence, 
was  discharged.  The  vvif(^  of  .John  Hutchings  was  called  to 
account  shortly  after  for  wearing  a  silk  hood,  but  she  proved 
that  she  had  been  brought  up  above  the  ordinary  rank  and  was 
discharged.  John  Whipple  made  it  evident  that  he  was  worth 
the  recpiisite  £200  and  his  good  wife  escaped.  Anthony  Potter, 
Richard  Brabrook,  Thomas  Harris,  Thomas  Maybe  and  Edward 
Brown  were  all  called  upon  to  justify  their  wives'  finery. 

In  1659  the  daughter  of  Humphrey  Griffin  presumed  to 
indulge  in  a  silk  scarf,  and  her  father  was  fined  10s.  and  court 
fees.  John  Kimball  was  able  to  prove  his  pecuniary  ability 
and  his  wife  wore  her  silk  scarf  henceforth  unquestioned.  As 
late  as  1675,  Arthur  Abbott,  who  is  mentioned  as  the  be^arer  of 
fine  dress  goods  from  Madame  Symonds's  son  in  London,  and 
who  very  naturally  may  have  brought  his  good  wife  some  finery 
from  the  London  shops,  was  obliged  to  pay  his  10s.  for  his 
wife's  public  wearing  of  a  silk  hood.  Benedict  Pulcipher  for  his 
wife,  Haniell  Bosworth  for  his  two  daughters,  John  Kindrick, 
Thomas  Knowlton  and  Obadiah  Bridges  for  their  wives'  over 
dress,  were  called  to  account  before  judge  and  jury. 

The  middle  of  the  century  found  one  of  the  most  whimsical 
and  extraordinary  fashions  in  vogue  in  England,  and  New 
England  was  infected  as  well,  we  presume.  Ladies  decorated 
their  faces  with  court-plaster,  cut  in  fantastic  shapes.  Bulwer, 
in  his  "Artificial  Changeling,"  published  in  1650,  in  England, 
speaking  of  these  patches  says  "some  fill  their  visage  full  of 
them,"  and  he  describes  the  shapes  one  fine  lady  delighted  to 
wear:  "a  coach  with  a  coachman  and  two  horses  with  postilions 
on  her  forehead,  a  crescent  under  each  eye,  a  star  on  one  side 
of  her  mouth,  a  plain  circular  patch  on  her  chin." 

In  "Wit  Restored,"  a  poem  printed  in  1658: 

"Her  patches  are  of  every  cut 
For  pimples  and  for  scars ; 
Here's  all  the  wanderinsj  planets'  signs 
And  some  of  the  fixed  stars, 
Already  gummed  to  make  them  stick. 
They  need  no  other  sky." 

HOMES     AND    DRESS.  43 

As  the  century  waned,  the  offence  of  wearing  lono-  hair  paled 
into  insignificance  beside  the  unspeakal^le  sin  of  wearing  wigs. 
Hap])ily,  or  unhappily,  as  the  point  of  view  varies,  the  ministers 
could  not  agree  in  this.  The  portrait  of  Rev.  John  Wilson,  of 
Boston,  who  died  in  1667,  presents  him  wearing  a  full  wig, 
and  many  of  the  clergy  were  addicted  to  the  same  head-gear; 
but  pul)lic  sentiment  was  strong  against  the  fashion,  and  the 
rieneral  Court  in  1675,  condemned  "the  practise  of  men's  wear- 
ing their  own  or  other's  hair  made  into  periwigs."  Judge  Sewall 
alludes  to  the  hated  custom  with  spiteful  brevity  in  his  Diary. 

.q685— Sept.  16.     Three  admitted  to  the  church.    Two  wore  periwigs.'- 
.ilG97— Mr.  Noyes  of  Salem  wrote  a  treatise  on  periwigs." 
.il708— Aug.  20.     Mr.  Cheever  died.     The  welfare  of  the  province  was 
much  upon  his  heart.     He  abominated  periwigs." 

The  Judge  felt  such  extreme  virulence  toward  these  "  Horrid 
Bushes  of  Vanity,"  that  he  would  not  sit  under  the  ministra- 
tions of  his  own  pastor,  who  had  cut  off  his  hair  and  donned  a 
wig,  but  worshipped  elsewhere. 

In  our  neighbor  town  of  Newbury,  the  clerical  wig  was  so 
much  an  affront  that,  in  1752,  Richard  Bartlett  was  taken  to 
task  for  refusing  to  commune  with  the  chiu'ch  because  the  pastor 
wore  a  wig,  and  because  the  church  justified  him  in  it,  and  also 
for  that  "he  sticks  not  from  time  to  time  to  assert  with  the 
greatest  assurance  that  all  who  wear  wigs,  unless  they  repent  of 
that  particular  sin  before  they  die,  will  certainly  l)e  damned, 
which  we  judge  to  be  a  piece  of  uncharitable  and  sinful  rash- 

But  the  battle  was  already  lost.  In  1722,  here  in  Ipswich 
just  about  on  the  site  of  the  Seminary  building,  Patrick 
Farrin,  chirurgeon,  boldly  hung  out  his  sign,  "periwig-maker" 
and  the  gentlemen  of  Ipswich  could  have  their  wigs  and  keep 
then  curled,  powdered  and  frizzled  as  fashion  required. 

Women,  too,  were  given  to  marvellous  coiffures.  Cotton 
Mather  apostrophized  the  erring  sex  in  1683— "Will  not  the 
haughty  daughters  of  Zion  refrain  their  pride  in  apparel?  Will 
they  lay  out  their  hair,  and  wear  their  false  locks,  their  borders 
and  towers  like  comets  about  their  heads?"  They  were  called 
"apes  of  Fancy,  friziling  and  curlying  of  their  hayr."  They 
had  fallen  far  away  from  the  Puritan  "bangs"  to  which  Hig- 


o;insoii  alliulos  in  his  comment  on  tlie  Indians.  "Thoir  hair 
is  gciu'rally  black  and  cnt  l)(>fore  like  our  gentlewomen."  Then, 
their  hair  was  built  aloft  and  extended  out  "like  butterfly 
wings  over  the  ears."  "False  locks  were  set  on  wyers  to  make 
them  stand  at  a  distance  from  the  head."  A  bill  is  mentioned 
by  Felt,  as  contracted  in  this  town  in  1697  "for  wire  and  catgut 
in  making  up  attire  for  the  head." 

But  legal  restriction  of  dress  was  at  an  end.  The  whim  of 
the  wearer,  and  the  state  of  the  purse,  henceforth  determined 
the  fashion  of  head  dress  and  raiment. 



The  little  colony  of  a  dozen  souls  became  at  once  a  con- 
spicuous center  of  light  and  influence.  The  leader,  John  Win- 
throp,  eldest  son  of  the  Governor,  gave  great  prestige.'  He 
had  been  a  student  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin,  and  after  a  course 
of  legal  study  had  been  admitted  a  barrister  of  the  Inner  Tem- 
ple, February  28,  1624-5.  A  few  years  later  he  entered  the 
navy  and  served  with  the  fleet  under  the  Duke  of  Buckingham, 
for  the  relief  of  the  French  Protestants  of  La  Rochelle.  He 
spent  more  than  a  year  in  foreign  travel.  Cultured  and  com- 
panionable, he  drew  about  him  by  the  force  of  his  personality 
that  group  of  eminent  men,  which  made  Ipswich  a  town  of 
rare  quality. 

One  of  the  earliest  arrivals  was  Nathaniel  Ward,  the  first  of 
the  long  line  of  eminent  ministers.  Thomas  Parker  had 
served  the  church  for  a  few  months,  but  had  removed  with  his 
company  to  Newbury,  and  his  residence  seemed  to  have  been 
regarded  as  temporary. 

"Perhaps  no  other  Englishman  who  came  to  America  in 
those  days  brought  with  him  more  of  the  ripeness  that  is  born' 
not  only  of  time  and  study  but  of  distinguished  early  associa- 
tions, extensive  travel  in  foreign  lands,  and  varied  professional 
experience  at  home.  He  was  graduated  at  Emmanuel  College. 
Cambridge,  in  1603,  and  is  named  by  Fuller  among  the  learned 
writers  of  that  college  who  were  not  fellows.  .  .  .  His  per- 
sonal and  professional  standing  may  be  partly  inferred  from  his 
acquaintance  with  Sir  Francis  Bacon,  with  Archbishop  Usher, 
and  with  the  famous  theologian  of  Heidelberg,  David  Parens. "^ 
He  chose  the  law  as  his  profession  and  became  a  barrister  in  1615, 
but  while  travelling  on  the  Continent,  he  was  so  much  influenced 
by  the  advice  of  Parens,  that  he  decided  to  enter  the  ministry. 

1  See  "A  Sketch  of  John  Winthrop  the  Younger,"  I'ublications  of  the  Ipswich  His- 
torical Society,  vii. 

'  M.  C.  Tyler,  "History  of  Americitn  Literature",  vol.  I,  p.  2i7. 



though  he  wa.s  then  about  forty  years  old.  He  became  rector 
at  Htoiidou  Massey  in  Essex.  His  uiiconiproniising  Puritanism 
brou<i;ht  him  into  sharp  conflict  with  the  ruling  powers.  He 
refused  to  subscribe  to  the  articles  estal)lish(xl  by  the  Canon  of 
the  Church,  and  condemned  the  "Book  of  .Sports"  and  the 
practice  of  bowing  at  the  name  of  Jesus.  Sunnnoned  before 
Archbishop  Laud,  he  refused  to  conform  and  was  roughly  ex- 
conununicatcd  in  1633.  His  wife  died  at  about  the  same  time, 
leaving  two  sons  and  a  daughter.  Lonely,  sorrowful,  desi)airing 
of  any  asylum  or  field  of  usefulness  in  England,  in  common 
with  multitudes  of  Puritans,  he  turned  to  the  New  World  and. 
witli  iiis  family,  in  the  sixty-fourth  year  of  his  age,  landed  in 
1034.  He  spent  his  first  winter  in  Ipswich  in  Mr.  Winthrojj's 
house,'  as  Winthrop  had  gone  to  England  upon  the  death  of  his 
wife  in  the  autunm,  but  during  the  next  year  proljably,  took 
uj)  his  residence  in  his  own  home,  somewhere  on  the  eastern  side 
of  the  South  Common.  The  house  was  standing  in  Cotton 
Mather's  time,  and  he  says  that  Ward  had  inscribed  over  the 
fireplace,  the  Tiatin  legend,  "Sobrie,  juste,  pie"  (soberly, 
justly,  piously)  and  afterward, '  'laete"  (gladly).  Sober,  indeed, 
was  the  life  of  the  Cambridge  scholar  in  those  years,  amid  the 
privations  of  the  wilderness  life.  "I  intreate  you,"  he  wrote 
jmthetically  to  the  younger  Winthrop  when  a  shipload  of  pro- 
visions had  arrived,  "to  do  so  much  as  to  speake  to  him  (Mr. 
Coddington)  in  my  name,  to  reserve  some  meale  and  malt,  and 
what  victuals  else  he  thinks  meete,  till  our  River  be  open ;  our 
church  will  pay  him  duely  for  it.  I  am  very  destitute;  I  have 
not  above  6  bushells  of  corn  left,  and  other  things  answerable."^ 
"I  acknowledge,"  he  wrote  again  to  Mr.  Winthrop,  "I  am  ten- 
der and  more  unfit  for  solitariness  and  hardship  than  some 
other,  especially  at  this  tyme,  through  many  colds  and  seeds  of 
th(;  bay  sicknesses  I  brought  from  thence."  His  health  became 
impaired  and  in  a  few  years  he  gave  up  the  work  of  the  min- 
istry, but  turned  with  vigor  to  other  tasks  of  great  importance. 
In  the  year  1638  he  was  requested  by  the  colony  to  draw  up  a 
code  of  laws,  as  no  written  statutes  had  yet  been  fornnilated. 
He  was  fittetl  for  this  task  above  any  other  man  in  tlie  Colony 

■  U.  C.  Winthrop.     liifc  and  Letters  of  .lolin  Wiiitliro)),  voL  ii,  \>  l-.>6. 
'-  Miiss.  Hist.  Sec.  Collec.  series  4,  voL  vii,  pp.  24-26. 


by  his  legal  learnino;^  his  lonjj;  familiarity  with  the  legal  systems 
of  the  Old  World  and  his  mature  age. 

He  spent  three  years  in  this  work,  and  the  result  of  his 
labors  was  a  code  of  one  hundred  laws,  which  was  submitted 
to  the  judgment  of  the  General  Court,  discussed  in  every  town, 
and  finally  adopted  in  1641.  John  Cotton  was  associated 
with  him  nominally,  but  Governor  Winthrop  speaks  of  the 
code,  "as  composed  by  Mr.  Nathaniel  Ward,"'  and  it  has  been 
generally  recognized  as  his  work.^  "The  Body  of  Liberties,'? 
as  it  was  called,  has  challenged  the  admiration  of  many  acute 
students.   Speaking  of  the  Preamble,  Mr.  W.  F.  Poole  observes:^ 

"This  sublime  declaration  standing  at  the  head  of  the  first 
Code  of  Laws  in  New  England  was  the  production  of  no  common 
intellect.  It  has  the  movement  and  the  dignity  of  a  mind  like 
John  Milton's  or  Algernon  Sidney's,  and  its  theory  of  govern- 
ment was  far  in  advance  of  the  age.  A  bold  avowal  of  the 
rights  of  man,  and  a  plea  for  popular  freedom,  it  contains  the 
germs  of  the  memorable  declaration  of  July  4,  1776." 

Dr.  Francis  C.  Gray'*  remarks  upon  the  originality  of  this 
Code,  "although  it  retains  some  strong  traces  of  the  times,  it 
is,  in  the  main,  far  in  advance  of  them,  and  in  several  respects 
in  advance  of  the  Common  Law  of  England  at  this  day  (1818)." 
"It  shows,  that  our  ancestors,  "he  continues,  "instead  of  de- 
ducing their  laws  from  the  books  of  Moses,  established  at  the 
outset  a  code  of  fundamental  principles,  which  taken  as  a  whole, 
for  wisdom,  equity  and  adaptation  to  the  wants  of  their  com- 
munity, challenge  a  comparison  with  any  similar  production 
from  Magna  Charta  itself  to  the  latest  Bill  of  Rights  that  has 
been  put  forth  in  Europe  or  America." 

This  great  work  was  followed  by  another,  of  different  char- 
acter, but  of  unique  and  imperishable  renown,  the  famous 
satire,  "The  Simple  Cobler  of  Aggawam."  It  was  published  in 
England  in  1646,  and  attained  immediate  success.  Four  edi- 
tions were  called  for  before  the  year  closed.     Its  pungent  criti- 

1  Winthrop's  History  of  New  Enfrlaiid,  voL  II,  1st  ed.  p.  .55;  2nd  ed.  p.  66. 

«  "Remarks  on  the  early  Laws  of  Massachusetts  P.ay,  with  the  Code  adopted  in 
1641  and  called  the  Body  of  Liberties,  l)y  F.  C.  Gray,  LL.D.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Col- 
lee,  series  3,  viii,  191." 

■•>  Introduction  to  his  edition  of  .Johnsons  Wonder  Working  Providence,  page  Ixv. 

■*  Maes.  Hist.  Soc.'CoUectious,  aeries  3,  viii,  p.  199. 

48      IPSWICH,  IN  THE  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY  COLONY.  its  orif^inality  of  thought,  its  striking  vo('abiilaiy,  more 
rugged  and  individual  than  Carlyle's,  made  it  a  j^ioneer  work 
ill  that  (lei)artment  of  Hterature.' 

In  the  year  following  the  beginning  of  Mr.  Ward's  ministry, 
a  welcome  addition  to  the  settlement  was  made,  when  Richard 
Saltonstall,  eldest  son  of  Sir  Richard,  conspicuous  for  wealth 
and  highest  social  standing,  chose  this  town  for  his  home.  He 
was  oidy  twenty-five  years  old,  but  had  already  graduated 
from  Ennnanuel  College.  With  him  came  his  young  wife,  Mericl 
or  Muriel  Gurdon,  only  twenty-two  years  old,  and  the  baby 
Muriel  of  nine  months.  The  old  minister  was  more  than  glad, 
we  are  sure,  when  Saltonstall  built  his  house  only  a  few  rods 
away,  somewhere  on  the  sightly  fourteen  acres,  that  bordered 
on  the  Green,  the  Highway,  and  the  River,  not  far  from  the 
ancient  Mcjrrifield  house. 

Hie  community  honored  young  Saltonstall  at  once  with 
responsible  public  office.  He  was  elected  Deputy  to  the  Gen- 
eral Court,  and  in  1636,  was  appointed  to  hold  court  in  Ipswich. 
He  was  chosen  Assistant  in  1637,  and  was  re-elected  annually 
until  1649.  In  March,  1635-6,  the  General  Court  passed  an 
order  providing  that  a  certain  number  of  magistrates  should 
be  elected  for  a  life  term  as  a  standing  council.  The  measure 
proved  unpopular.  The  people  saw  in  it  an  irresponsible  body, 
the  existence  of  which  was  wholly  contrary  to  democratic  ideas. 

Some  action  was  taken  by  the  Court  looking  toward  its 
dissolution,  but  the  Council  still  remained.  Whereupon,  Mr. 
Saltonstall,  then  an  Assistant,  with  fair  prospect  of  becoming  a 
member  of  this  life  board,  wrote  a  book,  in  which  he  argued 
with  much  force  that  it  was  contrary  to  the  Charter  and  a  sinful 
innovation.  The  book  gave  great  offence,  and  many  demanded 
that  summary  punishment  be  visited  upon  its  author,  but  the 
book  was  rc^ferrcd  to  the  elders.  They  all  met  in  Ipswich  on  the 
18th  of  October,  1642,  differed  much  in  their  judgment  about 
it.  but  acknowledged  the  soundness  of  the  propositions  ad- 

Again  in  1645,  single-handed  and  alone,  he  lifted  up  his 
voice  like  a  trumpet  in  the  Great  and  General  Court,  when  Capt. 

'  See  an  excellent  review  of  this  work  in  M.  C.  Tyler's  History  of  American  Liter 
ature,  vol.  1,  page  228.  .  .  . 


James  Smith,  master  of  the  ship  Rainbow,  brought  into  the 
country  two  negroes  kidnapped  from  the  Guinea  coast.  He 
denounced  the  heinous  act  of  steaHng  these  poor  l)lacks,  as  con- 
trary to  the  Law  of  God  and  of  the  country,  demanded  that 
the  officers  of  the  ship  be  imprisoned,  and  addressed  a  petition, 
signed  by  himself  ah)ne,  praying  that  the  slaves  be  returned  at 
the  public  expense.  Mr.  Saltonstall  lived  to  be  an  old  man,  full 
of  honors,  but  nothing  gives  such  lustre  to  his  name  as  this 
strong  blow  for  the  emancipation  of  these  two  African  slaves.' 

That  same  year,  1635,  saw  the  incoming  of  another  family 
of  great  distinction.  Gov.  Thomas  Dudley,  having  retired 
from  the  chief  magistracy  in  May,  1635,  removed  from  Cam- 
bridge and  took  up  his  home  in  Ipswich.  He  had  distinguished 
himself  as  a  man  of  affairs  in  Cld  England,  and  brought  wealth 
and  reputation  to  the  Colony.  He  was  made  Dei)uty  Governor 
before  the  ship  sailed,  and  continued  in  that  office  until  1634, 
when  he  was  chosen  Governor.  He  was  in  his  sixtieth  year,  and 
a  notable  family  circle  had  grown  up  about  him.  His  daughter 
Ann  had  married  Simon  Bradstreet,  and  Patience  had  married 
Daniel  Denison.  Both  sons-in-law  accompanied  him  or  soon 
followed,  already  men  of  weight,  and  destined  to  play  a  great 
part  in  the  history  of  the  colony.  Denison  took  rank  at  once 
with  the  most  conpicuous  citizens.  He  was  chosen  Deputy 
to  the  General  Co-urt  the  same  year  he  arrived,  and  continued 
in  public  office  all  his  life,  as  Justice  of  the  lower  Court, 
Assistant,  and  leader  in  political  affairs.  He  was  the  one 
skilled  soldier  as  well,  and  became  the  military  leader  of  the 
Town  and  eventually  of  the  Colony.  Samuel  Symonds  soon 
arrived,  a  man  of  most  lovable  spirit,  and  a  sharer  with  Deni- 
son in  all  political  and  judicial  distinctions.  He  began  his 
public  career  with  the  offices  of  Town  Clerk  and  Deputy,  but 
died  while  holding  the  high  place  of  Deputy  Governor.  The 
careers  of  these  men  were  inwoven  with  the  history  of  our 
Town,  and  will  be  unfolded  as  later  events  claim  our  notice. 

Rev.  John  Norton^  came  as  associate  to  Mr.  Ward  near  the 
close  of  his  ministry.  He  was  then  thirty-two  years  old,  and 
had  gained  already  a  reputation  for  extraordinary  scholarship, 

>  Bonii's  History  of  Watertown,  ]>.  91")  and  foUowinff. 
2  Cotton  Mathcr'ti  Magnalia,  p.  32,  ed.  of  1772. 


and  .urcat  acutcness  in  the()l()<j;ical  controversies.  He  became 
tile  Teacher  of  tlie  Ipswicli  ciiurcli,  and  Mr.  Nathaniel  Rogers, 
liis  senior  by  eight  years,  was  ordained  as  Pastor  on  Feb.  20, 
lOoS.  Cotton  Mather  wrote  in  his  Eulogy  of  Mr.  Rogers  in  the 
Magnalia:  "Here  was  a  Renowned  Church  consisting  mostly 
of  such  illuminated  Christians,  that  their  Pastors  in  the  Exercise 
of  (heir  Ministry,  might  (as  Jerome  said  of  that  brave  woman, 
Marcella)  Sentire  se  non  tarn  Discipiilos  habere  quam  Judiccs 
(f(H>l  that  they  had  Judges  rather  than  Disciples).  His  Collegue 
here  was  the  celebrious  Norton,  and  glorious  was  the  Church  of 
Ipswich  now,  in  two  such  extraordinary  persons,  with  their 
different  Gifts,  but  united  Hearts,  carrying  on  the  Concerns  of 
the  Lord's  kingdom  in  it!"' 

Mr.  Rogers  built  his  house  near  the  "Gables"  on  the  west 
sid(>  of  the  South  Green,  the  third  graduate  of  Emmanuel  College 
to  make  his  home  in  this  favored  neighborhood.  Mr.  Norton 
purchased  Mr.  Fawn's  house  on  East  Street,  on  the  site  of  the 
Foster  Russell  house,  a  little  way  from  Mr.  Winthrop's.  Other 
men  of  sterling  quality  came:  Samuel  A}:)})leton  from  l^ittle 
Waldingfield.  with  his  two  sons,  John  and  Samuel,  destined 
for  conspicuous  careers;  Robert  Payne,  the  Polder  of  the  Church, 
the  generous  friend  of  education;  John  Cogswell,  the  London 
merchant,  and  many  others. 

This  extraordinary  circle  of  cultured  and  conspicuous  set- 
tlers did  not  remain  long  unbroken.  Mr.  Winthrop  returned 
from  England  in  1635  with  a  commission  from  Lords  Say  and 
Brook  to  begin  a  plantation  in  Connecticut,  and  he  began  active 
preparations  in  November,  1635.  to  build  a  fort  at  Say  brook. 
His  townsmen  were  greatly  grieved  at  his  prospective  departure, 
and  Mr.  Ward  wrote  him  a  noteworthy  and  pathetic  letter 
praying  him  to  continue  in  Ipswich.^  He  did  not  remove 
permanently,  however.  In  the  summer  of  1637,  fresh  occasion 
of  disquiet  arose,  from  the  report  that  he  was  to  be  a]:)pointed 
Connnander  of  the  Castle  at  Boston,  and  a  petition  of  remon- 
strance to  the  Governor  and  Councillors  was  drawn  up  and 
signed  by  Richard  Saltonstall,  Nath'.  Ward,  John  Norton,  Daniel 
D(Miison,  Samuel  Appleton,  and  more  than  fifty  other  citi- 
zens.    This  is  dated  June  21,  1637. 

'  Magiiiilia,  p.  107. 

-  The  letter  in  full  is  in  tlie  Sketch  of  Jolin  Wiuthrop  the  Younger,  p.  19. 

Transcription  of  the  petition  of  remonstrance  against  tlie 

departure  of  John  Winthrop  Jr.     Page  50. 

(First  page.) 

To  our  much  honored  Gov  -S;  Counsello'"'  aft  Boston,  these. 

Our  humble  duties  &  respects  premised:  understanding  there 
is  an  Intention  to  call  JVP  Winthrop  Jun  from  us  &  to  remitt  the 
Custody  of  the  Castle  to  him,  we  could  not,  out  of  the  entire  affection 
we  beare  to  him  &  liis  welfare,  but  become  earnest  petitioner*  to  your 
worship'  that  you  would  not  deprive  our  Church  &  Towne  of  one 
whose  pi'esence  is  so  gratefuU  &  usefuU  to  us.  It  was  for  his  sake 
that  many  of  us  came  to  this  place  &  w*''out  liim  we  should  not  have 
come.  His  abode  with  us  hath  made  our  abode  here  much  more 
comfortable  than  otherwise  it  would  have  bene.  M''  Dudley's  leav- 
ing us  hath  made  us  much  more  desolate  &  weake  than  we  were,  & 
if  we  should  loose  anoth""  magistrate  it  would  be  too  great  a  grief  to 
us  &  breach  upon  us,  &  not  a  magistrate  only  but  our  Lieutenant 
Colonell  so  beloved  of  our  Soldiou"'"  &  military  men  that  this  remote 
Corner  would  be  left  destitute  &  desolate.  Neith""  can  we  conceive 
but  that  this  removall  from  us  will  much  prejudice  &  unsettle  him ; 
the  place  he  is  chosen  unto  we  feare  will  neith''  mayntaine  him  &  his 
company  comfortably  nor  prove  certaine  to  him,  but  upon  sund ray 
occasions  mutable.  It  would  be  very  uncomfortable  to  him,  as  we 
suppose,  to  live  upon  others  maintenace,  or  to  neglect  that  portion 
of  land  &  love  which  God  hath  given  him  amongst  us.  The  improvall 
of  his  estate  here  we  hope  wDl  prove  a  better  &  surer  support  then  a 
yearly  stipend  from  the  country,  w'=''  hath  groaned  much  under  the 
burthen  of  that  Fort  already.  We  find  his  affections  great  &  con- 
stant to  our  Towne  &  we  hope  ours  shall  never  faile  towards  him  & 
his.  We  therefore  humbly  beseech  you  that  we  may  still  in  joy  him, 
&  that  you  would  not  expose  him  to  so  solitary  a  life  &  a  place  where 
we  hope  there  wiU  not  be  much  use  of  him ;  nor  us  to  the  losse  &  want 
of  one  so  much  desired  of  us.  The  distance  we  are  sett  in  hath  made 
us  earnest  for  the  company  of  able  men  &  as  loath  to  loose  them 
when  we  have  obtained  them. 

Thus  hoping  you  wiU  please  to  consider  &  tender  our  condition, 
we  humlily  take  our  leaves,  resting 

You"^  worp*  in  all  due  serviss. 

June  21,1637. 

lilOH ARD    SaLTONSTA  KL  , 

Nath"-  Waroe. 
John  Norton. 



^^yJTf  2/    7^)^' 


tin  -K"'''! 


Ki  A)c^  S'«i^v« 

(Second  page  of  petition.) 



Joseph  Morse, 

Christopher  Osgood. 
f  John  Perkins,  Jouner. 

Richard  Jacob. 
—  Philip  Fowler. 

WiLLLAM  Goodhue. 

Roger  Lanckton. 

Thomas  Dorman. 

Joseph  Medcalpb. 

Thomas  Borman. 

John  Webster. 

Robert  Lord. 

Thomas  Wells. 

John  Gassett. 

John  Coggswell, 

Humfrie  Brodstree. 

Thomas  Cooke. 

Heughe  Sherratt. 

Edward  Katcham. 

Thomas  Clark. 

John  Gage. 

William  Barthollmew 
,Micaell  Catherite. 

Henri  Pinnder. 

Samuell  Sharman. 

Jhon  Jhonson. 

Thomas  French. 


W:  Hubbard. 

Jonathan  Wade. 

William  White. 

John  Pirkines,  Senar. 

George  Car. 

John  Tuttell. 

Richard  Haffield. 

George  Giddings. 

Edward  Gardner. 

John  Satchwell. 

John  Saunders. 

John  Severnes. 

Antony  Colby. 

Robert  Mussy, 

John  Peekins. 

Nathaniell  Bishop. 

John  Coventun. 

Allen  Perlby. 

John  Procter. 

Thomas  Howlitt. 

William  Fuller. 

Alexander  Knight. 

Thomas  Hardy. 


^1    ^^(^ '-^y^St-^- r 



'^^5^^,f -■^'#rx)«f«d■ 


(Third  page  of  petition.) 

Some  of  us  that  are  members  of  the  Church  at  Boston  are  bold 
to  olayme  this  promise  from  M'  Winthrop  for  whome  we  write,  that 
if  we  would  come  hith""  w"^  him  he  would  not  forsake  us  but  live  &  die 
w*'^  us.  Upon  these  promises  we  came  w*^  him  to  beginn  this  plan- 
tation, and  they  were  made  to  us  upon  the  proposall  of  our  feares 
that  when  we  were  drawne  hith'  he  should  be  called  away  from  us. 
And  we  both  desire  and  hope  that  they  might  be  alwayes  remem- 
bered &  pformed. 

it  ~ 






"We  could  not,"  it  declares,  ''out  of  the  entire  affection  we 
beare  to  him  &  his  welfare,  but  become  earn(\st  petitioner''  to 
your  worship-  that  you  would  not  deprive  our  Church  &  Towne 
of  one  whose  presence  is  so  gratefull  &  usefull  to  us.  It  was 
for  his  sake  that  many  of  us  came  to  this  place  &  w"'()ut  him 
we  should  not  have  come.  His  abode  with  us  hath  nuide  our 
abode  here  much  more  comfortable  than  otherwise  it  would 
have  bene.  Mr.  Dudley's  leaving  us  hath  made  us  much  more 
desolate  &  weake  than  we  were,  tt  if  we  should  loose  anoth'' 
magistrate  it  would  be  too  great  a  grief  to  us  &  breach  upon 
us,  &  not  a  magistrate  only  but  our  Lieutenant  Colonell  so 
beloved  of  our  Soldiou'"'*  &  military  men  that  this  remote  Corner 
would  be  left  destitute  &  desolate." 

In  the  following  January  the  Town  granted  him  Castle  Hill 
and  all  meadow  and  marsh  lying  within  the  creeke,  ''provided 
y  he  lives  in  the  Towne  and  that  the  Towne  may  have  what 
they  shall  need  for  the  building  of  a  Fort."'  But  during  the 
year  1639,  he  seems  to  have  removed  his  domicile,-  and  the 
allusion  to  Mr.  Dudley  in  the  petition  indicates  that  he  also 
had  removed  at  that  date. 

Mr.  Saltonstall  made  repeated  and  prolonged  visits  to 
England,  but  he  had  part  in  one  very  interesting  public  matter, 
which  must  always  be  associated  with  the  choice  neighborhood 
about  the  South  Green.  The  Frenchman,  La  Tour,  arrived  in 
Boston  in  1643,  and  sought  of  Governor  Winthrop  help  against 
his  rival.  D'Aulnay,  who  had  blockaded  the  St.  John  River. 
Winthrop  permitted  him  to  hire  four  ships  and  a  pinnace  and 
sail  away.  This  act  roused  severe  criticism,  and  on  the  day 
the  little  fleet  sailed,  a  vigorous  written  protest  was  handed  the 
Governor,  signed  by  Saltonstall,  Ward  and  Nathaniel  Rogers, 
John  Norton  and  Simon  Bradstreet,  and  Rev.  Ezekiel  Rogers 
of  Rowley.  Dr.  Palfray  finds  Ward's  hand  in  the  pungent  ut- 
terance, others  attribute  it  to  Saltonstall  as  the  prime  mover  in 
the  enterprise.  Be  that  as  it  may,  it  was  an  Ipswich  Protest, 
and  is  so  styled  in  the  records  of  the  time. 

In  one  of  these  houses  about  our  Common,  the  Ipswich 
clergy  and  magistrates  may  have  taken  deep  counsel  together 
and  drafted  this  historic  document.     Winthrop  failed  of  re- 

•  Town  Records. 

*  Sketch  of  John  Wlntliroi)  the  Younger,  p.  '26. 


ck'ction  and  Dudley  was  chosen  Governor.  But  this  trouble- 
some Freneli  business  was  not  easily  settled.  In  1645,  a  com- 
mission was  appointed  and  authorized  to  search  out  the  whole 
truth,  but  the  same  Court  granted  La  Tour  liberty  to  arm  and 
equip  seven  vessels,  and  Mr.  tSaltonstall  drew  up  a  solenm  minor- 
ity protest  against  such  action,  Mr.  Hathorne  alone  signing 
with  him.  No  state  paper  of  the  period,  it  is  affirmed,  excels 
this  document  in  vigor  of  exi)ression  and  loftiness  of  tone. 

While  the  Body  of  Liberties  and  the  "Simple  Cobler"  were 
being  written  in  the  humble  home  of  Ward,  a  gentler  Muse  was 
moving  the  soul  of  the  young  wife  and  mother,  Ann  Bradstreet. 
No  professional  poet  had  yet  arisen  in  the  new  Colony.  Some 
metrical  Psalms  and  hymns  of  singularly  unmusical  character 
had  been  composed  for  the  services  of  public  worship,  but 
Poetry  as  a  fine  Art  was  doubtless  reckoned  an  abomination- 
The  writings  of  William  Shakspeare  were  held  in  abhorrence,  as 
the  embodiment  of  that  light  and  frothy  spirit,  which  rejoiced 
in  the  drama  and  the  dance,  and  all  other  worldly  frivolities.  But 
Ann  Bradstreet  had  breathed  the  air  of  culture  in  the  old  coun- 
try, and  her  father's  ample  library  contained  the  best  books 
that  were  admissible  in  a  Puritan  household.  There  she  found 
no  doubt  the  works  of  the  French  Guillaume  du  Bartas,  a  poet 
now  wholly  forgotten,  but  who  enjoyed  a  great  reputation  in 
our  early  colonial  times.  His  chief  poem,  ''The  Divine  Weeks 
and  Works,"  was  a  metrical  version  of  the  story  of  the  Creation 
and  the  early  history  of  the  Jews.  It  achieved  extraordinary 
popularity,  running  to  thirty  editions  in  six  years,  though  its 
style  is  barbarous,  judged  by  canons  of  modern  judgment.  Its 
pious  theme  commended  it  to  the  sternest  Puritans,  and  Ann 
Bradstreet  was  allowed  to  feast  upon  its  sweets.  She  was 
moved  to  write,  and  we  may  count  it  a  necessity  of  genius.  She 
was  married  when  she  was  only  a  girl  of  sixteen ;  she  was  only 
twenty-three  and  a  family  of  children  already  recpiircd  much 
of  her  when  she  came  to  Ipswich  to  establish  a  new  home  in  the 
wilderness,  with  its  burdensome  routine  of  laborious  house- 
work. She  w^as  of  delicate  health  withal.  Nevertheless, 
this  young  wife  had  presumed  to  write  a  poem  as  early  as  1632, 
when  she  was  twenty  A^'ars  old,  and  after  she  had  setthnl  into 
her  new  I])swich  home,  she  burst  into  song,  which  surprised  and 


charmed  hor  generation.  Poem  after  poem  fell  from  her  facile 
pen  during  those  eight  or  nine  years  of  her  Ipswich  life.  Her 
"Elegy  upon  Sir  Philip  Sidney"  bears  the  date,  1638.  "In 
Honor  of  dii  Bartas"  was  written  in  1641.  The  Dialogue  be- 
tween Old  England  and  New  England  was  composed  in  1642, 
and  the  poem  in  honor  of  Queen  Elizabeth  in  1643.  Her 
longer  poems  were  composed,  it  is  generally  believed,  during 
this  same  period,'  and  when  her  husband  removed  his  home  to 
Andover,  her  muse  grew  silent.     We  need  not  be  surprised. 

Where  else  than  in  Ipswich  could  she  have  found  the  genial 
and  inspiring  surroundings  which  encouraged  her  song?  Her 
father  and  mother  were  next  door  neighbors  for  a  time.  Her 
sister  was  close  at  hand.  The  excellent  William  Hubbard, 
whose  two  boys  were  both  to  become  Harvard  graduates,  and 
one,  Richard,  was  to  marry  his  boyhood  playmate,  Sarah  Brad- 
street,  the  second  daughter  of  the  Bradstreets,  lived  within  a 
stone's  throw.  Her  brother-in-law,  Denison,  and  Sanuiel 
Symonds,  were  helpful  society.  The  stern  and  rasping  Nathan- 
iel Ward  was  so  appreciative  of  her  poetical  efforts  that  he  wrote 
the  preface  to  the  volume  of  poems  she  was  led  to  publish  in 
1650.  He  railed  most  ungallantly  against  women  with  their 
"squirrel  brains"  in  his  Simple  Cobler,  but  he  generously  ac- 
knowledged in  her  praise. 

"It  half  revives  my  chil  frost-bitten  blood, 

To  see  a  Woman  once  do  ought  that's  good: 

And  chode  by  Chaucer's  Bootes  and  Homer's  Furrs, 

Let  Men  look  to't,  least  Women  wear  the  Spurrs." 

Norton  and  Rogers  may  have  been  no  less  kindly  and  praise- 
ful.  The  Saltonstalls  were  friends  and  companions.  Keen 
critics,  admiring  friends,  sympathetic  neighbors  were  about 
lier.  It  was  not  the  loneliness  and  desolateness  of  those  years 
in  Ipswich  that  drove  her  to  poetry  for  relief  but  it  was  the 
privilege  and  richness  of  her  life,  the  fine  intellectual  atmos- 
phere, the  generous  recognition  of  her  talent,  that  inspired  her. 
No  wonder  her  pen  faltered  in  the  solitude  of  the  Andover  farm- 

Her   poems  are  not  read  today,  but  the  curious  student  of 

'  .John  Harvarrl  Ellis  affirms  tliat  "all  the  poems  In  the  first  edition,  at  least,  were 
thus  apparently  written  Ijy  the  time  slie  waa  thirty  years  old." 


the  lit('ratur(>  of  hvv  tini(\  thr  inimploclioiis  h5niins,  the  stilted 
and  ix'dantie  Mas;iia]ia,  tho  dull,  mochaiiieally  measured  ser- 
mons, the  «rotes([U(>  and  bitter  Simple  Cobler,  will  feel  in  her 
verse,  otten  dull  and  laboivd,  a  singular  delicacy  and  tenderness, 
and  a  true  poetic  instinct.  It  is  not  hard  to  imderstand  that 
her  j)ublished  jxicmus  should  have  been  held  in  high  regard. 
Her  name  heads  the  long  list  of  New  T^ngland  poets,  and  her 
genius  brought  grace  and  strength  no  douljt  to  William  E. 
Channing,  the  })reacher,  antl  Richard  H.  Dana,  the  poet,  to  the 
orator,  Wendell  Phillips,  and  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes,  her 
direct  descendants. 

Mr.  Ward's  son,  John,  who  had  been  settled  as  rector  of 
Hadleigh  in  England  in  1688,  joined  his  father  in  1639,  and  be- 
came the  minister  of  Haverhill.  His  younger  son,  James, 
graduated  from  Harvard  in  1645,  and  in  the  following  year, 
Mr.  Ward  and  James  returned  to  England.  Susan  Ward  became 
the  wife  of  Dr.  Giles  Firmin,  who  lived  awhile  in  Ipswich  on  or 
near  th{>  site  now  occupied  by  the  Parsonage  of  the  South  Pai'ish, 
but  returned  to  England  and  became  eminent  as  a  preacher. 

Mr.  Norton  grew  in  scholarly  reputation  as  the  years  passed. 
One  William  Apollonius  of  Holland,  sent  over  some  "Ques- 
tions" concerning  church  government  in  1644,  "whereto  the 
ministers  of  New  England  unanimously  imposed  upon  Mr.  Nor- 
ton the  task  of  drawing  up  an  Answer,  which  he  finished  in  the 
year  1645.  And  it  was,  I  suppose,  the  first  Ijatin  book  that 
ever  was  written  in  this  country. "^  He  had  a  large  place  in  the 
Synod  at  Cambridge  in  1647,  and  when  there  was  need  of  a 
complete  refutation  of  the  heresies  taught  by  a  book,  entitled 
"The  Meritorious  Price  of  Man's  Redemption,"  the  General 
Court  appointed  Mr.  Norton  to  draw  up  a  Reply,  which  he  did 
to  great  acceptance.  The  renowned  John  Cotton  in  his  last 
sickness  advised  that  his  church  should  select  Mr.  Norton  as 
his  successor.  He  died  in  December,  1652,  and  overtures  were 
made  at  once  to  Mr.  Norton.  The  Ipswich  church  made  violent 
opposition  to  his  leaving  them,  and  council  followed  council, 
and  eventually  the  good  offices  of  the  General  Court  were  needed 
to  secure  the  transfer  of  relationship.  Cotton  Mather  dis- 
courses of  Mr.  Norton  in  the  pulpit : 

"It  even  Transported  the  Souls  of  his  Hearers  to  accompany 

1  Magiialia,  Book  ill,  p.  34. 

Monument  with  tablets  near  tlie  ATeeting  House  of  t\w 
South  Church. 

A  lew  rods  east  of  tliis  spot 

were  the  dwelling  and  school  iiouse  of 

Ezekiel  Cheever 

First  Master  of  the  Grammar  School 

1650 1661 

On  the  east  side  of  the  Common 

was  the  house  of 

Re^^  Nathaniel  Ward 

1634         Minister  of  Ipswich         1637 

author  of 

' '  The  Simple  Cobler  of  Aggawam ' ' 

compiler  of 

The  Bodv  of  Liberties 

The  residence  of 

Richard  Saltonstall 

was  on  tlie  south  side  of  the  Common 

and  that  of 

Rev.  Nathaniel  Rogers 

Pastor  of  Ipswich  Church 

1638 1655 

was  on  the  west  side 


Here  stood 

The  First  Meeting  House 

of  the 

1747         South  Parish         1837 

The  Expedition  against  Quebec 

Benedict  Arnold  in  command 

Aaron  Burr  m  the  ranks 

Marched  by  this  spot,  Sept.  15,  177' 

Rev.  William  Hubbard 
Pastor  of  the  Ipswich  Church 

1656  —  1704 

Historian  of  the  Indian  wars 

lived  near  the  river  about 

a  hundred  rods  eastward 

Erected  by 
The  Ipswich  Historical  Society 





■■'"'ri'VTt'^-'  ■^JS*-^  • 

J     '^V'V^ 



him  in  his  devotions,  wherein  its  Graces  would  make  wonderful 
Salleys  into  the  vast  Field  of  Entertainments  and  Acknowledg- 
ments, with  which  we  are  furnished  in  the  New  Covenant,  for 
our  Prayers.  I  have  heard  of  a  Godly  Man  in  Ipswich,  who 
after  Mr.  Norton's  going  to  Boston,  would  Ordinarly  Travel  on 
foot  from  Ipswich  to  Boston,  which  is  about  Thirty  miles,  for 
nothing  but  the  Weekly  Lecture  there,  and  he  would  profess 
That  it  was  worth  a  Great  Journey,  to  be  a  Partaker  in  one  of 
Mr.  Norton's  Prayers."^ 

Mr.  Rogers,  the  last  member  of  this  brilliant  group,  con- 
tinued his  pastorate  until  1655.  He  suffered  much  in  his  last 
years  from  the  reproach  of  his  hearers  that  he  did  not  exert 
himself  as  he  might  to  prevent  the  removal  of  his  illustrious 
Associate.  His  health,  never  vigorous,  was  weakened.  Cotton 
Mather  records,  by  his  disuse  of  Tobacco,  to  which  he  was  much 
addicted.  He  was  aware  of  his  approaching  end,  and  having 
blessed  the  three  children  of  his  daughter  Margaret,  wife  of 
Rev.  William  Hubbard,  he  uttered  his  last  words,  "My  Times 
are  in  thy  Hands,"  and  passed  away  on  July  3,  1655.  In  the 
seventeen  years  of  his  ministry,  "he  went  over  the  Five  last 
Chapters  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  .  .  the  Twelfth 
Chapter  to  the  Hebrews;  the  Fourteenth  Chapter  of  Hosea; 
the  Doctrine  of  Self-Denial,  and  walking  with  God,  and  the 
Fifty-third  Chapter  of  Isaiah  to  the  great  Satisfaction  of  all  his 
Hearers,  with  many  other  subjects  more  occasionally  handled."^ 

'  Magnalla,  Book  ill,  p.  40. 

=  Magnalia,  Book  ill,  pp   107,  108. 



It  was  an  easy  matter,  we  ima<i;ine,  for  the  little  handful  of 
original  settlers  to  talk  over  their  affairs  and  agree  on  meas\ires 
of  public  policy.  They  might  have  gathered  in  a  body  and 
selected  a  spot  for  their  meeting  house,  located  the  earliest  roads 
and  apportioned  themselves  home  lots  and  tillage  lands.  The 
simplest  form  of  pure  democracy  was  adequate  to  all  their 
needs;  but,  as  their  number  increased,  some  system  of  repre- 
sentative government  was  foimd  necessary. 

The  first  public  official  appointed  was  the  Clerk.  As  the  Town 
Record  begins  with  November,  1634,  the  Recorder  or  Clerk  had 
been  chosen  before  that  date.  The  "lot-layers"  also  appear  at 
this  time,  a  Committee  to  which  was  referred  the  delicate  task 
of  assigning  lands:  Henry  Short,  John  Perkins,  Robert  Mussey 
and  John  Gage.  The  grants,  however,  were  determined  in 
open  meeting,  and  the  function  of  the  lot-layers  was  merely 
to  determine  locations,  and  fix  "by  metes  and  bounds"  the  lot 

"The  seven  men"  are  first  mentioned  under  the  date  of  Feb. 
20,  1636-7,  but  they  are  alluded  to  in  such  an  incidental  way, 
that  it  would  seem  that  they  were  already  an  established  feature 
of  town  polity.  This  first  board  of  government  consisted  of 
Mr.  John  Winthrop,  Mr.  Bradstreet,  Mr.  Denison,  Goodman 
Perkins,  Goodman  Scott,  John  Gage  and  Mr.  Wade,  and  they 
were  chosen  to  order  business  for  the  next  three  months.  Mr. 
Denison  was  chosen  to  keep  the  Town  Book,  enter  the  Town 
orders,  and  "set  a  copy  of  them  up  in  ye  meeting  house."  He 
was  to  keep  a  record  of  land  grants  as  well,  and  a  fee  of  sixpence 
for  every  entry  was  granted  him. 

But  the  sturdy  democracy  seems  to  have  been  suspicious  of 
detriment  to  its  own  power  and  dignity,  accruing  from  the  new 
officials,  and  forthwith  it  proceeded  to  hedge  in  their  author- 


ity  by  ordorino-  that  "they  shall  have  no  power  to  grant  any 
land  in  that  which  is  commonly  reputed  and  accounted  the 
Cow  Pasture,  nor  above  twenty  acres  in  any  other  place." 
The  older  board  of  lot-layers  was  made  to  feel  its  subservience 
to  the  popular  will,  l)y  the  addition  of  Mr.  Appleton,  8erg. 
Howlett,  John  Perkins  and  Thos.  8cott  to  assist  them  in  laying 
out  the  large  grants  made  to  "Mr.  Dudley,  Mr.  Bradstreet  and 
Mr.  Saltingstall"  before  the  14th  of  May  1637. 

"The  seven  men"  seem  to  have  become  "the  eleven  men" 
in  January  1637-8,  but  in  1639,  "the  seven  men"  reappear,  and 
in  Feb.  1640-1,  their  term  of  office  is  specified  as  six  months. 
Mr.  Hubbard,  Capt.  Denison,  Jo:  Whipple,  Good.  Giddings, 
Mark  Symonds,  John  Perkins,  and  Mr.  William  Payne  were 
then  chosen  "for  the  Town's  business  for  six  months,  provided 
that  they  give  noe  lands,  nor  meddle  with  dividing  or  stinting 
the  Commons."  Thus  the  lengthening  of  the  term  of  service 
was  balanced  by  curtailing  their  authority  in  regard  to  lands. 
In  1642,  further  "direction  to  simplify  the  Town  business" 
was  desired,  and  a  conunittee  consisting  of  the  two  magistrates, 
the  elders,  Mr.  Giles  Firman  and  George  Giddings  was  appointed 
"to  prepare  for  the  next  meeting  of  the  freemen,  what  they  shall 
think  meet  for  yearly  maintenance  and  for  the  way  of  raising 

of  it." 

In  Feb.  1643-4,  Robert  Lord  was  chosen  by  the  Town, 
"from  this  time  forward  to  be  present  at  every  general  meeting 
of  the  Town,  and  of  the  freemen  and  of  the  seven  men,  and  to 
record  in  a  book  what  is  committed  to  him  by  [  ]  Moderator 
of  every  such  meeting,  and  to  tend  in  some  convenient  time 
before  the  end  of  the  meeting  to  read  over  what  is  written,  and 
he  is  to  have  [  ]  third  parts  of  the  fines  for  not  appearing  at 
meetings,  for  this  service."  He  was  termed  Recorder,  but 
the  duties  of  his  office  were  very  similar  to  those  of  the  Town 
Clerk  of  later  days. 

Glimpses  are  had  here  of  the  rigor  with  which  the  body  of 
voters  directed  its  own  action.  In  1648,  in  general  Town 
meeting,  it  was  ordered  that  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  Town 
that  shall  be  absent  from  the  yearly  meeting,  or  any  other 
whereof  they  have  lawful  warning,  shall  forfeit  a  shilling. 
Robert  Lord  earned  his  two-thirds  no  donlA,  for  his  duties  in- 


cliulocl  ringino;  the  bell,  callinp;  the  roll,  and  collecting  the  forfeit. 
Twelve  freemen  were  soon  called  upon  to  pay  a  fine  of  12''  a- 
piece  for  absence. 

In  1643,  the  tenure  of  office  was  extended  to  a  year,  and  in 
1650,  the  seven  men  were  called  by  the  familiar  name  of  select- 
men. In  that  year,  the  elective  officials  were  Selectmen,  two 
Constables,  four  Surveyors,  and  a  Conunittee  of  Five  "to 
make  the  elders'  rates,"  or,  in  plainer  language,  to  apportion 
the  tax  for  the  support  of  the  ministry.  Mr.  Robert  Payne 
had  been  ap])ointed  Committee  or  Treasurer  for  the  Town  in 
May,  1642,  but  it  does  not  seem  to  have  been  an  annual  elective 

Road-surveyors  were  appointed  in  January,  1640-1,  and 
the  men  ai)i)ointed  to  that  office  were  Mr.  Hubl^ard,  Mr.  Sy- 
monds,  Mr,  Payne,  and  Robert  Andrews,  four  of  the  most  sub- 
stantial citizens.  The  roads  were  hardly  more  than  cart-paths, 
grass-grown,  except  in  the  wheelruts.  In  some  localities  the 
unused  portion  of  the  ])ublic  way  was  sufficiently  Inroad  to  ]iay 
for  its  own  maintenance.  Thus,  in  1640,  "The  haye  upon 
Chebacco  waye  toward  Labour-in-vain  Creeke  [now  known  as 
the  Argilla  road]  was  granted  John  Lee,  this  year  only,  the 
land  itself  being  settled  for  a  highway,  the  Town  intending  that 
by  like  grant  he  shall  enjoy  it,  he  giving  no  cause  to  the  con- 
trary, it  remaining  in  the  Town's  hand  to  give  or  not  to  give." 

It  was  also  voted,  that  same  year,  that  "the  highway  to 
Chebacco  beneath  Heart-break  Hill  forever  be  repayred  by  the 
benefit  of  the  grass  yearly  growing  upon  the  same;"  and  John 
Leigh  (whose  name  is  still  associated  with  "Leigh's  Meadow," 
as  the  older  people  among  us  still  call  the  meadow  land,  owned 
by  the  late  George  Haskell  on  the  south  side  of  the  Argilla 
road)  was  "to  enjoy  all  profits  of  the  highway,  and  all  the  com- 
mon ground  lying  at  the  foot  of  Heart-break  Hill,  maintaining 
the  highway  from  Rocky  Hill  [now  owned  by  Mr.  Moritz  B. 
Philipp],  to  William  Lampson's  lot;"  "and  if  there  be  any 
ground  that  may  conveniently  be  planted,  he  hath  liberty  to 
plant  it  and  secure  it  for  himself,  he  always  leaving  a  sufficient 
highway  for  carting  and  drift." 

Within  the  memory  of  a  venerable  lady  still  living,  Green 
Lane,  as  Green  Street  was  then  called,  was  a  grassy  lane  with  a 


numl^er  of  different  ruts.  Travel  was  chiefly  on  horseback, 
and  the  heavy  farm  teaming  was  done  in  two-wheeled  carts  or 
tumbrils,  drawn  by  oxen.  Foiu'-wheeled  vehicles  were  almost 
unknown.  In  many  spots  the  roads  were  wet  and  muddy  from 
the  outflow  of  springs.  The  present  Mineral  Street,  originally 
Dirty  Lane,  was  a  proverbially  miry  thoroughfare,  from  its 
nearness  to  the  swampy  lands,  that  are  still  low  anrl  wet. 
The  deep  deposit  of  leaf  mould,  which  had  accumulated  for  ages, 
made  it  difficult  to  maintain  a  passable  road  in  many  quarters, 
no  doubt. 

To  keep  these  primitive  highways  in  fair  condition  was  no 
mean  task  in  itself.  But  the  highway  surveyor  had  other  duties. 
The  lines  of  roadway  were  not  defined  with  any  accuracy. 
It  was  easy  for  landholders  to  push  out  their  fences  and  claim 
portions  of  the  common  highway,  and  the  surveyor  was  bound 
to  detect  such  encroachments  and  determine  their  extent. 
Men  of  the  finest  quality  were  needed  for  this  and  other  delicate 
tasks,  and  large  powers  were  given  them,  as  the  regulations 
adopted  in  1641  indicate: 

1.  "Agreed  that  road-ways  and  general  ways  be  done  first." 

2.  "That  people  work  the  whole  day." 

3.  "That  defaulters  shall  forfeit  the  value  of  their  wages 
double,  both  carts  and  workmen:  carts  to  have  reasonable 

4.  "If  any  man  hath  24  hours  warning,  it  is  sufficient, 
unless  his  excuse  be  allowed  by  one  of  the  surveyors." 

5.  "All  youths  above  14  years  of  age  are  to  work  in  this 
common  business.  It  is  intended  such  as  doe  comonly  use  to 

6.  "That  the  surveyors  are  to  take  notice  themselves  and 
information  of  others  of  encroachment  of  all  ways,  and  also  of 
annoyances,  etc. — and  to  bring  the  same  to  the  Town  to  be 

7.  "For  every  day's  default,  the  forfeit  is  in  Summer  3M'', 
in  Winter  2*  &^;  for  defect  of  a  team  each  day  is  in  Summer 
13^  4",  in  Winter  10^" 

To  execute  these  regulations  required  much  discretion. 
That  fifth  article  alone  was  enough  to  involve  the  unhappy 

00  IPSWini,    IN    THE    MASSACHUSETTS    I?AY    TCM.ONY. 

surveyor  in  much  difHculty,  if  he  failed  to  reeojinize  the  dignity 
of  some  fourteen-year-old  sou  of  a  sensitive  family. 

To  these  responsible  duties  were  adchnl,  "makiiisj;  up  and 
keeping  the  wall  about  the  Meeting  House  in  repair"  (Ki^O), 
and  "repairing  the  highway  leading  to  Chebacco  and  to  Castle 
Neck,  that  is,  beyond  that  part  of  the  way  that  John  Leigh 
hath  undertaken"  (1650).  They  were  instructed,  in  1651,  to 
"appoint  a  considerable  company  of  men  to  fell  the  small  wood 
ujion  the  Eastern  side  of  Jeffries  Neck,  to  prepare  it  for  sowing 
to  hay  seed;"  and  in  1653,  Mr.  Hodges,  with  one  other  sur- 
veyor, calling  John  Perkins  Sen.  with  them,  were  ordered  to 
"call  out  40  of  the  Inhabitants  to  goe  to  Jeffry's  Neck  with 
hoes,  to  ho(^  up  weeds  that  spoil  the  Neck  and  sow  some  grass 
seeds."  The  surveyors  have  power  also  to  call  out  all  the 
Town  for  one  day's  work,  both  men  and  teams,  "to  the  filling 
u])  of  a  wharf,  and  mending  the  street  against  it." 

Next  to  the  question  of  roads  and  highways,  their  location, 
bounds  and  maintenance,  was  the  great  matter  of  the  common 
lands,  which  were  held  by  the  householders  in  common,  and 
used  for  })asturage,  and  supplies  of  fuel  and  timber.  This 
was  a  relic  of  the  ancient  system  of  land-holding  in  German}'' 
and  England,  and  was  reverted  to  naturally,  in  the  jn-imitive 
colonial  life  from  the  necessities  of  the  situation. 

In  November,  1634,  it  was  agreed  that  "the  l(>ngth  of 
Ipswitch  should  extend  westward  unto  [  ]  buryinge  place, 
and  Eastward  unto  a  Cove  of  the  River,  unto  the  planting 
ground  of  John  Pirkings  the  Elder."  The  cove  here  mentioned 
is  that  below  the  wharves,  where  East  street  touches  the  River; 
John  Perkins  Sen.  owned  land  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  street. 
I^eyond  these  limits,  the  land  was  held  in  common.  It  was 
further  specified  that  "the  Neck  of  land  adjoining  Mr.  Robert 
Coles  extending  unto  the  sea  shall  remayne  for  common  use  unto 
the  Town  forever."  This  may  mean  Manning's  Neck,  or  Jef- 
frey's, or  even  both.  "The  Neck(>  of  land,  whereupon  the  Great 
Hill  standeth,  w'ch  is  known  by  the  name  of  Castle  Hill," 
was  likewise  reserved.  This  vote,  however,  was  revoked  when 
Castle  Hill  was  granted  Mr.  John  Winthrop  Jan.  13,  1637-8 
"provided  that  he  lives  in  the  Town,  and  that  the  Town  may 
have  what  they  shall  need  for  the  building  of  a  fort." 

devkl()PMf:nt  of  ouk  town  covernment.  61 

To  define  this  coinnion  laiul,  and  separate  it  effectually  from 
the  Town  proper,  a  fence  was  necessary,  and  the  Town  voted 
in  January,  1637-8  "that  a  general  fence  shall  be  made  from 
the  end  of  the  town  to  Egypt  River,  with  a  sufficient  fence,  and 
also  from  the  East  end  of  the  Town  in  the  way  to  Jeffries  Neck, 
from  the  fence  of  John  Perkins  to  the  end  of  a  creek  in  the  marsh 
near  land  of  W"  Foster,  to  be  done  at  the  charge  of  all  those 
that  have  land  within  the  said  compass,  and  by  them  to  be 
maintained."  On  the  south  side  of  the  River,  this  fence  was 
near  Heart-break  Hill  (1650),  and  it  extended  across  to  the 
present  County  Road,  near  the  line  of  the  brook,  as  seems  prob- 
able from  ancient  deeds.  Liberty  was  granted  to  fell  trees  for 
this  purpose,  and  it  may  have  been  built  easily  of  logs,  piled 
zigzag  fashion,  as  pasture  fences  are  still  built  in  wooded  regions. 
As  early  as  1639,  a  special  Conniiittoe  was  chosen  to  view 
this  fence,  the  original  "Fence  Viewers,"  who  are  still  elected 
at  the  March  town  meeting.  Their  function  was  of  the  highest 

The  principal  use  of  these  common  lands  was  for  jjasturage. 
Johnson,  in  his  Wonder  Working  Providence,  observes  that  the 
cattle  had  become  so  numerous  in  1646  that  many  hundred 
quarters  of  beef  were  sent  to  Boston  from  Ipswich  every 
autumn.  Swine  and  sheep  had  increased  rapidly  also.  Every 
day  these  great  herds  were  driven  out  into  the  commons  to 
find  rich  and  abundant  forage  in  the  woods,  and  along  the 
sedgy  banks  of  ponds  and  streams.  The  common  fence  was 
necessary  to  keep  them  from  straying  back  into  the  cultivated 
fields.  Any  breach  in  it  might  involve  great  loss  in  growing 
crops,  at  a  time  when  a  scarce  harvest  was  a  very  serious 
menace  to  the  health  and  comfort  of  the  little  community. 
No  wonder  they  chose  men  of  the  greatest  sobriety  and  care- 
fulness for  the  responsible  duty  of  viewing  and  having  charge 
of  this  rude  fence. 

Their  duties  became  even  more  onerous,  we  may  presume, 
after  the  year  1653  when,  in  accordance  with  the  order  from 
the  Cieneral  Court,  the  town  ordered  "that  all  persons,  con- 
cerned and  living  in  Ipswich  shall,  before  April  2()th  have  their 
fences  in  a  good  state  (except  farms  of  one  hundred  acres) 
made  of  pales  well  nailed  or  pinned,  or  of  five  rails  well  fitted,  or 


of  stone  wall  throe  and  a  half  feet  hiijh  at  least,  or  with  a  ditch 
three  or  Foin-  feet  wide,  with  a  snl)stantial  bank,  having  two 
rails  or  a  hedge,  or  some  eciuivalent,  on  i)enaltv  of  os.  a  rod  and 
2s  a  week  for  each  rotl  while  neglected." 

The  herds  of  large  and  small  cattle  needed  to  be  watched 
lest  they  should  stray  away  into  the  wilderness,  or  be  assailed 
by  wolv(>s.  For  this  service,  the  cowherd  and  shei)herd  and 
swine-luM-d  were  essential,  and  thus  we  find  the  town  olhcials  of 
England  in  the  Middle  Ages  again  in  vogue  in  our  midst.  Prt)f. 
Edward  A.  Freeman  in  his  Introduction  to  American  Insti- 
tutional Histor}^'  aptly  observes: 

"The  most  notable  thing  of  all,  yet  surely  the  most  natural 
thing  of  all,  is  that  the  New  England  settlers  of  the  17th  cen- 
tury, largely  reproduced  English  institutions  in  an  older  shape 
than  they  l)or(»  in  the  England  of  the  seventeenth  c(Mitin'y. 
They  gave  a  new  life  to  many  things,  which  in  their  older  home 
had  well  nigh  died  out.  The  necessary  smallness  of  scale  in  the 
original  settlements  was  the  root  of  the  whole  matter.  It,  so 
to  speak,  drove  them  back  for  several  centiu'ies.  It  caused 
them  to  reproduce  in  not  a  few  points,  not  the  England  of  their 
own  day,  but  the  England  of  a  far  earlier  time.  It  led  them 
to  reproduce  in  many  points  the  state  of  things  in  old  Greece 
and  in  medieval  Switzerland." 

In  the  earliest '  contract  with  the  cowherds  mentioned  in 
our  Town  Records,  under  date  of  Sept.  1639,  agreement  was 
made  with  Wm.  Fellows  to  keep  the  herd  of  cows  on  the  south 
sitle  the  river,  from  the  20th  of  April  to  the  20th  of  November. 
He  was  bound  "to  drive  them  out  to  feed  before  the  sunne  be 
half  an  hour  high,  and  not  to  bring  them  home  before  half  an 
hour  before  sunset."  He  was  to  drive  the  cattle,  "coming 
over  the  River,  back  over  the  River  at  night,"  and  to  take 
charge  of  them  "as  soon  as  they  are  put  over  the  River  in  the 
morning."  He  was  liable  for  all  danger  conung  to  the  cattle, 
either  by  leaving  them  at  night  or  during  the  day,  and  was  to 
receive  12  pence  for  each  cow  before  he  took  them,  a  shilling 
and  sixjx'nce  fourteen  days  after  midsunnner  and  the  rest  at 
the  end  of  the  term  in  corn  or  money,  a  total  of  £15. 

'  Johns  Hopkins  University  Studies,  1. 


The  cows  on  the  north  side  of  the  river  were  herded  by 
themselves  in  1640,  and  Wni.  Fellows,  Mark  Quilter  and  Symon 
Tompson  were  the  cow-keepers,  receiving  them  at  Mr.  Norton's 
gate.  In  1643,  the  cows  were  gathered,  "over  against  Mr. 
Robert  Payne's  house,"  i.  e.  at  the  corner  of  High  and  North- 
Main  streets.  The  cowherds  were  instructed  in  1647,  at  "the 
first  opportunity  to  burn  the  woods,  and  to  make  a  Bridge 
over  the  River  to  Wilderness  Hill,"i  and  all  herdsmen  were 
ordered  "to  winde  a  horn  before  their  going  out."  The  herds 
were  driven  out,  partly  "over  Sanders."  i.  e.  over  Sanders's 
brook  on  the  Topsfield  road,  and  jjartly  up  High  street.  The 
owners  of  cows  were  bound  to  provide  men  to  relieve  the  cow- 
herds every  other  Sabbath  day.  The  herdsmen  warned  two 
on  Fritlay  night  for  each  Sabbath  day  and  refusal  to  do  the 
service  required  was  punishable  with  a  fine  of  three  shillings 
for  each  instance  of  neglect.  In  1649,  Daniel  Ringe  was  ordered 
to  "attend  on  the  green  before  Mr.  Rogers  house"  (the  South 
Green)  and  the  cowherd  was  obliged  to  keep  the  herd  one 
Sunday  in  four. 

The  whole  time  and  attention  of  the  cowherd  and  his  assis- 
tants were  regulated  Ijy  law.  By  order  of  the  General  Court 
in  1642,  the  "prudentiall"  men  of  each  town  were  instructed 
"to  take  care  of  such  [children]  as  are  sett  to  keep  cattle  be  set  to 
some  other  employment  withal,  as  spinning  upon  the  roek,^ 
knitting,  weaving  tape,  etc.,  and  that  boys  and  girls  be  not  suf- 
fered to  converse  together  so  as  may  occasion  any  wanton, 
dishonest  or  immodest  behaviour."  Wm.  Symonds  needed  a 
special  permit  in  1653,  before  he  could  cut  two  parcels  of 
meadow  in  the  common,  near  Capt.  Turner's  Hill,  while  he 
kept  the  herd. 

"No  great  cattle,  except  cows  and  working  cattle  in  the 
night,"  were  allowed  on  the  cow  commons  and  any  mares, 
horses  or  oxen  found  in  the  common  two  hours  after  sunrising, 
might  be  driven  to  the  Pound  by  the  finder  (1639). 

The  cowherd's  recompense  varied  from  year  to  year,  but 

1  This  was  the  name  of  a  liill  near  the  present  line  of  division  between  Essex  and 
Ipswich,  in  the  vicinity  of  Haflield's  Bridge.  The  name  is  still  remembered  in  con 
nection  with  the  range  of  hills  on  the  east  side  of  the  Candlewood  road,  near  Saga- 
more Hill. 

2  The  rock  was  a  hand  distaff,  from  wliich  thread  was  spun. 


wji.s  always  a  modest  return  for  his  service.  Ilaniel  Bosworth 
eoiitracted  in  1()()1  to  keej)  the  herd  on  the  north  side  of  the 
i'i\-er  foi'  thirteen  shillings  a  week,  "a  peck  of  corn  a  head  at 
their  ,<i;oin<;;  out,  one  ])ound  of  butter  or  half  ])eck  of  wheat  in 
June,  and  the  r(\st  of  his  pay  at  the  end  of  his  time,  whereof 
lialf  to  \)c  paid  in  wheat  or  malt;  the  i)ay  to  be  brought  to  his 
h(.)use  within  six  days  after  denumded  or  else  to  forfeit  6d  a 
head  more."  "Agreed  with  Henry  Osborn  to  join  Bosworth 
to  kee])  the  cows  on  the  same  terms.  ()n(>  of  them  to  take  the 
cows  in  Scott's  lane  and  to  blow  a  horn  at  the  meeting-house 
green  in  the  morning."  In  1670,  the  town  voted  that  every 
cow  of  the  herd  should  wear  a  l)ell  and  the  early  morning  air 
was  full  of  rural  music,  wdth  lowing  cows,  tinkling  bells  and 
the  somiding  Ijlasts  upon  the  cowherd's  horn. 

Swine  caused  more  trouble  than  the  great  cattle.  Certain 
sections  of  the  common  lands  were  set  apart  for  their  special 
use.  In  1639  it  was  agreed  wdth  Robert  Wallis  and  Thomas 
Manning  to  keep  four  score  hogs  upoii  Plum  Island  from  the 
lOth  of  April  "until  harvest  be  got  in"  "and  that  one  of  them 
shall  be  constantly  there  night  and  day,  all  the  tyme,  and 
they  are  to  carry  them  and  bring  them  home,  })rovided  those 
that  own  them  sentl  each  of  them  a  man  to  help  catch  them, 
and  they  are  to  make  troughs  to  water  them  in,  for  all  which 
paynes  and  care  they  are  to  have  12  penc  a  hogg,  at  tlie  entrance. 
2  shillings  a  hogg  at  mid  summer,  for  so  many  as  are  then  living, 
and  2  shillings  a  hogg  for  each  hogg  they  shall  deliver  at  the 
end  of  harvest."  A  herd  of  swine  is  alluded  to  in  1640  on 
Castle  Neck  and  on  Hogg  Island. 

But  many  of  the  inhabitants  preferred  to  keep  their  hogs 
nearer  home,  and  as  the  idea  of  confining  them  in  pens  about 
the  premises  had  not  been  conceived,  they  were  driven  out 
into  the  connnons  to  graze.  A  good  two  miles  was  to  separate 
them  from  the  town,  and  for  any  big  pigs  found  within  that 
limit  the  owners  were  liable  to  pay  a  forfeit  of  five  shillings 
apiece;  but  it  was  "provided  that  such  small  pigs  as  are  i^igged 
after  1st  of  February  shall  have  liberty  to  be  about  the  Towai, 
not  being  lial)le  to  pay  any  damage  in  house  lots  or  gardens, 
but  if  any  hiu't  be  done  in  house  lots  and  gardens,  the  owner  of 


the  fence  through  which  they  came  shall  pay  the  damage.     The 
pigges  have  liberty  until  16  August  next." 

"The  pigges"  used  their  liberty  injudiciously,  and  brought 
upon  themselves  the  severer  edict  of  1645,  that  no  hogs  should 
run  in  the  streets  or  connnons  without  being  yoked  and  ringed. 
Finally  the  town  undertook  the  care  of  the  hogs  on  the  same 
basis  as  the  cows.  Contract  was  made  with  Wm.  Clark  in 
1652  to  keep  a  herd  of  hogs  from  the  26th  of  April  to  the  last  of 
October,  "to  drive  them  out  to  their  feed  in  the  Commons, 
being  all  ringed,  between  seven  or  eight  of  the  clock,  to  have 
12  shillings  per  week,  six  pence  for  every  head."  Hogs  were 
to  be  brought  to  Mr.  Payne's  corner,  and  the  owners  were  or- 
dered "to  find  for  every  six  hogs  one  to  help  keep  them  till 
they  be  wanted." 

The  next  year,  Abraham  Warr  and  the  son  of  Goodman 
Symnies  were  the  swine  herds,  and  they  were  expected  to  take 
them  at  the  Meeting  House  Green  and  drive  one  herd  through 
the  street  by  Mr.  P  .  .  .  (probably  High  St.),  the  other  out  at 
Scott's  Lane  (the  present  Washington  St.).  Robert  Whitman 
also  was  commissioned  to  keep  a  herd  of  hogs  on  the  north 
side,  "he  and  his  boys  to  keep  out  with  them  until  4  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  to  drive  them  out  presently  after  the  cows, — 
his  boy  has  liberty  to  leave  the  hogs  at  one  o'clock."  This 
swine-herd,  Whitman,  is  mentioned  in  the  record  of  1644  as  the 
keeper  of  the  goat  herd  on  the  north  side. 

Sheep  were  kept  on  Jeffries  Neck,  and  liberty  was  given 
sheep  owners  in  1656  to  "fence  in  about  half  an  acre  of  ground 
there  for  a  year  to  keep  their  sheep  in  nights,"  and  it  was  also 
ordered  that  "one  able  person  out  of  every  family  shall  work 
one  day  in  May  or  June  as  they  shall  be  ordered,  to  help  clear 
the  commons  for  the  better  keeping  of  sheep,  upon  a  day's 
warning."  Robert  Roberts  was  the  shepherd  on  Jeffries  Neck 
in  1661  from  April  8th  till  the  end  of  October  and  his  wages 
were  £13.  Robert  Whitman  was  paid  10  shillings  a  week  to 
keep  another  flock  on  the  north  side  of  the  river.  In  1662 
there  were  three  shepherds  and  the  commons  on  the  south  side 
were  so  burdened  that  one  hundred  sheep  were  transferred  to 
the  north  side.  By  vote  of  1702  the  shepherds  were  required 
to  have  cottages    adjoining  the  sheep-walks  to  be  near  their 


flocks.  Felt^  says  it  was  the  custom  for  each  shepherd  to  put 
his  flock  in  the  pen  every  Friday  afternoon,  that  the  owners 
might  take  what  they  needed  for  family  use  and  for  market. 

Another  pubhc  functionary  of  no  small  dignity  was  the 
Town  Crier,  whose  task  it  was  to  proclaim  with  loud  voice  any 
announcement  of  ])ublic  importance.  The  first  allusion  to  this 
odicial  occurs  in  the  year  1640,  when  it  was  voted  that  "Ralph 
Varnham,  for  ringing  the  bell,  keeping  clean  the  meeting  house 
and  publishing  such  things  as  the  town  shall  appoint  shall  have 
for  his  payncs,  of  every  man  for  the  year  i)ast  whose  estate  is 
rated  under  100£,  6",  from  100  to  500£,  12^  and  upward,  18''; 
the  like  for  this  year  to  come."  Henceforward  the  Town  Crier 
was  elected  annually. 

Connnendablc  care  for  the  neat  and  tidy  appearance  of  the 
public  thoroughfares  was  manifested  in  the  vote  of  March,  1645, 
that  Robert  Lord  "keep  the  streets  clear  of  wood  and  timber 
under  penalty  12''  the  load  and  as  proportionable  for  more  or 
less  for  lying  or  standing  above  three  days  in  any  of  the  streets 
or  lanes,"  and  in  1652,  the  Town 

"Ordered,  that  all  dmig-hills  lying  in  the  streets  shall  be 
removed  by  the  20*''  of  October  and  from  that  time  noe  dung 
hills  to  be  laycd  in  the  streets  under  the  penalty  of  10s."  A 
stringent  prohibition  of  felling  any  shade  trees  in  the  streets  or 
highways,  under  penalty  of  20*  for  every  offence  was  enacted 
in  1666. 

A  Committee  to  provide  a  building  for  the  town  school  was 
appointed  in  Jan.,  1651-2,  and  studious  effort  to  secure  the  best 
educational  advantages  is  manifest  in  the  annual  provision  for 
the  public  school  and  frequent  contributions  to  Harvard  College. 

As  various  industries  assumed  prominence,  special  inspectors 
were  appointed,  generally  in  compliance  with  some  edict  of  the 
General  Court.  Thus,  John  Knowlton  was  appointed  to  "search 
and  scale  leather"  in  1652,  that  no  unmarketable  leather  might 
be  sold  by  any  tanner  of  hides,  and  the  sealer  was  a  regular  offi- 
cial henceforth.  The  Common  Packer,  whose  function  was  to 
secure  the  pro])or  packing  of  fish  or  meat  in  barrels,  I  presume, 
came  into  existence  in   1658.     "Pounders,"  for  the   care   of 

1  History  of  Ipswich. 


stray  animals  shut  up  in  the  public  pounds  and  the  collection 
of  fines,  were  chosen  in  1674,  but  some  provision  must  have 
been  made  long  before  this  as  the  pounds  had  been  built  some 
years.  Tithing  men  were  chosen  first  in  1677,  and  in  1680 
there  is  mention  of  a  Clerk  of  the  Marketplace.  "Gagers  of 
casque"  were  chosen  in  1726.  The  poor  had  been  provided 
for  always  at  the  public  expense,  but  the  first  mention  of  an 
overseer  of  the  poor,  of  which  I  am  aware,  occurs  in  1734.  Capt. 
Thos.  Wade  was  then  elected  to  that  office.  Col.  John  Choate 
was  chosen  surveyor  of  flax  and  hemp  in  1735. 

By  the  middle  of  the  century,  deer  began  to  be  scarce  in 
the  forests,  and  to  prevent  their  extinction  and  to  regulate  their 
destruction  for  food,  "deer  reeves"  were  established  and  the 
first  election  was  made  in  1743.  They  were  elected  annually 
for  many  years,  but  as  the  office  had  been  discontinued  in  1797, 
it  is  probable  that  the  deer  had  wholly  disappeared. 

Thus  the  government  of  the  town  was  systematized  gradually. 
Every  industry  seems  to  have  been  supervised  by  some  public 
functionary  and  the  climax  of  petty  officialdom  might  well 
have  been  reached  in  1797,  when  the  list  of  officers  chosen  at 
the  Town  meeting  included  Selectmen,  Overseers,  Town  Clerk 
and  Treasurer,  Tithing-men,  Road  Surveyors,  Fish  Committee, 
Clerk  of  the  Market,  Fence  Viewers,  Haywards,  Surveyors  of 
Lumber,  Cullers  of  Fish,  Sealers  of  Leather,  Hog-reeves, 
Gangers  of  Cask,  Sealers  of  Weights,  Measurers  of  Grain,  Corders 
of  Wood,  Firewards,  Packer  of  Pork,  and  Cullers  of  Brick. 
Surely  the  thirst  for  public  office,  which  afflicts  every  American 
citizen,  was  easily  gratified.  The  Ipswich  of  a  century  ago 
must  have  been  a  paradise  for  politicians. 



Ownership  of  a  house  and  land  within  the  town  bounds 
carried  with  it  the  right  of  pasturage,  in  the  wide  domain  l:)e- 
yond  the  Conunon  Fence.  This  right  was  definitely  recog- 
nized, and  could  be  bought  or  sold.  But  the  i)rivilege  of  cutting 
woo.d  in  the  dense  forests,  which  were  inchuled  in  these  coin- 
nions,  was  retained  by  the  town. 

Singularly  enough  the  town  claimed  proprietorship  even 
in  the  trees  standing  on  the  houselots  granted  to  individuals, 
and  graciously  granted  permission  in  1634  to  the  grantees,  to 
have  such  trees  on  "paying  a  valuable  consideration  for  the 
fallinge  of  them."  In  1635,  the  Town  ordered  that  "no  man 
shall  sell,  lend,  give  or  convey,  or  cause  to  be  conveyed  or  sent 
out  of  the  Town,  any  timber  sawn  or  unsawn,  riven  or  unriven 
upon  pain  of  forfeiting  their  sum  or  price."  The  "consent  of 
the  Town"  was  necessary  before  any  timber  or  clapboards 
could  be  carried  beyond  her  bounds.  The  enactment  of  1639 
was  even  more  stringent : 

"Noe  man  shall  fell  any  timber  upon  the  Common  to  make 
sale  of,  neither  Shall  any  man  fell  any  tree  for  fuel  without 
leave  from  the  Constable  under  penalty  of  x®  for  such  tree 
felled  for  timber  or  firewood,  and  if  any  man  shall  fell  timber 
for  their  own  use,  and  remove  it  not  from  off  the  Commons 
or  cleave  it  or  saw  it  not  within  one  year  after  the  felling  of  it, 
it  shall  be  lawful  for  any  man  to  make  use  of  the  same."  Accord- 
ing to  the  vote  of  1643,  a  special  license  from  the  Town  or  Seven 
Men  was  necessary  before  a  white  oak  could  be  felled,  and  Mr. 
Gardiner  was  to  give  a  written  certificate  that  such  license  was 
fit.  The  felling  of  timber  on  "Jcffry's  Neck,  Castle  Neck, 
Hog  Island,"  etc.,  was  prohibited  in  1650,  but  some  clearings 
had  been  accomplished,  as  provision  was  made  in  1654  for  Jef- 


fries  Neck  and  other  common  lands  to  be  "broken  up  and 
planted  for  English."  Special  privilege  was  granted  the  in- 
habitants of  the  Town  in  1652,  to  fell  for  firewood  the  swamp 
between  Timber  Hill  and  Bush  Hill,  "provided  no  man  may 
take  above  2  rods  in  breadth,  and  to  fell  all  and  clear  as  they 
go  across  the  Swamp."  By  the  order  of  1665,  oaks  or  walnuts 
might  not  be  cut  without  permission,  but  the  maltsters,  Capt. 
Appleton,  Cornet  Whipple  and  Thomas  L were  granted  lib- 
erty to  fell  some  walnuts  for  their  kilns  in  1667,  and  permit 
was  given  the  tanners  in  1671  "to  fell  for  there  supply  for 
Barke  for  there  tanning,  being  as  good  Husbands  for  the  Town 
as  they  can." 

Neither  did  the  right  of  commonage  involve  any  privilege 
of  cultivating  any  portion  of  the  commons.  In  1659,  twelve 
citizens  petitioned  for  the  privilege  of  planting  two  acres  apiece 
in  Jeffries  Neck,  and  they  agreed  to  sow  four  bushels  of  hayseed 
per  acre  with  the  last  crop.  Their  petition  was  allowed  and 
seven  others  were  granted  like  privilege  "if  the  land  holds 

This  use  of  the  common  land  sprang  into  instant  favor. 
The  next  year,  fifteen  men  agreed  to  cultivate  two  acres  apiece 
on  Jeffries  Neck  for  four  years,  and  with  the  fifth  crop  plant 
four  bushels  of  hayseed,  and  leave  it  to  the  use  of  the  Town  for 
common  feed  as  before.  Twenty-four  men  agreed  to  clear,  and 
then  cultivate  Bush  Hill  and  Turkey  Hill  for  six  years,  on  the 
same  terms,  with  the  added  proviso,  that  they  "shall  keep  up 
fence  one  year  after  to  let  the  grass  get  ahead."  Redroot  Hill 
was  granted  to  eight  for  six  years,  Scott's  Hill  to  nine,  a  parcel 
of  land  at  Cowkeepers  Rock  to  six,  land  between  Hafficld's 
and  Wilderness  Hill  to  Giddings  and  John  Andrews. 

By  the  time  the  first  of  these  tillage  rights  had  expired, 
the  idea  of  permanent  individual  ownership  had  gained  general 
acceptance.  So,  in  1664,  the  town  voted  that  Plum  Island, 
Hogg  Island  and  Castle  Neck  be  divided  to  such  as  have  the 
right  to  commonage  according  to  law,  according  to  the  propor- 
tion of  four,  six  and  eight.  Those  who  did  not  pay  more  than 
6^  8**  in  personal  &  property  tax  in  a  single  country  rate  were 
to  form  the  first  division.  All  that  did  not  exceed  16**  were  to 
form  the  second.     All  that  exceeded  16®  "together  with  our 


Magistrates,  Elders,  Mr.John  Rogers,  and  Mr.  Thomas  Andrews" 
(the  school-master),  were  to  constitute  the  highest. 

The  Committee  to  which  the  task  was  assigned,  reported  in 
April,  1G65,  that  there  were  203  inhabitants  who  had  right  of 
commonage,  that  28  were  entitled  to  a  double  share,  70  were 
entitled  to  a  share  and  a  half,  105  were  entitled  to  a  single  share, 
22G  single  shares  in  all.  They  reported  as  well  that  there  were 
800  acres  of  marsh  and  upland  "beside  beaches  and  gall'd 
hills,"  and  that  each  single  share  would  contain  three  acres. 
These  shares  wcr(>  laid  out,  first  a  double  share,  next  two  one 
and  a  half  shares,  then  three  single  shares  beginning  at  the  end 
of  Plum  Island  towards  Rowley,  then  on  Castle  Neck,  including 
"the  Pines"  and  Wigwam  Hill.  The  commoners  then  took 
their  shares  by  lot,  and  Cornet  Whipple,  Robert  Lord,  John 
Leighton  and  Thomas  Lovel  went  with  them  to  show  where 
their  land  was.  A  full  list  of  the  shareholders  was  recorded, 
and  this  large  section  of  the  public  domain  was  withdrawn  from 
commonage  forever.  Large  tracts  of  common  land  remained 
however,  and  the  right  of  commonage  was  granted  to  five  men 
in  1668  and  to  Thomas  Giddings  in  1674  by  vote. 

Fishermen  were  allowed  to  cut  wood  from  the  commons  for 
house  building  and  fuel,  and  each  boat's  crew  had  leave  to 
feed  one  cow  on  the  Common  (1670).  Yet  further  privilege 
was  granted  them  in  1696,  when  Mr.  John  Appleton,  Mr.  An- 
drew Dyamond,  and  Mr.  Francis  Wainwright',  were  "appointed 
and  empowered  a  Committee  to  lay  out  the  several  lots  that 
shall  be  desired  by  persons  to  carry  on  the  fishing  design  at 
Jeffery's  Neck,  for  flake-room  and  erecting  stage  or  stages,  the 
said  lotts  to  run  up  and  down  the  hill  fronting  to  ye  River  on 
ye  Southside."  Traces  of  these  lots  are  visible  in  the  rows  of 
stones,  on  the  slope  of  Great  Neck  near  Little  Neck.  Less 
favor  had  been  shown  other  use  of  common  lands  in  1682, 
when  the  question,  "whether  any  commoner  or  inhabitant  may 
take  up  and  inclose  land  upon  the  common  or  highways,  as  he 
or  the}''  shall  see  good,  for  Tobacco  yards  and  other  uses,"  was 
decided  in  the  negative. 

Finally,  in  the  beginning  of  the  next  century,  1709,  it  was 
voted,  that  all  the  common  lands  be  divided  into  "eight  parts," 


except  what  is  hereafter  to  accommodate  ancient  and  new 
commoners.  These  votes,  we  have  mentioned,  were  all  votes 
of  the  town  in  regularly  warned  town  meetings.  Provision 
was  made  for  the  carrying  out  of  the  several  votes  by  the  select- 
men, the  town  constable  and  other  public  officials.  It  might 
appear  that  the  town  in  its  corporate  capacity  had  supreme 

Nevertheless,  from  the  very  beginning,  the  commoners,  or 
those  who  had  the  right  of  commonage,  met  in  commoners' 
meeting,  had  their  own  records,  and  legislated  with  rc^ference 
to  all  the  duties  and  privileges  of  commoners.  In  fact,  it  has 
been  affirmed  by  a  careful  student,  that,  in  the  town  of  Man- 
chester, land  grants  made  by  the  town  were  really  made  by  the 
commoners  acting  in  their  capacity  of  commoners.^  In  our 
own  town,  the  line  of  distinction  seems  to  have  been  drawn 
more  definitely,  yet  the  commoners  claimed  and  exercised  very 
important  rights.  As  early  as  1644,  the  Town  Records  allude 
to  a  gift  by  the  commoners:  "a  plot  of  the  Cow  Common  on 
the  north  side  of  the  river  containing  by  estimation  3244  acres, 
was  presented  unto  the  freemen  of  the  town.  The  freemen 
doth  give  and  grant  unto  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  with 
themselves,  their  heirs  and  successors  forever  [viz.  all  such  as 
have  right  to  commonage]  all  the  aforesaid  Common  to  be  im- 
proved as  aforesaid." 

In  1702  they  divided  the  common  lands  into  large  sheep 
pastures.  "The  Great  Neck  by  some  cal*'  Jefferies  Neck,  now 
named  ye  Ram  Pasture  being  part  of  y®  sheep  walks  on  y*' 
northerly  side  of  the  River,"  was  to  be  included  in  the  "sheep 
walk,"  on  the  north  side  of  the  River;  "and  on  y''  South  syde 
of  ye  Mill  River,  excluding  y''  bounds  of  y''  flock  cal''  Whipple's 
(Job's  Hill)  flock,  extending  from  Isaack  Foster's  in  Chebacco 
to  James  Gittings  his  house;  and  from  thenc  to  y''  valley  he- 
twixt  Long  Hill  and  Wilderness  Hill,  and  thenc  in  y^'  valley 
betwext  Red  Root  Hill-  and  Sagamore  Hill  and  thence  on  a  line 
to  Mile  Brook  ag"'     ....     land." 

'  state  Doc.  "  Inhabitants  of  the  Town  of  Manchester  versus  Andrew  C.  Shtter," 
p.  18. 

=  Now  called  Red-wood  Hill. 



These  "stinted  sheep  walks"  having  been  defined  for  each 
flock,  the  commoners  voted  that  there  should  be  nine  flocks : 

VK  "y  Ram  Pastm-e  flock" 

2.  "y^-  Bush  Hill  "     " 

3.  "Turners  Hill  "     " 

4.  "Turkey  Hill  "     " 

5.  "Bull  Brook  "     " 

6.  "ye  Town  flock,  alias  Windmill  Hill  flock  as  far  as  the 

Bridge  below  Wm  J3urges  cfe  as  sd  Rivilet  runs  by 
Henry  Gold's  to  Choates  land." 

7.  "Red  Root  Hill  or  Brags  &  Kinsmans  flock." 

8.  "ye  Farmers  flock  next  Wenham  called  Whipplcs  flock, 

alias  Jobs  Hill  flock." 

9.  the  Chebacco  flock. 

•       It  was  further  ordered: 

"Every  sheppard  shall  keep  his  flock  in  the  limits  prescribed 
to  the  particular  flock  y*  he  takes  charge  and  care  of,  &  not  sufi"er 
them  to  stragle  into  other  Flocks  limits,  on  penalty  of  paying 
as  a  fine  of  two  shillings  and  six  for  each  time  he  is  convicted  of 

such  his  neglect: "     Each  shepherd  was  to  have  a  cottage 

near  his  flock,  and  a  fold  in  which  he  was  to  put  them  at  sunset, 
"and  put  them  out  at  sun  half  an  hour  high  in  y*"  morne  day 
by  day."  "Mr.  Samuel  Appleton  &  others"  were  to  have  "a 
flock  in  the  Thick  Woods  and  Pigeon  Hill." 

In  1707,  a  division  of  wood,  timber,  etc.,  at  Chebacco  ponds, 
Knight's  farm,  etc.,  was  made  into  four  parts.  In  1709,  the 
final  division  of  the  common  lands  was  made  by  a  Committee 
of  the  Commoners  and  a  Committee  of  the  Town.  The  town 
voted  on  January  11,  1708-9,  "That  wood-land  at  Chebacco 
Ponds,  that  thatch  banks  and  land  above  Baker's  Pond,  and 
Samuel  Pcrley's,  Jeffrey's  Neck  and  Paine's  Hill,  be  divided 
into  three-fifths  and  two-fifths  shares." 

Voted,  "That  any  commoner  who  has  one  or  more  rights 
and  has  built  one  or  more  new  houses  in  the  place  of  old  ones, 
shall  have  only  the  right  for  a  new  house,  which  belonged  to 
the  old  one." 

The  list  of  old  and  new  commoners,  and  old  and  new  Jef- 


fries  Neck  commoners  was  agreed  on,  and  tlien  iho  common 
lands  were  divided  into  eight  parts. 

1.  "Convenient  for  Chebacco,  about  Chcbacco  pond/' 
about  873  acres. 

2.  "Convenient  for  the  inhabitants  of  the  Hamblett," 
about  470  acres. 

3.  "From  Chebacco  Pond  running  northwesterly,  taking 
all  the  Comon  lands  between  the  two  lines  to  Cowkeepers  Rock, 
and  all  that  piece  of  Common  up  to  the  highway  by  Tanner 
Norton's,  and  by  the  fence  to  the  Gate  by  Appleton's  Mill," 
about  1181  acres. 

4.  "Thick  Woods  &  Pigeon  Hill." 

5.  "Beginning  at  Kimball's  corner  .  .  .  Warner's  or 
Day's  gate     ..."  about  946  acres. 

6.  "From  Goodhue's  corner  to  Day's  corner,  by  the  River, 
etc.,"  about  578  acres  (5  and  6  including  Bush  Hill  and  Turner's 

7.  "Turkey  Hill  and  land  about  Egypt  river,"  954  acres. 

8.  "Toward  Rowley  line,"  850  acres. 

The  Committee  proceeded  to  assign  the  commoners  to  their 
proper  eighths,  and  each  man's  right  was  decided  as  accurately 
as  possible. 

Some  title  to  Castle  Neck  still  remained  in  the  possession 
of  the  commoners,  as  appears  from  the  vote  of  21  Mar.  1726, 
instructing  the  Treasurer  to  execute  a  deed  of  sale  or  conveyance 
of  their  whole  right  and  title  in  the  "wood  that  now  is,  or  that 
shall  hereafter  be  standing,  lying,  or  growing  on  any  part  of 
Castle  Neck  so  called  beyond  Wigwam  Hill,"  to  Symonds 
Epes,  Esq.,  for  ten  pounds  sterling.  The  commoners  relin- 
quished their  "right  att  Rocky  Hill  unto  James  Fuller,  Ebe- 
nezer  Fuller  and  Jabez  Treadwell,  they  paying  the  sum  of  sixty 
pounds  old  Tenor,  for  ye  Com"  use."  Aug.,  1745.  (This  is  the 
hill  now  occupied  by  Mr.  Moritz  B.  Philipp.) 

Unappropriated  thatch  banks  were  let  each  year  to  the 
highest  bidder,  only  commoners  having  the  right  to  bid.  Rights 
and  privileges  in  the  "Gravill  Pit  and  Clay  pitts"  were  reserved 
by  the  conmioners  for  their  use  and  profit.     The  beaches  be- 


longed  to  the  commoners,  and  in  1757  they  voted  that  "Capt. 
Jonathan  Fellows  of  Cape  Ann,  have  the  liberty  of  all  the  sands 
lying  in  the  Town  of  Ipswich  for  the  space  of  one  year  foi-  th(^ 
sum  of  2£  13s.  4d." 

Their  authority  reached  also  to  the  fiats  and  the  clams  that 
dwelt  therein,  and  in  1763  the  vexed  question  of  the  control  of 
the  shell  fishery  led  to  the  first  regulation  of  which  I  am  aware. 
The  connnoncrs  voted,  on  July  4th,  "That  the  Committee  take 
care  of  all  ye  flats  &  clams  therein,  belonging  to  ye  proprietors 
of  ye  Conunon  lands  in  Ipswich  &  that  no  person  or  persons 
be  allowed  to  digg  any  more  clams  than  for  their  own  use,  &  to 
be  expended  in  ye  Town,  &  that  all  owners  of  fishing  vessels 
and  Boats  shall  apply  to  one  of  sd.  Committee  for  liberty  to 
digg  clams  for  their  vessels  use  fare  by  fare,  &  no  owners  of 
vessel  or  vessels,  boat  or  boats,  shall  digg  more  clams  than  shall 
be  allowed  by  one  or  more  of  sd.  Committee  on  penalty  of  prose- 
cution; said  Committee  are  to  allow  one  Barl  of  clams  to  each 
man  of  every  vessel  going  to  the  Banks  every  fare,  &  so  also 
in  propr.  to  boats  fishing  in  the  Bay,  and  a  majority  of  said 
Com.  are  impowered  to  prosecute  all  offenders." 

The  income  accruing  from  these  sales  and  leases  was  ex- 
pended for  various  public  uses.  In  1771,  £100  was  voted  "for 
the  use  of  building  a  work  house  in  the  Town  of  Ipswich,"  pro- 
vided the  town  build  within  eighteen  months.  In  1772,  £20 
was  voted  to  Wm.  Dodge  and  others  "to  erect  suitable  land 
marks  for  the  benefit  of  vessels  outward  and  inward  bound," 
and  6s.  to  Anthony  Loneyfor  ringing  the  bell  from  Feb.  1771 
to  Feb.  1772.  In  1773,  £50  was  voted  for  reading  and  writing 
schools,  provided  the  town  raise  £40.  Finally,  in  1788,  the 
majority  of  the  commoners  voted,  though  vigorous  opposition 
was  made  by  the  minority,  to  resign  all  their  interests  in  lands, 
etc.,  to  the  town  toward  the  payment  of  the  heavy  town  debt 
incurred  during  the  Revolution.  Mr.  Felt  estimated  that  this 
grant  was  worth  about  £600. 

Thus  the  body  of  commoners  ceased  to  be  but  we  still  are 
reminded  of  the  old  commonage  system  by  the  "Common 
Fields,"  so  called,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Poor  Farm,  and 
our  South  Common  and  the  open  lands  in  the  centre  of  our  town. 



Sunrise,  in  the  summer  time,  found  the  ancient  Ipswich 
wide  awake  and  busily  astir.  The  cattle  were  gathering  on  the 
South  Green  and  at  Dodge's  Corner,  while  the  cow-herds'  horns 
were  blowing,  and  some  one  had  risen  early  enough  in  every 
family  to  milk  the  family  cow  antl  drive  her  to  the  place  of 
rendezvous.  Before  the  herds  had  been  driven  well  away, 
with  shouting  and  lowing  and  clanging  of  bells  and  sounding  of 
horns,  the  heaviest  sleepers  had  been  aroused,  and  were  pre- 
paring for  the  day's  toil.  As  we  think  of  the  manifold  necessities 
of  that  little  community,  its  remote  isolation,  and  the  need  of 
its  providing  by  its  own  varied  and  wearisome  toil  for  its  own 
wants,  we  are  sure  that  the  longest  day  was  none  too  long,  and 
that  every  hour  of  daylight  could  be  well  used. 

The  pressing  matter  of  food  for  man  and  beast  was  first  to 
be  settled,  and  a  considerable  proportion  of  the  men  were  farm- 
ers, and  almost  every  man  had  his  garden  about  his  house,  and 
his  six-acre  tillage  lot  a  little  farther  away.  The  town  lots  aver- 
aged about  two  acres,  and  allowed  ample  room  for  convenient 
raising  of  many  food  products.  We  should  hardly  recognize 
our  fair  green  fields  and  soil  yielding  so  easily  to  the  plough,  in 
the  rough,  stony  lands  cumbered  with  tree  stumps,  blackened 
with  the  fire,  and  slowly  rotting  away,  which  the  first  farmers 
here  ploughed  with  their  wooden  ploughs,  and  made  ready  for 
the  planting.  But  the  virgin  soil  was  black  and  rich,  and  even 
though  rocks  hindered  the  course  of  the  plough  sometimes,  as 
the  observing  Johnson  remarked  in  1646,  the  toil  expended 
found  ample  return.  The  fish  that  were  caught  plentifully 
in  the  Bay,  or  taken  more  easily,  when  the  shad  and  alewives 
were  passing  in  shoals  up  over  the  fishway  of  the  dam,  fur- 
nished cheap  and  good  dressing.  Moreton  observed  in  1637 
"that  a  thousand  were  put  into  an  acre,  which  would  yield 
three  times  more  corn  than  without  them."  But  the  dogs 
soon  learned  to  dig  up  the  fish  from  the  corn  fields,  and  they 



brought  upon  themselves  a  very  singular  abridgment  of  their 
liberty  and  impairment  of  their  dignity,  as  we  learn  from  the 
vote  of  the  town  in  May,  1644: 

"It  is  ordered  that  all  doggs,  for  the  space  of  three  weeks 
after  the  publishinge  thereof,  shall  have  one  legg  tyed  up.  If 
such  a  dogg  should  break  loose  and  be  foimd  in  any  corne 
field,  doing  any  harme,  the  owner  of  the  dogg  shall  pay  the 
damages.  If  a  man  refuse  to  tye  up  his  dogg's  legg,  and  hee 
bee  found  scraping  up  fish  in  the  corne  field,  the  owner  shall 
pay  12s.  besides  whatever  damage  the  dogg  doth." 

Corn  was  the  principal  food  staple,  and  a  plentiful  supply 
was  of  the  highest  importance.  Rye  was  also  a  favorite  article 
of  diet,  but  wheat  was  grown  and  used  but  sparingly.  Vegeta- 
bles of  the  common  sort  were  grown,  pumpkins,  melons,  pease, 
beans  and  turnips,  but  the  potato,  now  the  chief  food  crop  on 
every  farm,  was  not  known  for  a  century.  Felt  says  that  this 
vegetable  was  not  cultivated  in  our  town  until  1733.  They  were 
planted  in  beds,  like  beets  or  carrots,  and  three  bushels  were 
counted  an  ample  crop  for  a  family.  Hay  and  oats  were  essen- 
tial to  the  wintering  of  the  cattle,  flax  was  grown  to  furnish 
the  material  for  the  fine  linen  garments  and  table  furnishings, 
barley  was  raised  that  there  might  be  no  lack  of  beer.  Tobacco, 
too,  was  a  crop  that  was  prized  highly,  albeit  the  use  of  it  was 
always  under  the  ban  of  the  \a,\v.  The  Statute  of  1634  was, 
"  No  person  shall  take  tobacco  publicly,  on  fine  of  2'  6d.or  pri- 
vately in  his  own  or  another's  house,  before  acquaintance  or 
strangers."  The  buying  or  selling  was  prohibited  in  1635. 
Nevertheless,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Rogers  was  a  famous  smoker,  and 
his  people  persisted  in  cultivating  the  forbidden  herb.  All 
planting  and  cultivating  were  done  in  primitive  fashion,  and  the 
scythe,  hoe  and  hand  rake  were  the  chief  implements  for  tli(> 
harvesting.  Mr.  SaltonstalFs  great  four  hundred  acre  farm 
on  the  Topsfield  border,  and  the  great  farms  of  Appleton,  Den- 
ison  and  Symonds  and  all  the  wealthier  people  must  have  given 
plentiful  employment  to  many  stout  yeomen. 

After  the  corn  had  been  raised,  there  was  work  for  the  miller 
to  grind  it  into  meal.  "The  worshipful  Mr.  Saltonstall/'  as  he  is 
called  in  many  old  records,  had  the  exclusive  mill  privilege  for 
many  years.     His  mill-dam  was  built  on  the  site  of  the  present 


one,  it  is  supposed,  and  the  original  grist-mill  probably  stootl 
very  near  the  site  of  the  old  stone  mill.  A  busy  place  it  must 
have  been,  for  every  family  in  the  whole  broad  township,  from 
Chebacco  to  Rowley  and  Topsfield,  was  dependent  on  it,  and 
many  a  bag  of  corn  was  brought  on  the  back  of  a  horse,  or  in  the 
creaking  tumbril,  and  due  weight  of  meal  was  borne  away, 
after  a  sixteenth  part  had  been  measured  out  for  the  miller. 
This  valuable  monopoly  continued  unbroken  until  1687,  though 
much  dissatisfaction  prevailed  because  of  insufficient  accommo- 

In  that  year,  permission  was  granted  Nehemiah  Jewett  to 
build  a  dam  and  erect  a  mill  on  the  south  side  of  Egypt  River,' 
and  in  1696,  Edmund  and  Anthony  Potter  and  Abraham  Tilton, 
Jr.,  were  permitted  to  build  another  on  Mile  River,  where  the 
okl  mill  stands  today  on  the  farm  of  Mr.  Oliver  Smith.  Robert 
Calef  was  granted  leave,  in  1715,  to  build  his  grist-mill  in  the 
Island  by  the  lower  Falls. 

But  Mr.  Jonathan  Wade  seems  to  have  evaded  the  legal 
difficulty  attaching  to  the  erection  of  a  grist-mill  driven  by 
water-power,  by  building  a  wind-mill,  prior  to  1673,  on  the 
top  of  the  hill  that  still  bears  the  name.  Windmill,  though  the 
oldest  inhabitant  has  no  remembrance  of  such  a  structure. 
Its  great,  clumsy  sails,  revolving  noisily,  and  the  rumble  of  the 
millstones  gave  pleasant  welcome  no  doubt  to  the  traveller, 
coming  slowly  into  town  after  his  long  journey  through  the 

Almost  as  valuable  as  the  grist-mill  was  the  saw-mill. 
Singularly  enough,  though  there  was  abundant  water  power 
on  the  Ipswich  River,  and  the  river  at  Chebacco,  and  a  saw- 
mill would  seem  to  have  been  a  necessity  at  the  very  beginning, 
wc  find  no  grant  of  water  privilege  for  such  a  mill  until  1649, 
when  Mr.  Wade  was  granted  liberty  to  set  up  a  saw-mill. 
The  Town  voted  in  1656  that  a  saw-mill  might  be  built  on  Che- 
bacco River,  "and  liberty  to  cut  timber  was  granted,  if  one- 
fifteenth  of  what  is  sawed  there  be  granted  to  the  town,  and 
that  no  timber  be  cut  within  three  miles  and  a  half  of  the  meet- 

1  This  mill  was  built  a  little  way  from  the  highway,  near  the  house  lately  built  by 
Mr.  John  E.  Tenney. 


ing-house,  and  the  inhabitants  be  charged  no  more  tlian  four 
per  cent." 

Other  grants  for  saw-mills  were  made  in  1665  to  Jonathan 
Wade  and  in  1667  to  Thos.  Burnani.  Major  Samuel  Appleton 
had  a  saw-mill  on  his  own  land  near  the  present  bridge  over 
Mile  River,  and  the  remains  of  a  dam,  which  served  for  a  mill 
on  that  site  within  the  memory  of  some  old  people,  may  still 
be  found  within  a  few  rods  of  the  bridge,  towards  the  east. 

A  hemp-mill,  "for  the  breaking  of  hemp"  was  built  about 
1657,  we  i)resiune,  n(!ar  the  grist-mill  on  the  u))per  dam,  as 
Richard  Shatswell  was  granted  the  privilege  that  year,  "pro- 
vided it  be  no  prejudice  to  the  Town  or  the  corne  mill."  A 
fulling  mill,  for  finishing  homespun  cloth,  was  built  by  John 
Whipple  in  1673,  at  the  lower  falls,  and  other  similar  mills 
were  built  within  a  few  years. 

Our  forefathers  knew"  nothing  of  the  luxury  of  hot  tea  and 
coffee,  and  found  cold  comfort  as  it  seems  to  us  in  malt  beer 
and  other  spirituous  drinks.  So  the  maltster  was  as  needful 
almost  as  the  miller,  and  a  monopoly  similar  to  that  enjoyed 
by  Mr.  Saltonstall  for  his  grist-mill,  was  accorded  Mr.  Samuel 
Appleton  for  his  malt-kiln,  which  stood  very  near  the  railroad 
track,  south  of  the  crossing  on  the  road  toTopsfield.  The  Town 
Record  under  date  of  December,  1641,  reads: 

"Mr.  Apleton  promised  to  have  a  malt  house  ready  by  1''^ 
of  April  next,  and  to  mault  such  corn  as  shall  be  brought  from 
the  people  of  the  Tow^n  at  such  rates  as  shall  be  thought  equal 
from  time  to  time,  and  noe  man  (except  for  himself)  is  to  have 
any  made  elsewhere  for  the  space  of  five  years  next  ensuing." 

The  malting  establishment  was  built,  and  Mr.  Appleton 
was  permitted  to  cut  wood  in  the  Commons  for  the  fires.  In 
1648,  it  was  specified,  that  he  might  "fell  for  his  kiln,  twelve 
load  of  black  ashes."  In  1665,  Mr.  John  Whipple  and  Mr. 
John  L were  engaged  in  the  same  business. 

Following  the  river  down  from  the  upper  dam,  we  should 
have  found  the  representatives  of  many  industries.  Near  the 
present  foot-bridge  on  South  Main  Street,  near  the  old  Lace 
Factory,  Nath.  Browne  built  his  "work-house"  in  1661  or  2, 
on  the  eight  or  ten  rods  of  land  the  town  granted  him,   "to 


make  pott  ashes  and  sope,"  and  in  1691,  the  old  soap-boiling 
establishment  had  given  place  to  Samuel  Ordway's  blacksmith 
shop.  Edmund  Bridges  was  a  smith  of  the  earlier  time,  and 
his  refusal  to  shoe  Dep.  Governor  Symonds's  horse  with  proper 
haste  was  made  the  occasion  of  a  special  reprimand  from  the 
Great  and  General  Court,  in  the  year  1647. 

"  Ordered,  that  Edm.  Bridges  for  his  neglect  of  shooing  Mr. 
Symonds'  horse  (when  he  was  to  come  to  Corte)  be  required 
to  answer  this  complaint,  and  his  neglect  to  fiu'ther  publikc  ser- 
vice." Isaac  Littlehale  and  John  Safford  plied  the  same  useful 

Moses  Pengry  had  a  ship  yard  on  the  river  bank,  in  front  of 
Mr.  Daniel  S.  Burnham's  old  mansion,  in  the  year  1673,  and 
in  1676,  Edward  Randolph  wrote  to  England  that  ship-building 
was  an  extensive  industry  here.  Thomas  Clark  had  liberty  "to 
sett  down  Tan  fatts  at  the  end  of  his  planting  lot,  upon  two 
rods  reserved  by  the  River"  in  1640-1,  and  we  should  have 
found  that  ancient  tanyard  on  the  corner  of  Water  and  Summer 
Streets,  and  the  vats  on  the  river  bank.  Later  in  the  century, 
Nathaniel  Rust  had  a  tanning  establishment  for  the  curing  cf 
sheep  skins  and  the  manufacture  of  gloves  on  the  site  of  the 
residence  of  the  late  Mrs.  Rhoda  Potter,  now  owned  by  Mr. 
Henry  Brown,  by  the  brook,  on  County  Road,  and  here,  I  pre- 
sume, he  made  the  four  dozen  pairs  of  gloves  which  the  Town 
furnished  for  Mr.  Gobbet's  funeral  in  Nov.,  1685.  He  sold  it 
to  Deacon  Thomas  Norton,  another  tanner,  who  dwelt  in  the 
old  house  under  the  great  elm.  On  the  river  bank  near 
the  spot  now  occupied  by  Mr.  Glover's  coal  wharf.  Deacon 
Moses  Pengry  had  his  salt  pans  and  works  for  the  manufacture 
of  salt  from  the  sea  water,  as  early  as  1652,  and  the  brew- 
house  built  by  John  Paine  in  1663  was  in  the  near  vicinity,  by 
the  river. 

The  river  itself  was  a  busy  place,  with  the  coming  and  going 
of  the  fishing  craft,  and  the  larger  vessels  that  carried  cargoes 
of  fish,  pipe  staves  and  lumber  to  foreign  ports.  The  build- 
ing of  wharves  began  in  1641,  when  William  Paine  was  al- 
lowed to  build  one  for  a  warehouse,  and  a  town  wharf  was 
constructed  in  1656.  I  surmise  that  this  wharf  was  near  the 
dwelling  of    the   late   Isaiah    Rogers,  as  two    ancient    abut- 


incuts  may  still  be  seen  in  that  locality.  Daniel  Hovcy  built 
one  in  1G59  or  '60,  and  the  decaying  timbers  of  this  or  its  suc- 
cessor remain  on  the  south  bank  of  the  river,  near  the  site  of 
the  old  Hovey  House.  Thomas  Clark  and  Robert  Pierce  had 
leave  to  build  in  1662,  the  Wainwrights  in  1668,  Simon  Stacy 
in  1682,  Samuel  Hunt  in  1685,  Andrew  Sergeant  in  1686,  and 
the  old  wharf  in  Hunt's  Cove,  near  the  Turkey  Shore  Road, 
was  built  in  1722.  These  were  unpretentious  affairs  for  the 
most  part  no  doubt,  but  they  answered  for  the  unloading  of 
salt  hay  and  cord-wood,  and  other  commodities,  which  were 
handled  more  easily  in  boats  than  in  wagons. 

The  Town  had  a  Committee  for  furthering  trade  in  1641, 
Mr.  liradstrcet,  Mr.  Robert  Payne,  Captain  Denison,  Mr.  Tuttle, 
Matthew  Whipple,  John  Whipple  and  Mr.  Saltonstall,  and  they 
had  th(!  care  of  buoys  and  beacons,  the  providing  of  salt  and 
cotton,  the  sowing  of  hemp  seed  and  flaxseed,  and  "cards  wyer 
canes."  A  special  Committee  to  dispose  of  Little  Neck  in 
such  wise  as  to  promote  the  fishing  interest  was  chosen,  Mr. 
Bradstreet,  Mr.  Hubbard,  Mr.  Symonds,  Mr.  Robert  Payne  and 
Mr.  John  Whipple,  and  they  proceeded  to  accomplish  their  task, 
according  to  the  vote  of  the  Town: 

"Agreed  that  the  little  neck  of  land,  where  the  fishing  stage 
is,  shall  be  sequestered  and  set  apart  for  the  advancement  of 
fishing,  and  that  the  fishermen  there  shall  have  liberty  to  enclose 
it  from  the  other  neck,  where  the  Cattcll  goes;  and  it  is  agreed 
that  every  boat  that  comes  to  fish  there  shall  have  sufficient 
roome  to  make  their  fish  in,  as  also  every  boat  gang  shall  have 
liberty  to  break  up  &  plant  an  acre  of  ground  which  they  shall 
enjoy  during  the  pleasure  of  the  Town." 

"The  like  encouragement  the  Town  intends  to  give  to  any 
other  boat,  that  shall  hereafter  come  to  fish  there,  antl  it  is 
the  professed  desire  and  agreement  of  those  fishermen  that  are 
already  settled  there,  that  those  that  shall  hereafter  come  to 
fish  th(>re,  shall  have  equal  privilege  there  with  themselves." 

"Also  it  is  agreed  that  the  fishermen  shall  have  liberty  to 
build  them  such  houses  as  they  will  be  willing  to  resign  to  the 
Town,  wlien(!ver  they  desert  the  place,  and  they  are  to  have 
the  places  assigned  them  for  building  their  houses,  by  some 
that  the  Town  shall  appoint." 


The  Little  Neck  was  full  of  life  and  bustle,  and  boats  were 
coming  and  going  from  the  Isles  of  Shoals,  where  the  Ipswich 
merchants  had  another  fishing  station.  Francis  Wainwright 
was  largely  interested  there,  and  sold  land  there  to  Thomas 
Diamond  in  1690.  William  Roe  had  removed  from  the  Shoals  to 
Ipswich  in  1671,  and  purchased  land  for  his  dwelling  near  Mr. 
Glover's  wharf.  In  1673,  he  sold  his  house  and  land  to  two 
other  fishermen  from  the  Shoals,  Andrew  Diamond  and  Henry 
Maine,  and  the  old  house  by  the  wharves  that  bears  the  name 
of  the  Harry  Maine  house,  though  of  later  date,  stands  on 
land  once  owned  by  Maine.  Diamond's  name  is  familiar  still 
from  "Diamond  Stage,"  where  he  had  a  fishing  stage. 

The  business  was  so  flourishing  that  before  the  end  of  the 
century  there  was  need  of  greater  accommodation  for  the  fisher- 
men in  drying  their  fish  and  preparing  them  for  shipment.  So 
the  Town  voted  June  15,  1696: 

"That  Mr.  John  Appleton,  merchant,  Mr.  Andrew  Dyamond, 
Mr.  Francis  Wainwright  be  appointed  and  impowered  a  Com- 
mittee to  lay  out  the  several  lots  that  shall  be  desired  by  Per- 
sons to  carry  on  the  fishing  design  at  Jeffery's  Neck  for  flake 
room  and  erecting  of  stage  or  stages,  the  said  I^otts  to  run  up 
and  down  the  Hill  fronting  to  ye  River,  on  ye  Southside,  and 
those  that  have  already  built  flake  room,  to  order  their  orderty 
setting  the  same  up  and  down  said  Hill,  and  that  no  flake  room 
shall  lye  along  the  River  to  debar  others  from  carrying  on  the 
design  of  fishing."  "Stage  Hill"  is  the  name  that  still  clings 
to  one  of  the  rounded  hillocks  on  Jeffries  Neck  toward  Par- 
ker River,  and  suggests  yet  further  extension  of  the  fisheries. 

An  old  picture  in  the  possession  of  the  Historical  Society 
shows  the  fish-houses  and  stages  on  Jeffries,  and  the  fishing 
craft  at  anchor,  at  some  time  previous  to  the  Revolution,  and 
the  parallel  rows  of  stones  running  up  the  hill  on  the  Great 
Neck,  probably  indicate  the  several  flake  rooms  of  that  period. 

Palfray  in  his  History  of  New  England  tells  us  that  in  the 
latter  half  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  trade  of  the  Colony 
had  become  extensive  and  profltable.  Provisions,  horses, 
boards,  pipe  staves  and  houses  r«ady  framed  were  shipped  to 
Barbadoes,  St.  Christopher  and  other  Islands.  Fish,  pipe- 
staves,  and  deals  were  sent  to  Spain,  Portugal  and  the  Straits. 


Madeira  and  Canary  Islands.  Masts  and  yards,  fir  and  oak 
plank,  and  all  kinds  of  peltry  went  to  England.  The  Ipswich 
merchants,  the  Wainvvrights,  Jonathan  Wade,  Thomas  Bishop, 
Mr.  Diamond  and  others  were  enter])rising  men,  and  many  a 
foreign  bound  vessel,  laden  with  the  dried  fish  and  pipe-staves 
and  other  commodities  sailed  down  the  river  and  out  into  the 
broad  Atlantic.  We  know  some  of  the  fishermen  who  were 
busy  with  their  boats  and  fishing  in  those  daj^s,  Daniel  Ringe, 
William  Smalledge,  Thomas  Harris,  Richard  Gross,  Robert 
Dutch,  Robert  Knight  and  Richard  Lakeman. 

Shoreborne  Wilson,  George  Palmer,  William  Douglass  and 
George  Hart  were  coopers,  and  they  and  many  others  no  doubt 
made  the  barrels  for  the  fishermen,  and  the  staves  for  foreign 
shipment.  Some  of  the  sailors'  names  remain,  and  a  romantic 
interest  attaches  to  these  bold  mariners,  who  voyaged  so 
far  in  the  small  and  quaint  vessels  of  that  day:  Joseph  Met- 
calfe, Robert  Dutch  and  Samuel,  his  son,  Peter  Peniwell, 
Freeman  Clark  and  William  Donnton.  One  other  artisan  con- 
tributed in  no  small  degree  to  this  flourishing  river  business, 
Simon  Tompson,  the  rope-maker,  who  lived  near  Rocky  Hill. 

But  there  was  thrifty  toil  beside  that  on  the  wharves,  and 
the  fishing  stages,  in  the  fishing  shallops  and  on  the  decks  of  the 
foreign  bound  merchantmen,  and  the  tributary  employments 
of  the  salt-maker  and  cooper,  and  rope  maker.  There  were 
carpenters  and  some  of  their  names  remain:  William  Whitred, 
William  Storey,  John  and  Thomas  Burnam,  Ezekiel  Woodward  v 
Thomas  Clark  and  Joseph  Fuller.  In  the  earliest  days,  indeed, 
there  were  thatchers,  also,  whose  craft  it  was  to  cover  the 
roofs  of  the  newly  built  houses  and  barns  with  thatch,  and 
the  use  they  made  of  the  heavy  salt  grass  growing  on  the  banks 
of  the  lower  river  has  been  perpetuated  in  the  name,  thatch- 
banks.  Brick  chimneys  supplanted  the  wooden  chimneys  daubed 
with  clay,  and  there  was  call  for  the  bricks  that  John  Day 
made,  and  the  services  of  John  Woodam  or  William  Knowlton 
as  bricklayers.  Glass  windows  were  universal  after  the  middle 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  there  was  a  distinct  trade  of 
glazier.  Samuel  Hunt  and  his  son  followed  this  trade,  and  so 
did  Robert  Kinsman,  one    of   the  immortal  group  that  stood 


with  John    Wise  in    his  jjrotest  against  the  Andros    tax,  and 
suffered  with  him. 

There  was  need  of  food  and  raiment.  Samuel  Younglove 
was  the  first  butcher  of  whom  we  know.  William  White,  Oba- 
diah  Wood  and  his  apprentice,  John  Spark,  were  "biskett 
bakers."  Shoes  and  leather  garments  and  gloves  were  needed, 
and  Thomas  Clark  tanned  the  hides.  Richard  Scoficld  and 
Thomas  Lovell  split  and  cured  and  made  them  ready  for  the  shoe- 
maker. "The  cordwainers"  as  the  men  of  the  awl  and  lap- 
stone  were  called,  were  quite  a  numerous  body,  and  they  were 
men  of  quality,  too:  Dea.  Thomas  Knowlton,  Robert  Lord, 
Thomas  Smith,  Nathaniel  Knowlton,  John  Wilson,  John 
Lovell  and  William  Bulkley. 

The  weaver,  too,  was  a  man  of  indispensable  value.  He 
sat  all  day  at  the  heavy  loom,  harnessed  like  a  packhorse 
to  his  load,  and  many  a  weaver  grew  round-shouldered  and 
misshapen.  We  may  think  of  James  Sayer  and  Thomas  Lull, 
Simon  Adams  and  Nathaniel  Fuller  as  philanthropists  as  well  as 
weavers.  The  tailor  went  often  from  house  to  house  to  measure 
and  cut  and  sew  the  garments  made  from  the  homespun  fabric 
of  the  good  wife,  and  the  more  finished  product  of  the  profes- 
sional weaver.  John  Annibal,  Thomas  Clark,  Jr.,  John  French 
and  one  woman,  Mary  Lord,  were  of  this  most  useful  guild. 
Samuel  Graves,  Samuel  Wood  and  William  Howard,  Jun.,  were 
felt  makers  and  hatters.  Innkeepers  provided  for  the  needs  of 
travellers,  and  the  social  tippling  of  the  towns-folk,  John 
Baker,  Abraham  Perkins,  John  Spark,  and  others  not  a  few, 
including  the  sober  Deacon  Moses  Pengry. 

The  gunsmith  was  indispensable  in  those  days  of  danger. 
William  Fuller,  Thomas  Manning  and  Nathaniel  Treadwell 
plied  that  calling.  Jacob  Davis,  the  potter,  was  the  house- 
keeper's friend.  John  Ward  was  the  original  "chirurgeon". 
Giles  Firmin  was  a  trained  physician,  and  John  Aniball  of  later 
years  was  a  limb  dresser.  Dr.  Bridgman,  formerly  of  Boston, 
Dr.  Philemon  Dane,  and  Dr.  John  Perkins  ministered  as  well  to 
fleshly  ills. 

The  division  and  subdivision  of  trades  in  those  days  are  in 
great  contrast  with  the  combination  of  trades  that  ])revails 
today,   because   of  the   universal   use   of   machinery   and   the 


grouping  of  workmen  in  large  manufactories.  It  is  interesting, 
moreover,  to  note  how  much  more  of  legal  restriction  there 
was  in  various  ways  in  the  olden  time. 

The  use  of  the  wood  on  the  common  lands  for  various  pur- 
poses brought  it  within  the  province  of  the  commoners  or 
freemen  to  decide  whether  this  privilege  should  be  granted. 
Tlie  maltster  and  the  brick-maker  needed  fuel  constantly,  and 
their  business  was  thus  dependent  constantly  on  the  favor  of 
the  commoners.  The  water-power  on  any  stream  was  the 
property  of  the  Town,  and  no  mill  could  be  erected  without  a 
popular  vote.  The  fisherman  was  restricted  in  the  use  he 
nuidc  of  the  fish  he  had  taken  with  toil  and  trouble.  In  1639, 
the  General  Court  ordered  that  "after  June  20th  no  bass  nor 
cod  shall  be  taken  for  manure,  except  their  heads  and  offals." 

The  artisan  might  not  charge  as  he  saw  fit  for  his  day's 
labor.  "Carpenters,  joyners,  bricklayers,  sawyers  and  thatch- 
ers"  might  not  "take  above  2*.  a  day,  nor  shall  any  man  give 
more,  under  penalty  of  10^  to  taker  and  giver."  Carpenters 
had  been  receiving  3^.  a  day,  because  workmen  were  scarce, 
and  common  laborers,  2^  G**. ;  but  the  order  of  the  Court,  in 
1633,  reduced  the  skilled  workman's  wage  one-third,  and  the 
laborer's  pay  to  18'^.  The  baker  wrought  under  the  eye  of  the 
law.  The  law  of  1637  ordered  that  cakes  or  buns  may  not  be 
sold  except  "such  cakes  as  shall  bee  made  for  any  buriall,  or 
marriage,  or  such  like  special  occation."  In  1639,  the  General 
Court  admonished  John  Stone  and  his  wife  "to  make  biger 
bread  or  to  take  heede  of  offending  by  making  too  little  bread 
hereafter,"and  again  "no  bread  might  be  made  finer  than  to 
afford  at  twelve  ounces  the  two  penny  loaf." 

The  leather  trade  was  regulated  by  the  General  Court  in 
1642.     To  prevent  deceit  in  tanning  leather,  it  was  enacted : 

"That  no  butcher,  currier  or  shoemaker  should  be  a  tanner; 
nor  should  any  tanner  be  a  butcher,  currier  or  shoemaker." 

"That  no  gash  in  a  hide  should  be  permitted." 

"That  every  hide  should  be  well  tanned." 

That  tanners  should  not"sett  their  fatts  in  tan-hills  or  other 
places,  where  the  woozes  or  leather  which  shall  be  put  to  tan  in 
the  sam(^  shall  or  may  take  any  unkind  heats,  or  shall  put  any 
leather  into  any  hott  or  warm  woozes,  etc." 


The  potter  was  girt  about  with  restriction.  The  law  of  1040 
required:  "Tile  earth,  to  make  sale  ware,  must  be  digged  before 
the  first  of  the  ninth  month  (November),  and  turned  over  in  ye 
last  or  first  month  ensuing,  a  month  before  it  be  wrought." 

The  cooper's  pipe  staves  were  inspected  "because  often 
found  wormy."  Innkeepers  might  not  charge  more  than  0''.  a 
meal  (1034).  One  woman,  who  aspired  to  professional  dignity, 
was  roundly  rebuked,  Jane  Hawkins,  wife  of  Richard,  who 
was  especially  forbidden,  in  1037,  "to  meddle  in  surgery  or 
physick  drinks,  plaisters  or  oyles,  nor  to  question  matters  of 
religion  except  with  the  elders  for  satisfaction." 

The  traffic  in  "strong  water"  was  carefully  guarded.  The 
statute  of  1037  was:  "Every  town  shall  p'sent  a  man  to  bee 
allowed  to  sell  wine  and  strong  water  made  in  the  country,  and 
no  other  strong  water  is  to  be  sold."  Mr.  Symonds  was  per- 
mitted to  sell  in  Ipswich.  In  1039,  Good.  Lumpkin,  Good. 
Firman  or  Good.  Treadwell  might  be  authorized  by  the  Town. 
The  ordinary  was  under  close  watch  for  illegal  sales,  for  enter- 
taining of  boys  or  habitual  tipplers,  for  dancing  or  gaming,  for 
permitting  any  to  remain  during  the  week-day  lecture. 

The  most  extraordinary  assumption  of  authority  over  the 
private  affairs  of  families  was  made  by  the  General  Court  in 
1041,  and  several  subsequent  years.  A  scarcity  of  materials 
for  clothing  led  to  the  statute  of  1041,  that  heads  of  families 
should  employ  their  children  and  servants  in  manufacturing 
wild  hemp  into  a  coarse  linen  cloth.  In  1045,  each  Town 
was  ordered  to  increase  its  sheep,  to  relieve  the  scarcity  of 
woolen  cloth,  and  in  1054,  it  was  enacted  that  no  sheep  should 
be  transported  and  none  killed  imder  two  years  old.  In  1050, 
the  General  Court  again  ordered  that  in  every  family :"  all  hands 
not  necessaryly  employ'd  on  other  occasions,  as  woemen,  girls 
and  boyes  shall  &  hereby  are  enjoyned  to  spin  according  to 
their  skill  &  abillitie."  The  Selectmen  were  enjoined  to  con- 
sider the  capacity  of  every  family  and  rate  it  according  to  its 
employment  in  other  pursuits,  and  the  amount  of  time  that 
might  be  given  to  spinning.  The  usual  amount  of  spinning 
that  a  spinner  could  accomplish  in  a  day  was  to  be  the  standard, 
and  each  family  was  to  be  "assessed"  as  a  spinner,  or  a  half  or 
quarter  spinner.     Every  family  assessed  for  a  whole  spinner 


was  required,  after  the  year  1656,  to  spin  for  thirty  weeks  every 
year,  three  pounds  per  week  of  linen,  cotton  or  woolen,  and  so 
proportionally  for  half  or  quarter  spinners,  under  penalty  of  12'' 
for  every  pomid  short.  To  secure  proper  oversight,  the  fam- 
ilies were  to  be  divided  into  groups  or  classes  of  ten,  six  or  five, 
and  a  class  leader  was  to  be  appointed  over  each  group.  The 
sowing  of  the  seed  of  hemp  and  flax  was  also  provided  for. 



The  political  privileges  of  those  early  years  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  when  Ipswich  was  a  frontier  town,  were  few. 
In  a  community  so  thoroughly  religious,  one  would  expect  to 
find  perfect  brotherliness.  But  Religion  was  itself  narrow. 
Our  Puritan  forefathers  founded  the  Bay  Colony  that  they 
might  enjoy  the  privilege  of  worshipping  God  according  to 
their  own  consciences,  and  build  up  the  kingdom  of  God  on 
these  shores.  They  were  very  jeah^is,  however,  of  any  who 
would  not  build  with  them,  and  they  could  not  believe  that  any, 
beside  the  avowed  children  of  God,  were  competent  to  direct 
the  affairs  of  the  new  Commonwealth.  So  it  was  ordered  by 
vote  of  the  first  General  Court : 

"to  the  end  the  body  of  the  commoners  may  be  pre- 
served of  honest  and  good  men,"  "that  for  the  time 
to  come,  no  man  shall  be  admitted  to  the  freedom 
of  this  body  politic,  but  such  as  are  members  of  some 
of  the  churches  within  the  limit  of  the  same." 

Formal  application  was  made  to  the  General  Court,  and  the 
Court  granted  the  privilege  of  freemen  to  such  as  were  deemed 
suitable  under  this  law.  Every  freeman  thus  elected,  took  the 
freeman's  oath,  prescribed  by  vote  of  General  Court,  May  14, 

"  I, —  A B ,  being  by  God's  providence  an  inhabitant 

and  freeman  within  the  jurisdiction  of  this  Commonwealth, 
do  freely  acknowledge  myself  to  be  subject  to  the  government 
thereof,  and  therefore  do  here  swear  by  the  great  and  dreadful 
name  of  the  everlasting  God,  that  I  will  be  true  and  faithful  to 
the  same,  and  will  accordingly  yield  assistance  and  support 
thereunto  with  my  person  and  estate,  as  in  equity  lam  bound; 
and  I  will  also  trvily  endeavour  to  maintain  and  preserve  all 
the  liberties  and  privileges  thereof,  submitting  myself  to  the 
wholesome  laws  and  orders,  made  and  established  by  the  same. 



And  furthor.  tliat  I  will  not  plot  nor  practise  any  evil  against  it 
nor  consent  to  any,  that  shall  so  do,  but  will  truly  discover  and, 
reveal  the  same  to  lawful  authority  now  here  established,  for 
the  speedy  preventing  thereof.  Moreover,  I  do  solemnly  bind 
myself  in  the  sight  of  God,  that  when  I  shall  be  called  to  give 
my  voice,  touching  any  such  matter  of  this  state,  wherein  free- 
men are  to  deal,  I  will  give  my  vote  and  suffrage,  as  I  shall 
judge  in  mine  own  conscience  may  best  conduce  and  tend  to 
the  public  weal  of  the  body,  without  respect  of  persons  or  favor 
of  any  man ;  so  help  me  God  in  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ." 

Having  taken  this  solemn  oath,  the  freeman  was  eligible 
to  vote  for  the  officers  and  magistrates  of  the  Colony,  and  to 
have  a  voice  and  vote  in  town  meeting,  and  freemen  alone  were 
thus  privileged  in  the  early  years  of  the  Colony.  At  first,  the 
whole  body  of  freemen  met  in  Boston  for  the  annual  election, 
and  we  may  presimie  that  every  freeman  of  our  little  settle- 
ment made  his  toilsome  journey  to  exercise  his  honorable  right 
of  franchise;  but  in  1636,  Ipswich  and  five  other  towns  were 
allowed  to  keep  a  sufficient  guard  of  freemen  at  home  and  for- 
ward their  proxies. 

For  thirty  years  this  restriction  of  the  franchise  to  church 
members,  who  had  taken  the  freeman's  oath,  was  vigorously 
enforced.  Neither  wealth,  nor  family  name,  nor  distinguished 
public  service,  could  gain  the  right  of  voting,  if  he  were  not  a 
church  member  in  good  standing.  But  after  Charles  the  Second 
succeeded  to  the  throne,  there  began  to  be  a  demand  for  loss 
exclusiveness.  "In  1662,  the  advisers  of  Charles  II  wrote  to 
the  colonists  that  it  was  desired  'that  all  freeholders  of  com- 
petent estate,  not  vicious  in  conversation,  and  orthodox  in  re- 
ligion (though  of  different  persuasion  in  church  government) 
may  have  their  votes  in  the  election  of  all  officers  civil  and 
military.'  "  "In  1664,  the  Commissioners  for  New  England  were 
appointed,  and  one  of  their  chief  duties  was  to  remove  the  re- 
striction from  the  franchise  and  secure  greater  freedom  in  mat- 
ters of  religion." 

"At  the  first  General  Court  after  the  arrival  of  the  Com- 
missioners, a  substitute  law  was  passed,  but  so  exacting  were 
the  conditions  that  the  change  from  the  old  to  the  new  law, 
amounted  to  little  or  nothing.     The  records  of  the  time  say," 

THE    BODY    POLITIC.  89 

"  In  answcn-  to  that  part  of  His  Majesty's  lott(n-  of  June  28, 
1662,  concernino-  admission  of  freemen,  this  Court  doth  de- 
clare that  the  law  prohibiting  all  persons  except  members  of 
churches,  and  that  also  for  allowance  of  them  in  any  county 
courts,  are  hereby  repealed;  and  do  hereby  also  order  and 
enact  that  from  henceforth  all  Englishmen  presenting  a  certifi- 
cate under  the  hands  of  the  ministers  or  minister  of  tlie  place 
where  they  dwell,  that  they  are  orthodox  in  religion  and  not 
vicious  in  their  lives,  and  also  a  certificate  under  the  hands  of 
the  selectmen  of  the  place,  or  of  the  major  part  of  them,  that 
they  are  freeholders,  and  are  for  their  own  proper  estates  (with- 
out heads  of  persons)  rateable  to  the  comitry  in  a  single  country 
rate,  after  the  usual  manner  of  valuation  in  the  place  where 
they  live,  to  the  full  value  of  ten  shillings,  or  that  they  are  in 
full  communion  with  some  church  amongst  us,  it  shall  l.)e  the 
liberty  of  all  and  every  such  person  or  persons  being  twenty- 
foin-  years  of  age,  householders  and  settled  inhabitants  in  this 
jurisdiction,  from  time  to  time,  to  present  themselves  and 
their  desires  to  this  Court  for  admittance  to  the  freedom  of  the 
Commonwealth,  and  shall  be  allowed  the  privilege  to  have  such 
their  desire  propormded  and  put  to  vote  in  the  General  Court 
for  acceptance  to  the  freedom  of  the  body  politic  by  the  suffrage 
of  the  major  part  according  to  the  rule  of  our  patent."' 

Thus,  very  reluctantly,  the  sturdy  Puritan  legislators  con- 
sented to  even  this  allowance,  but  the  way  was  opened  to  more 
material  modification  of  the  ancient  usage ;  and  the  separation 
of  church  and  state  went  on  apace. 

The  commoners,  as  has  been  already  stated,^  had  the  priv- 
ilege of  voting  on  all  questions  relating  to  the  common  lands, 
and  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  majority  of  commoners  were  also 
freemen,  but  the  privileges  of  the  two  bodies  were  distinct. 
Some  freemen  were  not  commoners,  and  commoners  were  not 
all  freemen. 

A  third  body  of  inhabitants,  and  by  far  the  largest,  was 
distinguished  as  "residents."     Every  man,  twenty  years  old, 

1  .Johns  Hopkins  Univ.  Studies,  tenth  series,  ii,  in.  Chuvch  and  State  in  New  Eng- 
land, Paul  E.  Lauer,  A.M. 
2  Page  71. 


who  had  rosidod  six  months  within  the  town  limits,  and  was  not 
enfranchised,  was  o])liij;cd  to  take  the;  'MiesicU'nts'  Oath"  Ix'fore 
the  (lovernor  or  Deputy  Governor,  or  assistants,  and  was  then 
recognized  as  a  duly  qualified  inhabitant.  The  Statute  of 
1G47  allowed  such  to  be  chosen  on  juries  by  the  freemen  and 
to  vote  for  selectmen.  Beyond  this  they  had  no  political 

Even  this  humt)le  privilege  of  residing  within  the  town 
limits,  and  hearing  all  the  burdens  of  taxation  and  compulsory 
military  service,  and  every  other  public  duty,  with  no  voice  in 
the  direction  of  affairs,  was  jealously  guarded,  and  very  grudg- 
ing welcome  was  sometimes  accorded  a  new  comer.  From  the 
begiiming,  suspicion  always  attached  to  a  prospective  settler 
of  any  other  nationality  than  English.  A  town  vote  of  1634  is 
to  this  effect: 

"That  theire  shall  noe  forriner  amongst  us  come  into  our 
meetings,  unless  he  will  subject  himself  unto  the  like  orders 
and  penalties  that  we  the  freemen  of  the  Towne  have  established 
for  our  peace  and  comfort  in  our  meetings." 

As  early  as  1689,  our  record  says,  "The  Town  doth  refuse 
to  receive  Humphrey  Grifhn  as  an  inhabitant,  to  provide  for 
him  as  inhabitants  formerly  received,  the  town  being  full."  Ref- 
erence is  made  without  doubt  to  the  practice  of  granting  building 
lots  and  tillage  land  to  new  comers.  Every  new  house  erected 
carried  with  it  a  right  of  commonage,  and  a  vote  in  commoners' 
meeting.  This  privilege  they  wished  evidently  to  keep  within 
their  own  hands.  As  a  matter  of  fact.  Griffin  became  an  in- 
habitant, despite  this  uncomplimentary  reception. 

"Robert  Gray  hath  free  liberty  to  come  to  town,  and  to 
dwell  amongst  us,"  was  recorded  in  1646,  and  in  1656,  it  was 
"Voted,  that  Mr.  Stevens  hath  liberty  to  come  to  this  Town, 
and  be  an  inhabitant  amongst  us,  and  make  use  of  our  Commons 
for  timber  for  his  trade,  provided  that  he  serve  the  Town  in 
the   first   place." 

In  marked  contrast  with  the  welcome  received  by  these 
two  favored  men,  was  the  gruff  action  in  the  case  of  some  hum- 
bler folk  in  1673: 

"  Ordered,  the  constable  shall  give  notice  unto  William 

THE     BODY     POLITIC.  91 

NelLson  and  Al^ner  Ordway,  and  an  Irish  or  (jurnscy  man  that 
married  Rachell,  Qr.  Masr.  Perkins'  mayd,  that  the  Towne 
will  not  allow  them  to  inhabit  here  in  this  Town,  but  that  they 
depart  the  Town,  unless  they  give  security  to  save  the  Town 
harmless  from  any  charge  the  Towm  may  be  put  unto,  by  re- 
ceiving of  them."  And  in  the  same  year,  yet  more  explicit 
action  was  taken:  "No  person  shall  suffer  any  stranger  from 
other  towns  to  continue  or  live  more  than  one  week  in  his  own 
dwelling  house  or  any  tenement  of  his,  unless  satisfaction  be 
given  the  Selectmen."  The  evident  purport  of  these  instances 
of  class  legislation  was  to  secure  the  town  against  any  liabilitj^ 
to  sujiport  poor  and  shiftless  people.  Our  community  was 
full  of  thrifty  and  busy  life,  and  it  had  no  place  for  any  who 
were  likely  to  become  a  public  burden. 

The  query  may  arise  naturally,  what  proportion  of  the 
actual  inhabitants  were  freemen,  and  what  proportion  were 
commoners?  Various  lists  of  freemen  and  commoners  occur, 
but  the  complete  list  of  male  residents  is  lacking  imtil  1678. 
In  that  year,  Charles  II  ordered  a  new  oath  of  allegiance  to  be 
taken,  and  the  constables  of  every  town  and  village  were  or- 
dered to  convene  all  the  inhabitants  for  the  administration  of 
the  oath.  In  Feb.,  1678-79,  a  list  of  commoners  was  recorded 
and  in  December,  1679,  a  list  of  freemen  was  also  prepared  and 
put  on  record.  These  lists  are  of  such  value,  that  I  insert 
them  in  full: 

'  'The  list  of  those  that  by  law  are  allowed  to  have  there  votes 
in  Town  affairs.  Voted  to  be  recorded  at  the  Towne  meeting, 
December  the  2'i'  1679." 

The  original  list  begins  in  the  invariable  order,  the  name  of 
Gen.  Denison  first,  then  the  names  of  the  ministers,  after  these 
in  a  roughly  arranged  alphabetical  order,  the  names  of  the 

Major  Gen^'  Denison  Elder  Paine^ 

M'"  Thomas  Cobbitt  Mr.  John  Rogers 

Mr  Wry  Hubbard^ 

•  Wry  is  the  ancient  abbreviation  for  William. 
-  Robert  Paine,  the  Elder  of  the  church. 



For  the  sake  of  convonienco,  the  whole  Hst  has  boon  arraii 
in  accurate  ali)hal)etical  order,  as  follows: 

Arthur  Abbott 
Neh-miah  Abbott 
Corp"  Jo.  Addams 
Nath  Addams 
Corp"  Jo.  Andrews 
Mr.  Thos.  Andrews 
Capt.  John  Appleton 
Sergt.  Belcher 
Henry  Bennett 
Thos.  Borman 
Haniel  Bosworth 
Moses  T^radstreet 
Edmund  J^ragg 
John  Brewer,  Sen. 
Edmund  Bridges 
John  Burnam,  Sen. 
Ens.  Tho.  I^urnam 
Tho.  Burnam,  Jr. 
John  Caldwell 
Simon  Chapman 
John  Chote 
Serg^  Clarke 
Corpll.  Thos.  Clarke 
Tho:  Clarke  mill  1 
Mr.  Thomas  Cobbitt 
Mr.  John  Cogswell 
Mr.  Will  Cogswell 
Edw.  Coborne 
Robert  Crose,  Sen. 
Robert  Day 
John  Dane,  Sen. 
Major  Gen"  Denison 
Jo.  Denison,  Sen. 
Nath.  Emerson 

Mr.  Daniel  Epps 

lOphraim  Fellows 

Isaack  Fellows  :^ 

Joseph  Fellows 

Al)raham  Fitts 
Abraham  Foster 
Isaack  Foster 
Jacob  Foster 

Renold  Foster,  Sen. 

Rcnold  Foster.  Jr. 
"Phillip  Fowler 

Ensign  French 

Thomas  French 

Thos.  Gidding 

Deacon  Goodhue 

Joseph  Goodhue 

Wry  Goodhue 

George  Hadley 

Dan.  Hovey,  Sen. 

Daniell  Hovey,  Jun. 

James  How,  Sen. 

James  How,  Jun. 

Wry  Howlett 

Mr.  Richard  Hubbard 

Mr.  Wry  Hubbard 

Sam.  Hunt 

Samuel  Ingalls 

Nathan iell  Jacob 

Thos.  Jacob 

John  Jewett 

Neh.  Jewett 

Daniel  Killam  Sen. 

John  Kimball 

Roiy  Kinsman 

1  Sometimes  nlluiled  to  as  Thomjis  Ulark  at  the  Mill. 



Deacon  Knowlton 
John  Knowlton,  Sen. 
John  Lampson 
John  Layton 
Edw*^  Lomas 
Robert  Lord,  Sen. 
Robert  Lord,  Jun. 
Tho.  Lovell 
Thomas  Low 
Thomas  Lull 
Thomas  Metcalfe 
John  Newmarsh,  Sen. 
Mr.  Will  Norton 
Elder  Paine 
Aron  Pengry 
Deacon  Pengry 
Abra'".  Perkins 
Jacob  Perkins  Jun. 
Qua'"  Mas'"  Perkins 
Serg.  Perkins 
Sam.  Perley 
Samuell  Podd 
Anthony  Potter 
Joseph  Quilter 
Mr.  John  Rogers 
Mr.  Sam  Rogers 
Walter  Roper 
Nath.  Rust 
Mr.  Smith 

Richard  Smith 
William  Smith 
Symon  Stace 
William  Story  Sen. 
William  Story,  Jun. 
Nathaniel  Tredwell 
Simon  Tuttle 
Thomas  Varney 
Mr.  Jonathan  Wade 
Mr.  Wain  Wright,  Sen. 
Mr.  John  Wainwrigiit 
Richard  Walker 
Nicholas  Wallis 
Daniell  Warner,  Sen. 
Nath.  Warner 
Nathaniel  Wells 
Twiford  West 
Capt.  John  Whipple 
Corp"  John  Whipple 
Joseph  Whipple 
James  White 
William  White 
Robert  Whittman 
Mr.  Theoph.  Willson 
Esaiah  Wood 
Obadiah  Wood 
Sam.    Younglove,  Sen. 
Sam.  Younglove,  Jun. 

The  names  of  Major  Sanuiel  Appleton  and  Dep.  Gov. 
Samuel  Symonds  do  not  appear,  but  the  omission  was  acci- 

Feb.  13:16781 

"  A  list  of  the  names  of  those  p'sons  that  have  right  of  coiTi- 
onage,  acording  to  law  ct  oi'der  of  the  Towne." 

'  Town  Record. 



The  list  as  it  is  found  in  the  Town  Record  beiiins  witli  the 
invarialjlo  group  of  dignitaries: 

Maj.  Gen.  Denison  Mr.  Rich.  Hubbard 

Mr.  Jona:  Wade  Mr.  Cobbit 

Capt.  Jo.  Aj^pleton  Mr.  Wry  Hubbard 

Major  Sam.  A))])leton  Mr.  John  Rogers 

For  the  ])urpt)se  of  affording  convenient  comparison  with 
tile  Hst  of  freemen,  the  entire  list  has  been  re-arranged  in  alpha- 
betical order.     Tiie  original  spelling  is  folio wetl  in  every  case. 

Neh.  Abbott 
John  Addanis 
Nath  Adams 
Simon  Addanis 

(by  Thos  French) ^ 
Corporal  Andrews 

for  Averills  Hill 
Corp"  Jo.  Andrews 
John  Annaball 
Appleton  (by  Starkweather) 
Capt.  Appleton  (by  Mauing) 
Capt.  Jo.  Appleton 
Major  Sam.  Appleton 
Henry  Archers 

(see  Edmond  Heard) 
Wry  Averill  (by  Tilton) 
John  Ayers 

(by  Joseph   Fellows) 
Sam.  Ayres  Sen. 

John  Baker 

Henry  Bachelors  farme 

Serg.  Belcher 

Henry  Bennett 

Henry  Bennett 

for  Phillip  Calls 

Mr.  Berry 

for  Sam.  Bishop 
Gyeles  Birdleys  house 
Bishop  for  Dirky  house 
Bishop  (by  Sam  Ingalls) 
Sam.  Bishop 
Thos.  Borman 
Haniell  Bosworth 
Bowles  for  Thos.  Medcalfe 
Brabrook  farm 

(by  Downing) 
Brabrooks  (see  Taylor)] 
Moses  Bradstreet 
Edward  Bragg 
Ed.  Braggs  farme 
John  Brewer,  Sen. 
Edmund  Bridges 
Mr.  Brownes  farm 
Jo.  Browne 
Jo.  Browne  farmer 
Joseph  Browne 
Bryer  for  Mr.  Wade 
John  Burnani,  Sen. 
Ens.  Thos.   Burnham 
Tho.   Burnham  Jun. 

'  The  entry  in  the  Ttecord  is  "  ThoH.  Freneli  for  Simon  Addanis."    TIih   reverse 
order  is  n.sed  fo:  the  sake  of  convenience  and  is  alwiiys  imlicated  by  the  parenthcBis. 



John  Caldwell 
Phillip  Calls 

by  Henry  Bennett 
Sam.  Chapman 
Simon  Chapman 

for  Jo.   Kimball 
John  Choate 
Mr.  Chute 
Corp"  Clarke 
Thomas  Clarke 
Mr.  Cobbit 
Rober  Coborn,  Sen. 
Mr.  Cogswell  Rowley  line 
Mr.  John  Cogswell 
Mr.  Wry'  Cogswell 
Robert  Collins 
Robert  Crose,  Sen. 

John  Dane,  Sen. 
John  Dane,  Sen.  for 

yt  was  Jo.  Newmans 
John  Dane,  Jun. 
Roger  Darby 
Hopkin  Davis 
John  Day 
Robert  Day 
Edward  Deare 
Maj.  Gen.  Denison 
Major  Genlls  Farme 
Daniel  Denison 
John  Denison,  Sen. 
Thomas  Dennis 
Dirky  house  by  Bishop 
Downing  for  Brabrooke  farm 
Robert  Dutch  Sen. 

John  Edwards 

Mr.  Emersons  farme 

Nath.  Emerson  house 

at  Towne 
Mr.  Epps 

Ephraim  Fellows 
Isak  Fellows  for  Saltonstall 
Joseph  Fellows  for  John  Ayers 
Abraham  Fitt 
Abraham  Foster 
Isaack  Foster 
Jacob  Foster 
Renold  Foster,  Sen. 
Renold  Foster,  Jun. 
'Phillip  Fowler 
Ens.  French 
Thos.  French 

for  Simon  Addams. 
James  Fuller 

John  Gaines 
John  Ciiddings 
Joseph  Gidding 
Thos.  Giddings 
Joha  Gilbert 
Deacon  Goodhue 
Joseph  Goodhue 
Will  Goodhue,  Jun. 
Sam.  Graves 
John  Grow 

George  Hadley 
Halfield  farme 
Mr.  Hammonds  farme 
Mr.  H — mans  farme 
Hardys  house 

by  Jo.  Newman 
John  Harris 
Tho.  Harris 

1  Wry  is  the  abbreviated  form  of  AVilllam. 



Sam.  Hart 

One  for  John  Hassells  house 

Will  liayward 

Edniontl  Heard  y'  was 

Henry  Archers 
Mr.  Hodges  house 
Wni.  Hodgkins 

the  house  at  Towne 
Daniell  Hovey  Sen 
Daniel  Hovey  Jr 
James  How  Sen 
James  How  Jun 
Will  Howlett 
Mr  Rich.  Hubbard 
Mr  Wry  Hubbard 
Huning  (see  Nath.  Rogers) 
Sam  Hunt,  Sen. 

Samuell  Ingalls 

Sam  Ingalls  for  Bishop 

Nathaniel  Jacob 
Jer.  Jewett 
John  Jewett 
Widdo  Jordan 

Robert  Lord  Sen. 
Robert  Ijord  Marshall 
Thomas  Lovell 
John  Low 
Thos  Low,  Jun.  for 

Matthew  Whipples    house 
Thos.  Lull 

Mauing  (for  Capt  Applet  on) 

Thos.  Metcalfe 

Thos.  Medcalfe    (by  liowles) 

Widdo  Metcalfe 

Moores  house 

by  Isaiah  Wood 

Edward  Nealand 
Benj.  Newman 
John  Newman 

for  Hardy's,  house 
John  Newman,  Jr. 
John  Newman 

(see  John  Dane  Sen) 
John  Newmarsh 
Mr.  Nortons  far  me 
Mr.  Wry  Norton 

Caleb  Kimball 
John  Kimball 
Jo.   KimbalFs  farme 
John  Kindrick 
Robert  Kinsman 
Deacon   Knowlton 
Wry  Knowlton's  house 
(see  Taylor) 

John  Layton 
Jolm   Lee  to  Webster 
Richard   Lee 
Edward  Lomas 

Henry  Ossborne 

Elder  Paine 

Elder  Paines  farme 

Andrew  Peeters 

Robert  Peirce 

Aron  Pengry,  Sen. 

Decon  Pengry 

John  Pengry 

Quar*""  Mr  Perkins 

Mr.   Perkins  farme 

Qua''  Mas'"  I'erkins  Island 

Serg,  Perkins 



Timothy  Perly 
Pery  for  Nich.  Wallis 
John  Pindar 
Nath.  Pippers  house 
8ani.  Pod 
Anthony  Potter 
John  Potters  house 
Benj.  Prockter 
Benedick  Pulsipher 

Widdo  Quilter,  Sen 
Widdo  (Quilter 

Widdo  Redding 
Ring  for 

Mr.  Sani.  Rogers 
Daniel  Ringe  for  farnie 
Ezekiel  Rogers  house 
Mr.  John  Rogers 
Nath.  Rogers  where  Huning  is 
Mr.  Sam  Rogers 
Walter  Roper 
Kilicros  Ross  for  ye 

home  y*^  was  Simon  Stace 
Kilicros  Ross  house 

(by  Mr.  Symonds) 
Nath.  Rust 

John  Safford 

Joseph  Safford 

Saltonstall  (by  Isak  Fellows) 

Mr.  Saltonstalls  farm 


Goodman  Scotts  house 

Richard  Shatswell 

The  house  where  Sherrin  lives 

Richard  Smith 

Sam.  Smith 

Thos.  Smith  Sen 

John  Sparke 

Simon  Stace 

Simon  Stace  (see  Kilicros  Ross) 

Thomas  Stace 

Starkweather  for  Appleton 

Wry  Story  Sen. 

Mr.  Symonds  for  Kilicross  Ross 

Mr.  Will  Symonds 
taylor  for  Wry  Knowl- 

tons  house  or  purchase  of 

Sam.  Tayler 
Tilton  for  Wry  Avcrill 
Nath.  Tredwell 
Simon  Tuttle 

Thomas  Varney 

Mr.  Wade  (by  Brycr) 

Mr.  Jonathan  Wade 

Mr.  Francis  Wainwright 

Mr.  John  Wainwright 

Sergt'  Tho  Waite 

Nicholas  WalUs 

Nich.  WalHs  (by  Pery) 

Usuall  Warden 

Wardell  for  Ezekiel  Wood- 

Dan^'  Warner  Sen 

Wel)ster  (from  John  Lee) 

Nathaniel  Wells 

Twiford  West 

Capt.  Whipples  farme 

Capt.  Jo.  Whipple 

Corpi'  Jo  Whipple 

Joseph  Whipple 

Matthew  Whipples  house 
by  Thos.  liowe,  Jun. 


James  White  Simon  Wood 

Robert  Whitman  Nichlas  Woodberry  farme 

Mr.  Winthrops  farm  Ezekiel  Woodward  (see  Ward- 
Mr.   Willson  ell) 
Esaiah  Wood 

Isaiah  Wood  for  Moores  house  Sam.   Younglove  Sen 

Obadiah  Wood  Sam.  Younglove  Jun 

The  names  of  the  commoners  include  those  of  four  widows, 
who  had  the  privilege  of  the  ballot  undoubtedly  in  the  com- 
moner's meeting.  Wealthy  men  like  General  Denison  had  two 
votes,  apparently  in  the  commoners'  meeting;  one,  because  of 
their  town  property,  and  one  from  their  farms.  (.)nly  125  names 
are  recorded  in  the  list  of  freemen,  seventeen  of  which  are  not 
found  among  the  commoners.  224  names  of  connnoners  are 
recorded,  and  the  ''School  Farm." 

When  we  compare  these  lists  with  the  total  male  population, 
yet  more  striking  contrasts  appear.  Several  enrollments  of  the 
male  inhabitants  above  the  age  of  sixteen  are  preserved  in  the 
old  Records  of  Deeds.  One  bears  the  caption,  "A  list  of  those 
of  Ipswich,  who  according  to  an  order  of  the  Gen"  Court  ap- 
])eared  before  Worshipfull  Major  Gen"  Uenison,  Esq.  ye  Decem. 
and  January  1677,  and  have  taken  the  oath  of  alegance  and 
fidelity."  To  this  is  appended  another  list,  under  the  heading, 
"Samuell  Symonds,  Esq.,  dep.  Gov''  his  returne  that  had  taken 
the  oath."  Another  is  headed,  "A  list  of  those  that  tooke 
the  oath  of  Alegance  of  Ipswich  Towne,  before  the  worshipfull 
Maior  Gen"  Denison  Esq.,  the  ll'*^  of  December,  1678."  In 
1683,  a  list  of  nineteen  who  took  the  oath  before  Samuel 
Appleton  was  recorded. 

I  have  compared  these  lists  carefully,  one  with  another, 
and  have  combined  in  a  new  alphabetical  list,  all  the  different 
names  derived  from  these  random  enrollments.  This  list  is 
probably  an  approximately  correct  enrollment  of  the  total 
male  population  in  1678,  and  it  possesses  value  sufficient  to 
entitle  it  to  full  place  in  these  pages.  Frequent  duplicates 
will  be  noticed,  but  I  have  ventured  only  in  a  few  cases  to  strike 
out  such,  inasmuch  as  there  were  no  middle  names  to  distin- 
guish  those  who  bore  the  same  name,  and  various  devices 



were  in  vogue  to  accomplish  this  end,  as  Serg.  Clark,  who  -was 
also  Thos.  Clark,  Thos.  Clark,  the  tanner,  Thos.  Clark,  Tersh. 
or  the  third,  and  plain  Thos.  Clarke ;  "  Isaac  Foster"  and  "  Isaac 
Foster,  the  tythingman ;"  "Marshall  Lord"  (Robert),  Robert 
Lord,  Sen.,  Robert  Lord,  Jun.,  and  Robert  Lord  Tersh. 

Some  of  these  duplicates  may  have  no  rightful  place,  but  I 
venture  on  few  liberties  with  these  ancient  lists,  which  included 
all  the  youth  and  men  from  Topsfield  line  to  Gloucester,  who 
lived  in  scattered  hamlets,  and  were  members  of  large  families, 
in  which  there  was  a  reverent  regard  for  the  parental  name. 
The  same  name  may  have  been  l)orne  by  several  individuals 
without  any  confusion  in  those  primitive  times. 

Arthur  Abbott 
George  Abbott 
Nehemiah  Abbott 
Nehemiah  Abbott 
John  Adams 
Nath.  Adams 
Sam.  Adams 
Symon  Adams 
Edw.  Allen 
John  Allen 
John  Andrews 
Corp.  Jo.  Andrews 
Joseph  Andrews 
W''  Andrews 
Wry  Andrews 
Thos.  Andrews 
Mr.  Andrews*  (Thos.) 
John  Annable 
Matt:  Annaball 
Sam.  Appleton 
Sam.  Appleton  Jr 
Sam.  Ardway 
Thos.  Attwood 
John  Ayres 
Jo.  Ayres  of  Andover 
Joseph  Ayres 

Sam.  Ayres 
Sam.  Ayres  Sen 
Sam.  Ayres  Jun 
Thos.   Ayres 

Edw.  Bagett 
John  Baker 
W>   Baker 
John  Bare 
John  Barnes 
John  Barry 
Thos.  Bayly 
David  Belcher 
Rich.  Beddford 
Henry  Bennett 
Jacob  Bennett 
Steph.  Bennett 
W^   Bennett 
Mr.  Berry 
Andrew  Birdly 
James  Birdly 
John  Birdly 
Sam.  Bishop 
Dan.  Borman 
Thos.  Borman 
Haniel  Bosworth  Sen. 

*  The  school  master. 

100         IPSWICH,    IN    THE    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY    COLONY. 

Hanicl  Bosworth  Jim. 

Good.  Boston  (or  ]3aston) 

Christopher  Bowles 

Caleb  Boyiitoii 

John  Bradstrect 

Moses  Bradstreet 

Edward  Bragg 

Timothy  Jiragg 

Thos.  l^ray 

John  Brewer,  Sen. 

John  Brewer,  Jun. 

Edmimd  Bridges 

John  Bridge 

Chas.  Brown 

John   Brown 

John  Brown 

John  Brown  jr. 

Joseph  Brown 

Nath.  Brown 

Nath.  Brown 

Richard  Bryer 

John  Burnani 

John  Burnani 

James  Burnam 

Joseph  Burnam 

Thos.  Burnam 

Thos.  Burnam 

W^-^  Buttler 

John  Cabwell 
Dilhngham  Caldwell 
John  Caldwell  Jun. 
Philip  Call 
Rich.  Carr 
Jo.  Carpenter 
Nath.  Chapman 
Sam.  Chapman 
W^y  Chapman 
Symon  Chapman 

Nich.  Cheverle? 
John  Chote  Sen. 
John  Chote  Jun. 
James  Chute  Sen. 
James  Chute  Jun. 
John  Chubb 
Freeman  Clark 
John  Clark 
Thos.  Clarke 
Thos.  Clarke  Tersh.  (3d) 
Sergt.  Clarke 
Thos.  Clark,  tanner 
Lawrence  Clenton     ^^ 
Thos.  Coborne 
Mr.  Cobbitt 
Edward  Cogswell 
Mr.  John  Cogswell 
Wry  Cogswell 
Daniel  Colborne 
Ezra  Colborne 
Edward  Colborne 
Joseph  Colborne 
Rob.  Collins 
James  Colman 
Thos.  Comings 
Isaac  Comings 
Sam.  Cowdry 
Gyles  Cowes 
James  Creek 
George  Cross 
Ralph  Cross 
Robert  Cross 
Stephen  Cross 

Doctor  Dane 
John  Dane 
Philemon  Dane 
Roger  Darbye 
Hopkin  Davis 



Dan.  Davison 
James  Day 
John  Day 
John  Day 
Thos.  Day 
Robert  Day 
Edward  Deare 
Edward  Deare  Jun. 
John  Denison  Sen. 
John  Denison  Jun. 
Thos.  Dennis 
Wry  Dirgye 
Sam.  Dodge 
Jeremiah  Dow 
Thos.  Dow 
John  Downing 
John  Dutch 
Robert  Dutch  Jun. 
Samuel  Dutch 

John  Edwards  Sen. 
John  Edwards  Jun. 
Thos.  Edwards 
Nallo  Ely 
Peeter  Emans 
Nath.  Emerson  Sen. 
Nath.  Emerson  Jun. 
Mr.  Joseph  Epps 
Mr.  Lionell  Epps 
Joseph  Evely 

David  Falton 
Jonathan  Fanton 
Mr.  Farley 
Mesheck  Farley 
Mighill  Farley 
Ephraim  Fellows 
Isaac  Fellows 
Joseph  Fellows 

Sam.  Fellows 

Philip  Finler 

Abram  Fitt  Sen. 

Abram  Fitt  Jun. 

James  Ford 

Abra.  Foster  Sen. 

Abra.  Foster  Jun. 

Benj.  Foster 

Isaac  Foster 

Isaac  Foster,  Sen. 

Isaac  Foster,  tythingman 

John  Foster 

Jacob  Foster 

Renold  Foster  Sen. 

Renold  (or  Reginold)  Foster  Jun 

Reginold  Foster 

Thos.  Fossie 

Philip  Fowler  Jun. 

John  French 

Sam.  French 

Thos.  French 

Ensign  Thos.  French 

James  Fuller 

Joseph  Fuller 

Nathaniel  Fuller 

Thos.  Fuller 

John  Gaines 
Nath.  Gallop 
John  Gamage 
Amos  Gaudea? 
Amos  Garding 
Curnel.  genelee? 
James  Gidding 
John  Gidding 
Joseph  Giddings 
Sam.  Giddings 
Thos.  Giddings 
John  Gilbert 



Henry  Goiib 

Henry  Goub 

Joseph  Goodhue  Sen. 

Joseph  Goodhue  Jun. 

Wry  Goodhue  Jr. 

Dea.  Goodhue 

John  Graves 

Francis  Graves 

Sam.  Graves  Sen. 

Sam.  Graves  Jun. 

Jonas  Gregory 

Sam.  Griffin 

John  Grow 

George  Hadley 

George  Hadley 

John  Hadley 

John  Haggett 

Moses  Haggett 

John  Harris 

John  Harris 

John  Harris 

Timothy  Harris 

Thos.  Harris 

Thos.  Harris 

Sam.  Hart 

Thos.  Hart 

Thos.  Hay  ward 
Wry  Hayward 
Edmund  Heard 
Jonath.  Hobbes 
John  Hodgkinson 
Wry  Hodgkinson  Sen. 
Wry  Hodgkinson  Jun. 
Nath.  Hooker 
Daniel  Hovey  Sen. 
Nath.  Hovey 
Abra.  How 
James  How 
James  How  Jun. 

Wry  Howlett 
John  Hubbard 
Sam.  Hunt  Sen. 
Sam.  Hunt,  Jun. 
Isaac  Huniwell 
John  Hunking 
Edmund  Ingalls 
Sam.  Ingalls 
Sam.  Ingalls  Jun. 


John  B. 

James ,  a  frenchman 

Joseph  Jacob 
Nath.  Jacob 
Thos.  Jacob 
Isaac  Jewett 
Jeremiah  Jewett 
John  Jewett 
John  Jewett 
Joseph  Jewett 
Nehemiah  Jewett 
Jeremy — Capt.  Appleton 
Francis  Jordan 

Thos.  Kellin 
Daniel  Killam,  Sen. 
Daniel  Killam,  Jun. 
John  Killam 
Joseph  Killam 
Caleb  Kimball 
Caleb  Kimball,  Jr. 
Robert  Kinsman 
Thos.  Kinsman 
Jo.  Kindrick 
Jas.  King 
Edw.  Kitto 
John   Knowlton 
John  Knowlton,  Jun. 



Joseph  Knowlton 
Nath.  Knowlton 
Sam.  Knowlton 
Thos.  Knowlton 

James  Lambert 
John  Lambert 
John  Lampson 
Nath.  Lampson 
John  Lay  ton 
John  Lead 
John  Lee 
Joseph  Lee 
Richard  I^ee 
Richard  Lee 
Isaac  Littlehale 
Richard  Littlehale 
Edward  Lomas 
Jonathan  Lomas 
Sam.  Lomas 
John  Lord 
Nath.  Lord 
Marshall  Lord 
Rob.  Lord  Sen. 
Robert  Lord  Jun. 
Robert  Lord  Tersh  {3'^) 
John  Lovel 
Thos.  Lovel  Sen. 
Thos.  Lovel  Jnn. 
John  Loveren 
Jo.  Low 
Thos.  Low 
Thos.  Low  Jim. 
Peeter  Liirvey 
Thos.  Lull 

Dan.  Manning 
Nick.  Marble 
Benj.  Marshall 

Joseph  Marshall 
Thos.  Marshall  Sen. 
Thos.  Marshall 
Abra.  Martin 
Robert  Martin 
Alex.  Merrill 
Thos.  Metcalfe 
Joseph  Metcalfe 
Samuel  Moses 

Edward  Neland 
Robert  Nelson 
W>'  Nelson  Sen. 
Wry  Nelson  Jun. 
Benj.  Newman 
John  Newman 
Thos.  Newman 
John  Newmarsh,  Sen. 
John  Newmarsh  Jun 
Thos.  Newmarsh 
Zaccheus  Newmarsh 
Bonus  Norton 
Mr.  Wry  Norton 

John  Osborne 
Henry  Osborne 
Wry  Owen 

Thos.  Page 
Elder  Paine 

(Mr.  Robt.  Paine  Sen.) 
Mr.Robt.   Paine  Jun. 
Sam.   Parker 
Robt.  Pearce  Sen. 
Rob.  Pearce  Jun. 
John  Pearce 
Sam.  Pearce 
Jo.  Pearl 
Sam.  Pearly 

104         IPSWICH,    IN    THK    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY    COLONY. 

Timothy  Pearly 
Andrew  Pcatoi-.s 
John  Peeters 
John  Vo]\ 
Jo.  Pciiiiilly 

Deacon  (Moses)  Pengry 
John  PcMiji'ry 
Aaron  Penj^ry  Jnn. 
Moses  Peugry  Sen. 
Abr.  I'erkins 
Isaac  Perkins 
Jacob  Perkins 
Jacol)  IVrkins  Jnn. 
John  Perkins  Jnn. 
Luke  J'crkins 
Matthew  Perkins 
Nath.  Perkins 
Qr.  Master  Perkins 
Saninel  Perkins 
Scrg.  IVu'kins 
Sam.  Perley 
Matthew  Perry 
Thos.  J'errin 
John  Pinder  Sen. 
John  Pin(U'r  Jnn. 
Sam.  Pinder 
Sam.  Pipper 
Anthony  Potter 
John  Potter 
Edmund  Potter 
Samuel  Potter 
John  Prickett 
Benj.  Prockter 
Joseph  Prockter 
Rich.  Pryer 
Benedict  Pulsipher 
John  Pulsipher 
Nath.  Pyper 

Mr.  W™.  Quarles 
Joseph  Quilter 

Mark  (fuller 

John  Ring 
Dan.  Ringe 
Isaac  Ringe 
Rog(M'  Ringe 
Jo.  Roberts 
John  Rogers 
Mr.  John  Rogers 
Mr.  Nath.  Rogers 
Mr.  Sam.  Rogers 
John  Roper 
Nath.  Roper 
Walter  Roper 
Fenell  Ross 
John  Ross 
Kilicross  Ross 
Era  Rost 
Peter  Rougetoll 
Nathaniel  Rust 
Jer.  Rylay 

John  Sady 
Abeel  Sadler 
John  Safford 
John  Safford  Jun. 
Joseph  Safford 
James  Scandlin 
Benj.  Scilian 
Joseph  Scilian 
Joseph  Scilian  Jun. 
Roger  Scott 
Sam.  Searle 
Henry  Serret 
John  Shatswell 
Rich.  Shatswell 
John  Sherrin 



John  Smith  Sen. 
John  Smith  Jim. 
Rich.  vSmith 
Sam.  Smith 
Thos.  Smith 
Thos.  Smith  Sen. 
Thos.  Smith  Jun. 
Wrj^  Smith  Sen. 
Wry  Smith  Jun. 
W"".  Smith 
John  Sparke 
Tho.  Sparke 
Simon  Stace 

— Starkweather 

Moses  Stevens 
Edw.  Stone 
Sam.  Stoi}' 
Seth  Story 
Wry.  Story 
Wry  Story  Jun. 
Henry  Sweet 
Mr.  Wry  Symonds 

Sam  Taylor  ' 
Barnard  Thorne 
Abra.  Tilton 
Alex.  Tompson 
Nath.  Tompson 
Wry.  Tompson 
Nath.  Tredwell 
Thos.  Tredwell 
Rich.  Trells 
Simon  Tuttle 
Thos.,  a  Scotchman 

Thos.  Varney 

Mr.  Jona.  Wade 

Mr.  Thos.  Wade 
Mr.  Fran.  Wainwright 
John  Wainwright 
Simon  Wainwright 
John  Waite 
Serg.  Waite 
Thos.  Waite  Jun. 
Nicolas  Wallis 
Robert  Wallis 
John  Walden 
Elihu  Warden 
llzell  Warden 
Dan.  Warner  Sen. 
Dan.  Warner  Jun. 
John  Warner 
Nath.  Warner 
Benj.  Webster 

(said  to  be  of  Salem) 

John  West 
Twiford  West 
Nath.  Wells 

John  Whipple 

John  Whipple  Jun. 

Joseph  Whipple 

Matthew  Whipple 

Rob.  Whitman 

James  White 

W^ry  White 

Wry  Whitredge 

Theophilus  Willson 

Shoreborne  Willson 

Wry  Womben 

Isaiah  Wood 

John  Wood 

Nath.  Wood 

Obadiah  Wood 

Sam.  Wood 

Symon  Wood 

John  Wooding 

106         IPSWICH,    IN    THE    MASSACHUSETTS     BAY     COLONY. 

John  Yell  Sam.  Younglove  Sen. 

Francis  Young  Joseph  Younglove. 

Sam.  Young 

Lewis  Zacharias 

To  this  list  there  are  to  be  added  the  names  of  Gen.  Daniel 
Denison,  Dep.  Gov.  Samuel  Symonds,  Major  Samuel  Appleton, 
the  magistrates  before  whom  the  oath  of  allegiance  was  taken. 
The  total  number  of  names  thus  attained  is  five  hvmdred  and 
eight.  This  included,  it  must  be  remembered,  all  youth  of 
sixteen  years  and  more;  but  making  all  due  allowance  for 
those  who  by  reason  of  age  were  disciualified  from  the  franchise, 
there  remains  a  very  large  proportion  of  the  men,  who  were 
not  allowed  to  vote  in  civil  affairs.  Only  220  names  of  men 
appear  on  the  commoners'  list,  about  half  of  the  adult  male  pop- 
ulation, and  there  were  only  125  freemen. 

Probably  there  was  no  nation  of  the  Old  World  where  the 
lines  of  division  between  the  rich  and  the  poor,  the  learned 
and  the  unlearned,  the  master  and  the  servant,  were  drawn 
more  sharply.  The  aristocracy  of  old  Ipswich  was  as  definite 
and  as  haughty  a  bod}^,  it  may  be,  as  the  aristocracy  of  London. 

Nevertheless,  the  test  of  eligibility  to  full  citizenship  resided 
not  in  gentle  birth,  or  in  the  possession  of  wealth  or  learning,  or 
official  station,  but  in  Christian  manhood,  publicly  professed 
by  union  with  the  Christian  church.  The  poorest  and  most 
ignorant  was  not  debarred  from  this  privilege  of  church  mem- 
bership, and  the  right  of  franchise  followed  naturally  from  this. 
Complain  as  we  may  of  the  intolerance  and  narrowness  of  the 
political  system  of  the  time,  we  can  not  refuse  our  admiration 
to  those  devout  Puritans,  who  knew  no  test  of  character,  no 
outward  evidence  of  manhood,  no  fitness  for  citizenship,  but 
the  simple  living  of  a  Christian  life. 



In  the  First  General  Letter  of  Instructions  from  the  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  Company  to  Endicott  and  his  Council,  it  is  speci- 
fied "To  the  end  the  Sabbath  may  be  celebrated  in  a  religious 
manner,  we  appoint  that  all  that  inhabit  the  Plantation,  both 
for  the  general  and  particular  employments,  may  surcease  their 
labor  every  Saturday  throughout  the  year  at  3  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  and  that  they  spend  the  rest  of  that  day  in  catechis- 
ing and  preparation  for  the  Sabbath  as  the  ministers  shall 

On  Saturday,  at  three,  therefore,  we  may  imagine  farmers 
returning  from  the  fields,  weavers  stopping  their  looms,  shop- 
keepers closing  their  doors,  and  all  sound  of  toil  ceasing.  With- 
in doors  the  busy  Saturday  toil  was  hurried  to  completion, 
the  play  of  children  hushed,  and  the  solemnity  of  the  Sabbath 
was  well  begun,  with  the  assembling  of  the  family  for  worship 
and  the  instruction  of  children  and  servants  in  the  catechism 
which  the  reverend  teacher,  Mr.  Norton,  had  prepared.  There 
seems  to  have  been  some  general  assembling  for  catechism 
apart  from  the  family  instruction,  as  Thos.  Scott,  one  of  the 
substantial  citizens,  was  fined  ten  shillings  in  1650,  "unless  he 
learns  Mr.  Norton's  catechism  by  next  Court."  But  he  valued 
ten  shillings  less  than  the  trouble  of  burdening  his  memory  and 
forfeited  his  fine. 

The  morning  of  the  Sabbath  found  the  household  early  astir, 
for  a  goodly  service  of  home  worship  was  always  in  order  before 
the  public  meeting,  and  all  must  be  ready  at  the  appointed 
hour.  Here,  in  old  Ipswich,  the  summons  to  worship  was 
given  by  a  bell  as  early  as  1640,  and  as  Ralph  Varnham  woke 
the  echoes  with  his  ringing,  the  good  people  issued  forth  from 
every  door.  No  option  was  left  them  as  to  attendance.  The 
Assistants  were  clothed  with  power  in  1635  to  impose  a  fine 

1  Youug's  Clii'ouicles  Mass.  Bay,  p.  163. 


108         IPSWICH,    IN    THE    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY    COLONY. 

or  iniprisoninent  at  their  discretion  on  deliberate  negiectors. 
Only  the  sick  and  disabled  were  excused.  They  came  afoot  for 
the  most  part,  in  the  earliest  times.  Under  the  law  of  1635, 
no  dwelling  house  might  be  built  above  half  a  mile  from  the 
meeting  house,  "except  mill-houses  and  farm  houses,  of  such 
as  have  their  dwelling  houses  in  the  same  town."  As  late  as 
1661,  Henry  Bachiler  and  wife  were  commended  to  the  General 
Court  by  the  local  Court,  for  absenting  themselves  from  Sab- 
bath worship,  and  inquiry  was  made  ' '  whether  the  town  of 
Ipswich  might  not  dispose  of  him  and  his  farme,  so  as  he  may 
live  in  the  towne,  and  enjoy  his  estate,  and  ye  public  worship 
of  God."  The  General  Court  authorized  the  lesser  tribunal  to 
settle  the  matter  as  its  wisdom  directed,  but  record  fails  us  of 
the  final  event.  ^ 

The  meeting  house  was  a  very  humble  structure,  I  imagine. 
Built  of  round  logs  with  chinks  stopjied  with  clay  or  moss,  or, 
of  logs,  hewn  scpiare,  and  piled  block-house  fashiijn,  it  served 
the  doul)le  pur])Ose  of  sanctuary  and  citadel.  Its  roof  was 
thatched,  no  douljt,  like  the  meeting  house  in  Winnisinunet. 

At  best  it  was  some  roughly  board(^d  and  shingled  affair. 
More  conspicuous  than  the  meeting  house  was  the  fort  built 
about  it  as  a  protection  from  Indian  assaults.  Fortunately,  in 
our  neighboring  town  of  Boxford,  specific  record  has  been  pre- 
served of  "the  old  Meeting  House  fort."  It  was  a  stone  wall, 
five  or  six  feet  high,  and  three  feet  thick  at  the  bottom,  sur- 
rounding the  house.  On  the  south  side  it  was  twelve  feet, 
on  the  other  three  sides,  ten  feet  distant,  and  at  the  southeast 
corner,  within  this  wall,  a  watch  house  ten  feet  square  was 
built.  2 

Some  such  wall  surrounded  the  Ipswich  meeting  house,  as 
frequent  allusion  is  made  to  it  in  the  Town  Records.  It  stood 
until  1702,  when  the  rocks  of  which  it  was  built  were  sold  to 
buy  a  clock  for  the  new  edifice,  erected  at  that  time.  A  watch 
hous(!,  too,  for  the  convenience  of  the  night  watch,  was  in  the 
immediate  vicinity. 

As  the  groups  of  worshippers  drew  near,  I  suspect  that  man}' 
a  shuddering  glance  was  cast  by  the  women  and  children,upon 

'  Mass.  Uncords,  vol.  v,  p.  3. 

History  of  Boxford,  Siduej'  Ferley,  p.  63. 


the  grim  wolf  heads,  nailed  upon  the  front  of  the  sanctuary  by 
every  one  who  killed  one  of  these  dread  foes,  to  secure  the 
bounty  promised  by  the  Town. 

If  the  weather  permitted,  all  tarried  at  the  door  to  read 
the  notices  posted  thereon.  Documents  of  many  sorts  found 
place  there:  town  ordinances  enacted  at  the  last  town  meeting; 
the  latest  laws  of  the  General  Court  relating  to  public  debts, 
fixing  the  penalty  for  selling  fire-arms  to  Indians,  or  ordering 
the  inspection  of  pipe-staves;  or  some  scandalous  libel  against 
the  good  name  of  some  citizen ;  or  Joseph  Rolandson  's  humble 
retraction  in  his  own  handwriting  before  the  Ipswich  Court, 
which  is  still  preserved  in  the  Court  papers  in  Salem.  More 
than  a  passing  look  was  given  the  law  against  Sabbath- 
breaking  by  parents  and  youth.  A  quaint  interest  attaches 
to  one  of  these  laws,  which  was  published  from  the  meeting 
house  doors.     It  was  enacted  in  June,  1653. 

"Upon  information  of  soundry  abuses  and  misdemeanors, 
committed  by  soundry  persons  on  the  Lord's  day,  not  only  by 
children  playing  in  the  streets,  and  other  places,  but  by  youths, 
majds,  and  other  persons,  both  straingers  and  others,  uncivily 
walking  the  streetes  and  fields,  travailing  from  towne  to  towne, 
going  on  shipboard,  frequenting  coinon  houses  and  other  places, 
to  drinck,  sport  and  otherwise  to  mispend  that  pretjous  tyme, 
which  things  tend  much  to  the  dishonor  of  God,  the  reproach 
of  religion,  greiving  the  souls  of  God's  servants,  and  the  pro- 
phanation  of  the  holy  Sabbath:  Therefore,  ordered  that  no 
children,  youths,  majds,  or  other  persons  shall  transgresse 
in  the  like  kind  on  penaltje  of  being  reputed  greate  provokers 
of  the  highest  displeasure  of  Almighty  God,  and  further  incurring 
the  poenaltje  hereafter  expressed,  namely,  that  the  parents  and 
governors  of  all  children  about  seven  years  old  (not  that  we 
aproove  younger  children  in  evill)  for  the  first  offence  in  that 
kind,  shall  be  admonished,  for  a  second  offence  shall  pay  as  a 
fine  5s,  and  for  a  third,  10-^  Youths  and  mayds  above  14 
years  old  shall  first  be  admonished,  for  the  second,  5^  etc. " 

"This  to  be  understood  of  such  offences  as  shall  be  com- 
itted  during  the  daylight  of  the  Lord's  day.  This  law  is  to  be 
transcribed  by  the  constable  of  each  towne,  and  posted   uppon 


the  inoetiiiji;  howse  doorc,  there  to  remajn  the  space  of   one 
month  at  l(>ast." 

With  minds  chily  impi'essed  with  tiie  solenmity  of  the  day 
and  honr,  with  gnilty  reniend)rance  of  Ho;ht  and  wanton  con- 
(.hict  on  other  Sabbaths  perhajjs,  no  lonii;er  to  be  permitted  by 
watchful  constables,  they  entered.  A  middle  aisle  divided  the 
interior  into  two  equal  parts.  There  were  no  pews,  only  benches, 
and  the  usage  of  the  day  required  that  the  women  should  sit 
on  one  side  and  the  men  on  the  other. 

The  interior  was  bare  and  cheerless.  No  plaster  nor  paint 
relieved  the  roughness  and  rawness  of  walls  and  roof  of  that 
first  meeting  house,  and  even  the  pulpit,  destitute  of  fine  finish 
or  coloring,  we  may  presume,  was  furnished  only  with  Bible 
and  Psalm-book,  and  the  hour-glass,  which  revealed  the 
length  of  the  sermon  to  the  eye  of  every  worshipper.  Neither 
carpet  nor  cushion  was  there,  but  a  floor  of  hewn  timber  not 
over  smooth.  No  sweet-toned  organ  invited  to  worship.  There 
were  instead  the  rattle  of  scabbards,  the  clank  of  muskets. 
Every  man  above  eighteen  years  of  age,  except  the  magistrates 
and  ministers,  by  command  of  the  General  Court,  came  with 
his  musket  or  other  firearms,  and  duly  equipped  with  match, 
powder  and  bullets.  The  fear  of  Indian  invasion  was  always 
upon  them,  and  sentinels  fully  armed  paced  their  beat  without. 

There  was  semblance  of  an  armed  garrison  rather  than  of 
peaceful  worshippers.  Nevertheless,  great  formality  attended 
the  gathering.  Rude  as  the  benches  were,  there  might  be  no 
random  choice  of  seats.  In  no  stately  edifice  of  modern  days 
is  there  such  rigidly  aristocratic  principle  openly  avowed. 
Official  station,  education,  family  connection,  wealth,  were 
carefully  considered,  and  social  rank  was  delicately  adjusted. 
So  we  are  sure  that  on  those  first  benches  sat  Mrs.  Winthrop, 
Mrs.  Rogers,  and  Mrs.  Norton,  the  wdves  of  dominies,  Dame 
Dudley  and  her  daughters,  Ann,  the  wife  of  Simon  Bradstreet, 
and  Patience,  the  wife  of  Daniel  Denison,  Madame  Symonds, 
Saltonstall's  young  bride,  Muriel,  just  from  the  motherland, 
and  behind  them,  the  wives  and  daughters  of  the  lesser  gentry 
and  substantial  yeomen.  Last,  of  all  were  the  poorer  ones  and 


Across  the  aisle  sat  the  men,  John  Winthrop  and  the  good 
Governor,  his  father,  now  and  then,  Richard  Saltonstall,  Giles 
Firmin,  the  physician,  and  son-in-law  of  Nath.  Ward,  Symonds 
and  Denison,  the  magistrates,  gruff  Dudley  and  gentle  Brad- 
street,  the  Appletons,  and  all  the  rest.  It  was  a  notable  assem- 
bly, remarkable  for  fine  learning,  for  high  character,  for  wise 
statesmanship,  for  grand  devotion.  Not  a  few  of  them  grew 
hoary-headed  in  high  and  honorable  public  station,  as  govern- 
ors and  magistrates,  commissioners  and  soldiers,  and  guided 
the  affairs  of  the  infant  Commonwealth  so  well  that  their  names 
are  written  in  gold. 

In  the  pulpit,  clad  in  black  Geneva  gown  and  skullcap 
and  ])ure  white  bands  sat  the  pastor,  Thomas  Parker,  or  Na- 
thaniel Ward,  or  Nathaniel  Rogers  and  John  Norton,  pastor  and 
teacher,  and  below  them,  on  a  raised  seat  the  deacons  and  ruling 
elders  had  their  place  of  honor.  Thomas  Lechford,  in  his 
Plaine  Dealing,  describes  the  order  of  worship  in  Boston.  It 
was  substantially  the  same  in  old  Ipswich,  no  doubt. 

"Every  Sabbath,  or  Lord's  day,  they  came  together  at 
Boston,  by  wringing  of  a  bell,  about  nine  of  the  clock  or  before. 
The  Pastor  begins  with  a  solemn  prayer  continuing  about  a 
quarter  of  an  houre.  The  Teacher  then  readeth  and  expound- 
eth  a  chapter,  then  a  Psalm  is  sung,  which  every  one  of  the  ruling 
Elders  dictates,  after  that  the  Pastor  preacheth  a  sermon,  and 
sometimes  extempore  exhorts.  Then  the  Teacher  concludes 
with  prayer  and  a  blessing."  Once  a  month  the  sacrament 
was  administered,  non-communicants  withdrawing.  About 
two  in  the  afternoon  a  second  service  began,  in  which  the 
Teacher  had  the  sermon,  and  the  Pastor  conducted  the  other 
exercises.  This  was  followed  by  the  baptism  of  children,  "by 
washing  or  sprinkling,"  and  then  the  contribution,  after  the 
preacher  had  earnestly  exhorted  to  liberality. 

"The  magistrates  and  chief  gentlemen  first  and  then  the 
Elders,"  says  Lechford,  "and  all  the  congregation  of  men 
and  most  of  them  that  are  not  of  the  church,  all  single  persons, 
widows  and  women  in  the  absence  of  their  husbands,  come  up 
one  after  another,  one  way,  and  bring  their  offerings  to  the 
Deacon  at  his  seate,  and  put  it  into  a  box  of  wood  for  the  pur- 
pose, if  it  be  money  or  papers, — if  it  be  any  other  chattle,  then 

112         IPSWICH,    IN    THE    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY    COLONY. 

set  it  or  lay  it  down  before  the  Deacons,  and  so  passe  anollier 
way  to  their  seats  again.  I  have  seen  a  faire  gilt  cwp  with  a 
cover  offered  there  by  one,which  is  stiH  used  at  the  Communion." 
After  this,  new  members  were  a(hnitted,  matters  of  offence 
were  h(>ard,  and  sometimes  it  was  very  late  before  the  bene- 
diction was  pronounced.  Happily,  at  snuset,  the  day  was 
done,  and  Puritan  l)oys  and  girls,  to  say  naught  of  men  and 
women,  in  their  hearts  rejoiced  that  the  iron  restraints  of  the 
Sabbath  were  broken. 

Their  psalm  singing  was  curious,  and  wonderful.  Their 
tunes  for  hymns  were  few — York,  St.  Ann's,  Martyrs  and  the 
like.  We  make  ourselves  merry  over  the  crudities  and  mon- 
strositi(>s  that  2()th  century  culture^  detects  in  praise  and 

Nevertheless,  a  sul)lin)e  earnestness  characterized  it  all. 
Stress  of  weather  mattered  little.  Cold  could  not  affright  nor 
heat  coiKjucn-,  nor  rain  dishearten.  That  order  adopted  in 
1642  "for  the  making  and  constant  keeping  of  the  meeting 
house  tite"  reveals  the  intrusion  of  the  rain  within  tf)  the 
discomfort  of  bared  heads  and  the  injury  of  Sabba-day  clothing, 
but  none  might  stay  away.  Only  one  suggestion  of  creature 
comfort  relieves  the  utter  desolation  of  the  wintry  Sabbath. 
It  has  been  assumed  as  a  universal  truth  that  there  were  no 
fires,  and  it  is  beyond  a  doubt  that  later  in  the  century,  and 
down  to  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century ,there  were  no 
means  of  warming  save  the  footstoves.  But  the  original  con- 
tract, still  preserved,  between  John  Pickering  and  the  Town  of 
Salem  in  1638,  to  build  an  addition  to  the  meeting  house,  spec- 
ifies "one  catted  chimney  of  12  foot  long  and  4  foot  in  height 
above  the  top  of  the  building,  the  back  whereof  is  to  be  of 
brick  or  stone;."  If  the  Salem  people  had  a  chinniojy  large 
enough  for  ami)le  warmth  in  1638,  the  Ipswich  folk  would  soon 
have  indulged  in  the  same.  What  pity,  that  Puritan  self  ab- 
negation frowned  the  fireplace  out  of  countenance  at  the  out- 
set and  compelled  two  centuries  nearly  of  worship  at  risk  of 
health  and  life ! 

Stern  and  forbidding  that  olden  worship  seems  to  us,  but 
beneath  all  the  sternness  of  Sabbath  laws  and  usages,  and 
the  martyr-hke  torturing  of  the  flesh,  we  catch  sight  of  a  rare 


nobility  of  purpose.  .Simple,  unswerving  fidelity  to  Conscience 
and  the  Holy  Book  compelled  those  men  to  make  their  Sabbath 
what  it  was.  We  reverence  them,  and  that  bare  hill-top  is 
forever  sanctified  by  their  worship. 

As  3^ears  went  on,  the  old  meeting  house  became  not  onh' 
out  of  repair  but  too  small  in  size.  In  1643,  the  young  men 
and  youths  had  permission  to  set  up  a  gallery.  The  doom  of 
the  old  house  was  sealed  in  1646,  and  it  was  sold  to  Thomas 
Firman  for  fifty  shillings  in  December  to  be  removed  by  the 
following  September.  Various  records  seem  to  indicate  that 
the  new  house  was  built  in  much  more  leisurely  fashion  than 
was  contemplated  when  this  vote  was  passed.  It  was  not  till 
Feb.  13,  1651-2,  that  the  Town  agreed  with  George  Norton 
"to  ground-sell  the  Meeting  House  and  to  leave  doors  and  walls 
both  for  clapboards  and  dabing,"  for  which  he  was  to  receive 
12''  a  foot,  the  Town  drawing  the  timber  and  underpinning  it; 
and  again  in  Oct.,  1653,  ''to  laye  four  gutters  to  the  meeting 
house  of  large  pyne  trees, — and  the  house  closed  sufficiently — 
to  cover  the  ground  sells  about  the  house,  to  make  a  sheet  for 
the  turret  window  and  cover  for  the  upper  scuttell  hole."  Other 
allusions  indicate  that  the  new  house  was  built  in  the  prevailing 
style  of  the  time,  of  which  a  fine  example  remains  in  the  "Old 
Ship"  church  at  Hingham.  It  was  square,  with  a  hip  roof,  and 
a  turret  or  belfry  at  the  apex,  so  that  the  bell-rope  hung  down 
in  the  center  of  the  audience  room.  It  was  shingled  and  clap- 
boarded,  with  glass  windows  of  small  diamond  panes,  set  in 
lead,  and  was  furnished  with  galleries. 

The  matter  of  seating  accommodation  was  frequently  be- 
fore the  Town.  In  1660,  certain  seats  were  ordered  built  and 
repaired  in  the  galleries,  also  at  the  two  corners  of  the  meeting 
house  and  under  the  gallery  for  women.  The  question  of 
greater  and  less  dignity,  carrying  with  it  the  question  of  higher 
or  lower  seat,  became  so  sharp  and  vexing  that,  in  1663,  the 
delicate  and  unenviable  task  of  "seating  the  congregation" 
was  laid  upon  the  Selectmen.  Yet  more  seats  were  ordered  in 
the  galleries  in  1674,  and  in  1675  came  a  most  startling  inno- 
vation, even  permission  to  Francis  Wainwright,  one  of  the 
most  conspicuous  citizens  "to  set  up  a  pue  six  foot  square  or 
so  much  as  amounts  to  it  between  the  two  seats  and  the  stairs 


on  the  North  side."  This  vote  was  recognized  as  so  revolution- 
ary' of  ancient  usage  that  the  Town  Record  bears  the  entry: 
"I  consent  to  the  setting  up  of  a  square  pew  in  the  place 
al)()V(\said  to  come  out  as  far  as  the  midst  of  the  seate,  wherein 
John  liurnam's  wife  setts." 

Daniel  Denison. 

Fortified  thus  by  the  approval  of  the  Autocrat  of  the  Town, 
the  first  pew  in  old  Ipswich  was  forthwith  erected, and  the  loca- 
tion against  the  wall  of  the  meeting  house,  rather  than  in  some 
central  spot,  continued  to  be  fashionable  for  a  century.  The 
Wainwright  family  was  no  longer  separated  but  sat  in  a  cos}- 
group  in  the  grand  new  pew. 

A  few  years  afterward.  Major  Samuel  Appleton  received 
permission  to  erect  a  pew  in  the  east  corner  "not  exceeding 
two  short  seats  in  breadth,  near  the  middle  of  the  window  in 
the  length,  at  his  own  charge,  relinquishing  his  right  in  his 
wives  seat."  At  the  next  Town  meeting,  Feb.,  1680-1,  Doctor 
Dane,  Nath.  Treadwell,  William  Hodgkins,  Sen.,  Andrew 
Dymond,  Thomas  Lull,  Thomas  Dennis,  Thomas  Hart  and 
Samuel  Hunt  united  in  a  petition  for  liberty  to  "raise  the 
hindmost  seate  in  the  norwest  syde  of  the  Meeting  House  two 
foote  higher  than  it  now  is,  for  there  wives  to  sitt  in,"  and  it 
was  granted.  That  lofty  row  of  eight  ladies  of  the  second 
order  of  social  rank  was  a  conspicuous  ofTset  against  the  pre- 
tensions of  the  family  pew. 

The  love  of  high  seats  reached  the  gallery  as  well,  and  Sar- 
gent   and  his  son,  and  others  had  liberty  to  raise  the 

hindmost  seat  in  the  gallery,  called  the  boys'  gallery.  Higher 
still,  the  soaring  ambition  of  the  good  folk  reached.  Some- 
where in  the  meeting  house  there  had  been  a  magazine  to  store 
the  town's  powder,  well  up  among  the  beams  it  has  been  thought; 
and  it  was  voted  in  1681-2  that  the  Town  would  ' '  build  a  seate 
between  where  the  old  Powder  room  was  and  the  gallery." 
That  lofty  bird's  nest  against  the  wall  was  accounted  so  hon- 
orable that  the  Town  proceeded  to  vote,  that  Mrs.  Cobbet,  wife 
of  the  minister  "shall  have  a  seate  there  if  she  please."  John 
Harris  and  John  Staniford  had  permission  as  well  to  put  up 
some  boards  to  break  off  the  wind  from  the  seat  where  their 
wives  sat. 


Pew  by  pew,  encroachment  was  made  upon  the  central 
space  after  the  walls  were  lined,  but  a  century  elapsed  before 
the  transformation  was  complete,  and  the  old  benches  com- 
pletely disappeared.  It  is  a  curious  illustration  of  the  vagaries 
of  fashion  that  the  central  floor  space,  originally  the  most  select, 
fell  into  discredit  when  the  pew  system  became  popular,  and 
became  the  resort  of  the  poor  and  those  of  middle  rank.  In 
our  own  day,  the  wall  has  been  altogether  abandoned  in  its 
turn,  and  the  central  floor  has  regained  its  pristine  honor. 

Coincident  with  the  building  of  the  new  and  larger  house 
of  worship,  new  and  peculiar  trials  began  to  appear,  because 
of  the  disorderly  behavior  of  the  compulsory  worshippers. 
The  first  hint  of  any  disturbance  is  in  connection  with  the 
family  dogs.  As  early  as  1641,  the  Prudential  men  of  the 
Town  ordered  that  no  dog  should  come  into  the  meeting  house 
on  Sabbath  days  or  lecture  days  between  twelve  and  three 
o'clock.  Why  they  were  so  obnoxious  during  the  afternoon 
service,  and  not  in  the  morning,  we  are  left  to  our  wits  to  dis- 
cover. Certain  it  is,  that  from  very  early  times,  the  dog  had 
been  legislated  against  as  an  undesirable  attendant.  In  old 
English  towns,  the  dog-whipper  was  a  regular  functionary, 
and  a  curious  old  law  of  the  time  of  Edgar  quoted  by  Mr.  Charles 
Francis  Adams^  specifies  that  "parish  priests  were  to  see  to  it 
that  no  dog  should  enter  church,  nor  yet  more  a  swine,  if  it 
could  possibly  be  prevented."  Shortly  after  we  have  a  curious 
revelation  of  the  weakness  of  the  flesh  among  the  Puritans 

Mrs.  Earle  in  her  "Sabbath  in  Puritan  New  England" 
quotes  from  the  Journal  of  one  Obadiah  Turner  of  Lynn : 

"June  3:1646 — Allen  Bridges  hath  bin  chose  to  wake  ye 
sleepers  in  meeting.  And  being  much  proude  of  his  place, 
must  needs  have  a  fox  taile  fixed  to  ye  ende  of  a  long  staff 
wherewith  he  may  brush  ye  faces  of  them  yt  will  have  napps 
in  time  of  discourse,  likewise  a  sharp  thorne  whereby  he  may 
prick  such  as  be  most  sound.  On  ye  last  Lord  his  day,  as  hee 
strutted  about  ye  meeting  house,  he  did  spy  Mr.  Tomlins 
sleeping  with  much  comfort,  hys  head  kept  steadie  by  being 
in  ye  corner,  and  his  hand  grasping  ye  rail.     And  soe  spying, 

1  Three  Episodes,  ii,  744. 


Allen  (lid  (luickly  thrust  his  staff  behind  Dame  Ballard  and 
give  him  a  grievous  prick  upon  ye  hand.  Whereupon  Mr. 
Tomlins  did  spring  vpp  mch  above  ye  fioore,  and  with  terrible 
force  strike  hys  hand  against  ye  wall:  and  also,  to  ye  great 
wonder  of  all,  prophanlie  exclaim  in  a  loud  voice,  curse  ye 
woodchuck,  he  dreaming  so  it  seemed  yt  a  woodchuck  had 
seized  and  bit  his  hand.  But  on  coming  to  know  where  he  was, 
and  ye  greate  scandall  he  had  committed,  he  seemed  much 
abashed,  but  did  not  speak.  And  I  think  he  will  not  soon  again 
goe  to  sleepe  in  meeting." 

Eventually,  in  some  towns,  the  fox-tail  and  thorne  were 
deemed  insufficient,  and  a  "cage"  was  built  on  the  meeting- 
House  Green,  in  which  the  persistent  sleeper  was  ignominiously 
imprisoned,  the  object  of  public  ridicule. 

But  there  were  worse  disorders  than  the  snoring  of  sleepers 
in  the  old  meeting  house  on  the  hill.  In  1654,  Edward  Brydges 
had  a  legal  admonition  for  disorder  in  the  meeting  house,  and 
in  that  same  year  disorderliness  had  become  so  general  and  so 
offensive  that  the  General  Court  took  the  matter  in  hand,  and 
gave  liberty  to  the  officers  of  the  congregation  and  the  Selectmen 
of  Towns  to  appoint  one  or  two  persons,  "to  reform  all  such 
disordered  persons,  in  the  congregations  or  elsewhere  about 
the  meeting  houses."  Our  Town  proceeded,  in  1657,  to  avail 
itself  of  the  new  statute,  and  appointed  Thos.  Burnam  and 
Symon  Tompson  to  keep  a  watchful  eye  upon  the  youth — 
and  none  too  soon — for  John  Averill  had  been  before  the  Ips- 
wich Court  in  1656  for  striking  Thomas  Twigs  in  the  meeting 
house  "in  the  time  of  public  ordinances  on  the  Sabbath." 

For  many  years  there  was  a  vigorous  spirit  of  disorder  that 
must  have  marred  the  solemnity  of  many  Sabbaths.  The 
grouping  of  all  the  young  men  and  boys  together  was  the  pro- 
lific cause  of  constant  disorder.  Sometimes  the  disturbance 
was  violent,  as  when  Thomas  Bragg  and  Edward  Cogswell 
fought  together  in  the  meeting  house  "on  the  Lord's  day^  in 
time  of  exercise"  in  the  year,  1670,  for  which  they  were  fined 
10^  apiece,  or  when  Stephen  Cross  struck  another  worshipper. 
Two  young  misses,  Elizabeth  Hunt  and  Abigail  Burnam,  so 
disturbed  public  service  one  Sunday  in  1674,  that  they  were 
arraigned  before  the  Court,  and  their  fathers  admonished  to 


reprove  them  becomingly,  and  Sam.  Hunt  Jr.  was  admonished 
and  fined  for  his  light  behaviour. 

Old  Salem  in  1676  wrestled  with  the  unruliness  of  the  boys 
in  this  fashion:  "all  ye  boyes  of  ye  towne,  are  and  shall  be 
appointed  to  sitt  upon  ye  three  pair  of  stairs  in  ye  meeting 
house,  on  ye  Lord's  day,  and  Wm.  Lord  is  appointed  to  look 
after  ye  boys  yt  sitte  upn  ye  pulpit  stairs.  Reuben  Guppy  is 
to  look  and  order  soe  many  of  ye  boyes  as  may  be  convenient, 
and  if  any  are  unruly,  to  present  their  names  as  the  law  directs." 

But  "disorderly  carriages"  increased  still  to  the  sorrow  of  all 
godly  worshippers,  and,  in  1677,  in  accordance  with  a  precept 
from  the  General  Court,  a  new  office,  that  of  tithingraan,  was 
created,  and  24  men,  good  and  true,  including  some  of  the 
most  prominent  citizens  were  chosen  by  the  Selectmen. 

The  tithingman  was  a  most  important  functionary.  His 
business  extended  much  beyond  the  meeting  house  and  disorder 
therein.  To  each  officer  was  assigned  the  oversight  of  ten 
families,  hence  the  name,  though  the  origin  of  the  office  itself  is 
found  in  the  Saxon  times  of  Old  England. 

Within  his  special  precinct,  he  was  instructed  by  common 
agreement  of  the  town  officers  in  1681,  "to  see  that  children 
and  servants  be  taught  to  read  and  instructed  in  the  capitall 
laws  and  Catechism  as  the  Law  p'vides,  and  that  the  Selectmen 
as  they  shall  desire  y'"  goe  with  y"'  to  any  persons  to  attend 
that  dutye  and  where  there  is  deficiency  in  any  they  are  to 
inspect  that  the  Laws  be  attended." 

Furthermore,  the  law  enjoined  them  "to  inspect  dis- 
orderly persons,  and  to  p'sent  the  names  of  single  persons  that 
live  out  from  under  family  government — to  enter  ordinaries 
and  inspect  them" — and  "whatever  else  tends  to  irreligion." 

They  were  to  admonish  all  offenders,  and  if  this  proved  in- 
effectual they  were  bound  to  make  complaint  to  the  Court. 
One  tithingman,  at  least,  pressed  the  law  to  the  letter,  as  the 
Court  Record  bears  witness  under  the  date  April  10,  1683 : 

"William  Knowlton  upon  complaint  of  John  Edwards, 
tithingman,  against  him  for  keeping  a  pack  of  gaming  cards 
in  his  house,  is  sentenced  according  to  law  to  pay  a  fine  of  5*^." 
Upon  his  submission  the  Court  ordered  that  upon  "satisfying 
the  informer  his  part  as  the  law  provides,  and  paying  20®  to 
the  Treasurer  and  fees,  the  rest  be  respitted." 


Two  men  of  the  united  forces  of  selectmen,  tithingmen  and 
constables  were  "to  look  after  the  youth  upon  Sabbath  dayes 
in   their   towns." 

That  business  of  "seating  the  congregation"  was  prolific 
of  heart-burnings  and  constant  disorder.  Distracted  by  their 
trials,  the  Deacons  complained  to  the  Selectmen  in  1681,  of  the 
disturbance  of  p'sns  in  the  meeting  house  "in  not  sitting  where 
placed,  and  others  crowding  into  seats  to  hinder  those  placed 
in  there  places."  To  quell  these  outbreaks,  5"*  a  day  was  or- 
dered as  a  fine  for  sitting  in  the  wrong  places. 

The  final  establishment  of  the  pew  system  proved  the  solvent 
of  all  difficulties.  Families  sat  together,  the  children  and 
youth  were  distributed  and  were  under  the  eye  of  their  parents 
and  the  burning  issues  of  early  days  were  at  rest  forever. 



Constant  danger  "from  plots  and  conspiracies  of  the  heathen 
amongst  us,"  as  the  Indians  were  frequently  styled,  likelihood 
of  rupture  with  the  mother  country  at  a  very  early  date,  and 
anticipations  of  trouble  with  the  French,  produced  feverish 
anxiety  throughout  the  Colony  for  many  years,  and  oiu-  an- 
cient town,  in  common  with  the  other  communities,  must  have 
seemed  like  a  warlike  camp  rather  than  a  peaceful  settlement, 
undertaken  for  the  sake  of  securing  liberty  of  worship  and  re- 
ligious belief. 

One  episode  of  the  very  earliest  times  convinces  u^  that 
their  anxiety  was  well  grounded.  Rev.  Thomas  Cobbet,  the 
minister  of  Ipswich,  in  a  paper  entitled,  "New  England's  De- 
Uverances,"  relates,  as  follows:  "About  five  or  six  yeares  after 
(an  intended  attack  upon  'Nahumkeick'  by  the  Indians),  in  the 
first  planting  of  Ipswich  (as  a  credible  man  informs  me,  namely, 
Quartermaster  Perkins)  the  Tarratines  or  Easterly  Indians  had 
a  design  to  cut  them  off  at  the  first,  when  they  had  but  between 
20  and  30  men,  old  and  young  belonging  to  the  place  (and  that 
instant  most  of  the  men  had  gone  into  bay  about  their  occa- 
sions, not  hearing  thereof).  It  was  thus  one  Robin,  a  friendly 
Indian,  came  to  this  John  Perkins,  then  a  young  man  then 
living  in  a  little  hut  upon  his  father's  island  on  this  side  of 
Jeofrye's  Neck,  and  told  him  that  on  such  a  Thursday  morning 
early,  there  would  come  four  Indians  to  draw  him  to  goe  down 
the  Hill  to  the  water  side,  to  trick  with  them,  which  if  he  did,  he 
and  all  neare  him  would  be  cut  off;  for  there  were  40  burchen 
canowes,  would  lie  out  of  sight,  in  the  brow  of  the  Hill,  full  of 
Armed  Indians  for  that  purpose:  of  this  he  forthwith  acquaints 
Mr.  John  Winthrop,  who  then  lived  there,  in  a  house  near  the 
water,  who  advised  him  if  such  Indians  came,  to  carry  it  rug- 
gedly toward  them,  and  when  their  backs  were  turned  to  strike 
up  the  drum  he  had  with  him  beside  his  two  muskets,  and  then 



(llschar2;o  thcni ;  that  those  six  or  eight  young  men,  who  were 
in  tlio  marshes  hard  by  a  mowing  haveing  their  guns  each  of 
them  ready  charged  l)y  them,  might  take  the  Alarmc  and  the 
Indians  would  perceive  theyr  plot  was  discovered  and  haste 
away  to  sea  againe;  which  was  accordingly  so  acted  and  tooke 
like  effect ;  for  he  told  me  that  presently  after  he  discovered  40 
such  canowes  sheare  off  from  under  the  Hill  and  make  as  fast 
as  they  could  to  sea.  And  no  doubt  many  godly  hearts  were 
lifted  up  to  heaven  for  deliverance,  both  in  that  deliverance  at 
Salem,  and  this  at  Ipswich."^ 

As  a  precaution  against  such  surprise  a  constant  watch  was 
maintained  at  night  by  the  constables.  Every  adult  male  of 
each  family  above  the  age  of  eighteen,  including  "sons,  servants 
and  sojourners,"  was  liable  to  this  service.  From  the  last  of 
March  to  the  last  of  September  the  streets  and  all  exposed  lo- 
calities were  patrolled  from  half  an  hour  after  sunset  to  half 
an  hour  before  sun  rise.  2 

For  the  convenience  of  the  night  watch  a  watch  house  was 
built,  about  the  year  1645,  near  the  meeting  house,  in  which  a 
fire  was  kept.  All  who  were  abroad  after  ten  o'clock  at  night 
were  likely  to  be  challenged  by  the  watch,  and  summoned  to 
explain  where  they  were  going  and  what  their  business  was,  and 
if  they  failed  to  satisfy  the  inquisitive  night-guard,  they  were 
liable  to  arrest  and  detention  at  the  watch  house,  or  "courte 
of  guard"  till  morning. ^ 

An  elaborate  military  organization  was  also  provided  for. 
The  law  of  1630  required  training  on  every  Saturday,  but  in 
1634,  the  requirements  were  modified  so  that  train  bands  met 
only  once  a  month,  with  July  and  August  excepted.  The  mi- 
litia was  organized,  in  1636,  into  three  regiments.  The  first 
included  the  men  of  Boston  and  vicinity,  under  Governor  Win- 
throp  as  Colonel,  and  Thomas  Dudley,  Esq.  as  Lieut.  Colonel. 
The  second  was  composed  of  the  train  bands  of  Saugus,  Salem, 
Ipswich  and  Newbury  and  was  commanded  by  bluff  John  Endi- 
cott  of  Salem,  and  our  patron,  John  Winthrop,  Jr.,  as  Lieut.  Col. 

More  definite  local  organization  was  completed  in  1645,when 

'  Perkiiirt  Family  Genealoffy,  p.  8. 

2  Mh88.  Records,  1047,  vol.  II,  p.  2"i4. 

3  Mass.  Records,  1645,  vol.  II,  p.  130;  1652,  vol.  ill,  p.  282. 


Mr.  Symon  Bradstreet,  Captain  Denison,  Ensign  John  Whit- 
tingham,  and  others,  were  allowed  by  the  General  Court  to  be 
called  "ye  military  company  of  Ipswich,  N- wbiiry,  Rowley, 
Salisbury,  and  Hampton,"'  with  liberty  to  assemble  as  often 
as  they  pleased,  in  Ipswich,  Newbury  and  Rowley.  The  Row- 
ley company,  however,  organized  in  1646,  and  the  Ipswich  sol- 
diers probably  lost  their  eastern  contingent  at  that  time. 

Denison,  we  presume,  was  head  and  front  in  this  movement. 
Winthrop  and  Saltonstall  both  outranked  him  at  the  outset 
the  former  holding  the  rank  of  Lieut.  Colonel,  as  we  have  men- 
tioned and  the  latter,  that  of  Sergeant-Major  in  Endicott's  reg- 
iment. But,  as  early  as  1634,  Denison 's  skill  in  military  affairs 
was  recognized  by  his  appointment  in  connection  with  Mr. 
Nicholas  Easton  and  Mr.  Dummer  on  the  board  of  local  over- 
seers of  powder,  shot  and  all  other  ammunition. 2  Muskets, 
bandoleers,  and  rests  lately  arrived  from  England  were  held  in 
charge  by  them  as  a  common  stock.  He  rose  rapidly  to  the 
first  place. 

How  much  quaint  and  picturesque  association  attaches  to 
the  stated  training  days  of  the  olden  time!  Our  level  South 
Common  was  the  training  field.  Thither  all  the  able-bodied 
men  resorted  with  their  arms  and  accoutrements,  and  every 
boy  and  many  a  Puritan  maid,  to  see  the  fine  display.  The 
minister  was  there  in  gown  and  bands  to  open  the  training 
with  prayer.  The  first  citizens  were  in  the  ranks  or  among  the 
officers.  Denison  was  there  as  Captain  of  the  host,  Whitting- 
ham  as  Ensign,  Thomas  Howlett  as  one  of  the  petty  officers. 

A  motley  company  it  must  have  been!  Side  by  side,  stood 
the  lad  of  eighteen  and  the  old  graybeard,  still  obliged  to  train 
if  the  infirmities  of  age  did  not  incapacitate  him.  "All  Scots- 
men, Negers  and  Indians  inhabiting  with  or  servants  to  EngHsh'' 
were  pressed  into  the  ranks. ^  There  is  no  hint  of  uniforms,  so 
they  came  probably  in  their  leather  doublets  and  breeches,  or 
suits  of  linsey-woolsey,  or  in  the  smart  attire  of  the  wealthier 
folk,  with  hats  or  caps,  long  boots  or  shoes  as  circumstances  or 
choice  determined. 

1  Maes.  Records,  vol  II,  p.  111. 

2  Mass.  Records,  vol  I,  p.  125. 

3  Mass.  Records,  1652,  vol.  Ill,  p.  268. 


Nevertheless,  the  essentials  of  military  effectiveness  were 
niinutely  refi-arcled.  On  ev.  ry  training  day,  in  the  forenoon  and 
aflernoon,  tiie  roll  was  called  and  every  absence  noted  by 
the  Clerk  of  the  train  band,  and  twice  a  year  he  inspected  the 
equipments  to  see  if  every  soldier  had  a  pound  of  powder,  20 
bullets,  two  fathom  of  slow  match,  with  musk(^t,  sword,  bando- 
leers and  rest.  Every  man  was  recpiired  to  have  as  well  a 
priming  wire,  a  worm  and  scourer.' 

The  armament  was  motley  and  curious.  Muskets  or  "bastard 
muskets"  were  the  only  firearm  but  they  might  vary  in  length 
from  three  feet  nine  inches  to  four  feet  three  inches,  and  unless 
the  short  guns  were  duly  apportioned  to  tall  men  and  the  long 
guns  to  short  ones,  the  topmost  line  of  battle  was  very  undu- 
lating. Prior  to  the  year  1645,  it  is  likely  that  the  long  six  foot 
fowling  piece  and  the  muskets  with  "4  foote  barrell"  which 
were  sent  over  in  the  earliest  shipments  of  arms  also  found  place. 

These  firearms  were  all  clumsy  and  inefficient.  The  ancient 
matchlock  pattern  was  most  common.  A  crooked  iron  lever 
occupied  the  place  of  the  modern  hammer,  to  the  end  of  which 
a  piece  of  slow  match  was  fastened.  By  a  pin-gear  of  simple 
nature,  pressure  on  the  trigger  brought  the  match  accurately 
down  on  the  open  powder  pan,  the  lid  of  which  had  been  pre- 
viously thrown  back  by  the  hand.  As  the  match  burned  rather 
freely,  several  yards  were  needed  for  extended  service  and  it  was 
wound  i-ound  the  musket  and  the  body  of  the  soldier.  Rain 
extinguished  the  smoking  match,  and  spoiled  the  powder  ; 
wind  blew  the  powder  from  the  pan.  The  matchlock  musket 
was  so  long  and  heavy,  that  it  could  not  be  held  to  the  shoul- 
der, so  a  crotched  stick  called  a  rest  was  thrust  into  the  ground 
to  support  it.  Resting  the  barrel  in  the  fork,  the  Puritan  sol- 
dier took  his  deliberate  aim,  and  when  wind  or  rain  did  not  pre- 
vent, discharged  his  weapon.  The  bastard  or  shorter-barreled 
muskets  were  many  of  them  fittcnl  with  a  snaphance  lock  a 
near  approach  to  the  ffint-lock  of  Revolutionary  days,  and 
were  a  far  better  weapon. 

Swords  formed  pa  of  the  equipment,  probably  of  the  dag- 
ger pattern,  which  might  be  attached  to  the  musket,  bayonet 

J  Mass.  Uecovds,  vol.  II,  pp.  118  and  119. 


fashion.  Bandolc^ers,  broad  leather  straps,  to  hold  the  am- 
munition, were  worn  over  the  shoulder.  One  third  of  the  train 
band  was  permitted  to  carry  pikes,  instead  of  muskets.  The 
pike  was  a  long  wooden  staff,  surmounted  by  a  steel  head  with 
a  variety  of  sharp  edges,  for  wounding  by  thrusting  and  with- 
drawing, a  weapon  of  no  mean  value,  even  against  the  clumsy 
and  unreliable  firearms. 

Corslets  or  costlets,  to  protect  the  body,  and  helmets,  were 
required  to  be  worn  by  pikemen  even  at  trainings,  and  in  time 
of  service,  a  buff  coat  of  leather,  thick  enough  to  resist  the  slash 
of  a  sword,  was  worn  under  the  armor.  John  I>eigh  of  the  Ar- 
gilla  road,  the  ancient  owner  of  the  field  still  known  as  "Leigh's 
meadow,"  owned  such  a  coat.  Corslets  and  head  pieces  are 
frequently  mentioned  in  the  inventories  of  this  early  period. 
Twenty  suits  of  armor  were  sent  over  in  the  first  ships,  by  the 
officers  of  the  Company. 

Each  suit  included  "coslett,  breast,  back,  culet.  gorgett, 
tases,  and  hed  piece,  varnished  all  black,  with  leathers  and 
buckles."  The  gorget  was  a  crescent  shaped  plate,  worn  over 
the  breast.  The  culet  protected  the  throat.  The  tases  were 
a  series  of  narrow  overlapping  plates,  that  were  attached  to  a 
lining  of  leather  and  covered  the  thighs.  The  low  price  of  these 
suits,  17  shillings,  indicates  that  they  were  of  leather  or  thin 
metal  or  some  other  cheap  matsrial.  Some  of  these  full  suits 
or  scattered  pieces  may  have  found  proud  place  in  these  festal 
training  displays.  Drum,  flag  and  halberds  for  the  sergeants 
completed  the  brave  show,  and  thus  equipped  the  ancient  train 
band  lined  up  against  the  old  stone  wall,  marched  and  counter- 
marched up  and  down  the  Green,  wheeled,  filed,  faced,  loaded 
and  fired  for  many  hours. 

Boys  were  sometimes  pressed  into  line  and  formed  a  com- 
pany by  themselves.  A  statute  of  1645  required  that  all  boys 
between  the  ages  of  ten  and  sixteen,  with  the  consent  of  their 
parents,  should  be  instructed  by  some  military  officer  or  ex- 
perienced soldier  upon  the  usual  training  days,  '  'in  ye  exercise 
of  arms,  as  small  guns,  half-pikes  and  bows  and  arrows." 

A  horse  troop  was  organized  in  the  Colony  in  1648,  and  a 
company  of  troopers  was  well  established  in  our  own  town  in 
1655.     Mr.  John  Appleton  was  its  famous  Captain  and  John 


Whipple  its  Cornet  in  1668.  This  was  the  culminating  glory 
of  the  militia.  It  was  an  aristocratic  body  of  great  pretensions. 
None  could  be  members,  who  did  not  pay  tax  on  a  hundred 
pounds  of  estate.  Great  must  have  been  the  display,  when 
that  choice  troop  of  Ipswich  nobility  pranced  and  curvetted 
and  invited  public  admiration  by  that  gay,  swaggering  spirit, 
that  ran  easily  to  riot  and  disorder,  and  is  easily  discerned  as 
the  secret  cause  of  the  ordinance,  forbidding  that  troopers  and 
soldiers  shall  remain  in  arms  and  "vainly  expend  their  time  and 
powder  by  inordinate  shooting,  on  the  day  or  night  after  their 

It  is  not  strange  that  the  citizen  soldiery  should  have  proved 
itself  quite  unsoldierlike  not  only  in  this,  "inordinate  shooting," 
but  in  neglect  of  training  and  sundry  breaches  of  military  eti- 
quette. Some  offences  were  punished  by  fine,  and  the  fines 
were  expended  in  buying  an  "ensign,  or  drum,  or  halberds,  or 
candle  or  wood  for  their  court  of  guard  or  powder  and  arms  for 
the  poorer  sort."  Neglect  of  training  might  be  punished  in 
ways  various  and  fantastical,  "by  either  ryding  the  wooden 
horse,  or  by  bilboes,  or  lying  neck  and  heels,  or  acknowledg- 
ment at  the  head  of  the  company."^  The  last  was  the  most 
frequent  sentence,  and  one  of  these  acknowledgments  remains. 
Erasmus  James  of  Marblehead  brought  suit  against  Richard 
Glass  for  defamation  of  character,  and  the  Court  ordered  that 
"on  the  next  training  day  at  the  head  of  the  company,  at  such 
time  as  the  Captain  or  Chief  officer  in  the  field  shall  permit,  if 
any  training  day  be  within  fourteen  days  at  ye  place,  or  else 
upon  the  next  Lord's  day  following  before  ye  congregation  at 
Marblehead,"  Glass  should  offer  the  following: 

"I,  Richard  Glass  do  hereby  before  God  and  his  people  here 
assembled  owne  and  confesse  that  I  have  in  my  words,  calling 
Erasmus  James,  cheating  rogue,  one  dyde  rogue,  one  dyde  dog; 
sinned  against  God  and  wickedly  abused  the  said  James,  of 
whom  I  had  no  reason  to  say,  and  do  from  my  heart  beg  pardon 
of  God,  and  of  said  James,  whom  I  have  justly  offended  in  my 
words,  hopeing  to  be  hereafter  more  watchfull  over  the  rash- 
ness of  my  heart  and  tongue  and  action." 

1  Mass.  Records,  1663,  vol.  iv,  part  2,  p.  97. 

2  Mass.  Records,  1672,  vol.  iv,  part  2,  p.  51). 


More  than  once,  irrepressible  Joseph  Fowler  was  disrespect- 
ful to  the  haughty  Denison,  and  for  each  offence  in  1647  and 
in  1648,  he  was  summoned  to  the  head  of  the  company,  and 
then  and  there  made  humble  acknowledgment  in  such  terms 
as  the  Major  required.  Denison 's  wounded  honor  may  have 
been  avenged, but  Fowler's  roystering  suffered  no  lasting  check. 

But  let  it  not  be  thought  that  the  soldiering  of  the  early 
days  began  and  ended  in  the  training  field.  There  was  much 
serious  business. 

The  honored  Governor  VVinthrop  came  to  town  in  June 
1637  and  the  soldiers  of  Ipswich  met  him  on  the  road  from 
Salem,  relieved  that  escort,  and  guarded  him  on  his  way, 
and  on  his  return,  "to  show  their  respect  to  their  governor,  and 
also  for  his  safety,  in  regard  it  was  reported  the  Pequods  were 
come  in  his  way."^  Those  fierce  and  warlike  Indians  from  Con- 
necticut were  greatly  feared  and  the  settlers  were  ever  on  the 
alert  to  prevent  surprise.  The  military  officers  were  ordered 
"to  maintain  watch  and  ward  every  day,  to  cause  all  men  to 
bring  their  arms  to  the  meeting  house,  and  see  that  no  person 
travelled  above  a  mile  from  his  dwelling,  except  where  houses 
were  near  together,  without  some  arms."  At  last  the  summons 
to  arms  came,  and  in  April,  1637,  seventeen  young  men  marched 
away  over  the  road  to  Salem  to  join  the  little  army.  Six 
more  followed  in  May.  Most  of  their  names  have  been  pre- 
served : 

William  Whitred  Robert  Filbrick 

Andrew  Story  John  Andrews 

John  Burnam  Robert  Castel 

Robert  Cross  Edward  Lumas  ' 

Palmer   Tingley  William    Fuller,   gunsmith 

William  Swyndon  John  Wedgwood 

Francis  Wainwright  Thomas  Shermans 

Wainwright  performed  prodigies  of  valor.  He  pursued 
some  of  the  Pequods  until  his  ammunition  was  expciided- 
Then  they  turned  upon  him  and  he  clubbed  his  nuisket,  and 
laid  on  so  long  and  so  well  that  he  broke  his  gun,  but  slew  two 

1  Winthrop's  History  of  New  Eugljind,  voL  I,  p.  271. 
-  Town  Records. 


of  the  enemy,  whose  heads  he  brought  in  triumph  to  the  camp. 
Wedgwood  was  wounded  and  left  a  captive.  Sherman  also  re- 
ceived a  wound  in  the  neck. 

In  October,  the  war  was  over,  and  a  day  of  Thanksgiving 
was  ordered  for  God's  great  mercy  in  subduing  "the  Pecoits" 
and  bringing  the  soldiers  in  safety.  For  this  campaign  they 
were  paid  20''  a  month  for  privates,  30^  for  sergeants,  besides 
their  rations. 

In  1642,  suspicion  was  raised  against  Passaconaway,  the 
Sagamore  of  the  Merrimac,  as  being  partner  to  a  general  plot 
among  the  Indians  to  cut  off  the  English.  It  was  ordered  by 
the  General  Court  that  public  alarm  should  be  given  by  dis- 
tinctly discharging  three  muskets,  or  the  continued  beat  of  the 
drum,  at  night,  or  firing  the  beacon  or  discharging  a  piece  of 
ordnance  at  night.  All  sentinels  were  immediately  to  go  to 
all  houses  in  their  neighborhood,  crying.  Arm!  Arm!  and  all 
women  and  children  and  the  old  and  infirm  were  to  hurry  with- 
in the  fort,  where  the  ammunition  was  to  be  guarded.' 

More  than  once,  perhaps,  the  drake  which  the  Town  had 
received,  sent  forth  its  warning  note,  sentinels  hurried  up  and 
down,  and  a  wild  rush  of  pallid  faced  women  and  crying  chil- 
dren was  made  to  the  meeting  house,  while  the  men  seized 
their  arms  and  sought  the  foe. 

On  a  Saturday  in  the  early  September  of  1642,  intense  ex- 
citement filled  the  town.  A  messenger  arrived  in  hot  haste 
with  orders  that  the  militia  of  Ipswich,  Rowley,  and  Newbury 
march  at  once  to  disarm  Passaconaway,  and  on  the  morning  of 
the  Sabbath,  in  a  heavy  rain,  the  Ipswich  soldiers,  twenty  in 
number,  started  on  the  expedition  against  the  wily  foe.  Hap- 
pily no  blood  was  shed  and  in  due  time  he  delivered  up  his 

The  town  settled  with  the  soldiers  who  had  served  against 
the  Indians  on  Dec.  4:  1643,  paying  "12''  a  day  (allowing  for 
the  Lord's  day  in  respect  of  the  extremity  of  the  weather) 
and  the  officers  dubble." 

John  Perkins  3s.  Sergeant  Howlett  6s. 

Robert  Roberts  3s.  John  Burnham  3s. 

1  Records,  1642,  vol.  II,  p.  29. 


Humphrey  Gilbert  3s.  Robert  Tilbrick  3s. 

Thomas  Perkins  3s.  Francis  Wainwright  3s. 

Tho :  Harris  3s.  John  Layton  3s. 

Ralph  Dix  3s.  Daniel  Wood  3s. 

Tho:  Burnam  3s.  William  Miller  3s. 

Jeremy  Newlande  3s.  Richard  Hutley  3s. 

Nathaniel  Boswell  3s.  Jo :  Wilds  3s. 

/  Theop :  Satchwell  3s.  Henry  Green  3s. 

On  Dee.  25:  1643,  the  widow  Lumpkin,  who  kept  an  ordi- 
nary was  reimbursed  for  the  provisions  she  had  furnished  the 

The  general  alarm  revived  again  in  1645,  on  Dec.  19  of  that 
year.  Denison  had  become  so  valuable  as  a  leader  that  the 
people  of  the  tow^n  agreed  to  pay  him  every  year,  £24  7^  to 
retain  his  services  and  he  remained  the  local  Captain,  even 
when  he  had  attained  the  exalted  rank  of  Major  General  of  the 
Colony.  A  double  military  watch,  armed  with  pike  and  mus- 
ket, was  ordered,  and  a  daily  scout  on  the  outskirt  of  each 
town."  Thirty  soldiers  out  of  every  hundred  were  ordered  to 
hold  themselves  ready  to  march  with  knapsacks  packed  at  a 
half  hour's  warning. 

Again  in  1653,  tales  of  a  great  assembly  of  thousands  of 
Indians  at  Piscataqua  affrighted  the  community  and  Denison, 
now  Major  General,  ordered  a  scout  of  twenty-seven  soldiers 
from  Ipswich  and  Rowley  to  discover  the  facts  in  the  case. 
They  marched  on  Friday  morning,  returned  on  Monday  night, 
and  reported  no  cause  for  alarm. ^  Despite  these  frequent 
alarms  more  than  twenty  years  elapsed  before  the  dreaded  In- 
dian war  burst  upon  the  Colony. 

1  Mass.  Records,  164.^,  voL  li,  p.  122. 

2  Mass.  Records,  vol.  HI,  p.  321. 



The  year  1660,  when  Charles  II  came  to  the  throne,  ushered 
in  a  long  period  of  gloom  and  struggle  in  New  England.  The 
vital  matter  of  a  free  and  independent  existence  by  right  of  the 
original  Charter,  was  now  called  in  question  in  the  most  alarm- 
ing fashion.  From  the  very  beginning,  the  enemies  of  the 
Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay  had  assailed  its  chartered  rights 
Before  a  year  had  passed,  the  Browns,  Morton,  Gardiner  and 
others,  who  had  been  dealt  with  summarily  by  the  authorities, 
backed  by  Gorges  and  Mason,  who  claimed  prior  grants  of 
territory  included  in  the  patent,  made  complaint  to  the  Privy 
Council,  "accusing  us  "  as  Winthrop  wrote,  "to  intend  rebellion, 
to  have  cast  off  allegiance,  and  to  be  wholly  separate  from  the 
Church  and  laws  of  England ;  that  our  ministers  and  people 
did  continually  rail  against  the  State,  Church  and  Bishops, 
etc."  The  alarming  news  soon  came  over  the  ocean  that  the 
Council  planned  to  send  a  General  Governor,  and  create  a 
special  commission  for  the  management  of  all  the  Colonies, 
and  for  the  revocation  of  their  charters,  with  Laud,  Archbishop 
V  of  Canterbury,  at  its  head.  The  Charter  was  formally  demanded 
on  April  10,  1634,  and  the  Magistrates  replied  that  they  could 
do  nothing  without  the  direction  of  the  Gene  al  Court,  which 
would  not  meet  for  two  months. 

When  the  General  Court  met,  it  decided  that  a  General 
Governor  could  not  be  accepted,  and  with  perfect  understand- 
ing of  the  revolutionary  nature  of  this  decision,  orders  were 
given  for  the  training  of  citizens  in  military  tactics  and  the 
erecting  of  a  castle  on  an  island  in  Boston  harbor.  An  im- 
mediate conflict  was  saved  only  by  the  chaotic  condition  of 
public  affairs  in  England. 

In  1638,  another  demand  for  the  Charter  called  forth  a  calm 
and  well-reasoned  reply  from  Governor  Winthrop,  which  main- 

THE    CHARTER    IN    PERIL.  129 

tained  the  cause  of  the  Colonists.  But  plots  against  their  lib- 
erties continued,  constant  misrepresentations  of  the  arbitrary 
administration  of  government  were  made,  and,  in  1646,  the 
scheme  was  conceived  of  sending  Governor  Winthrop  and  the 
Rev.  John  Norton  of  Ipswich,  the  most  scholarly,  and  ablest  of 
the  ministers,  to  England  to  state  the  case  fairly  before  the 
Commissioners.  Eventually  Edward  Winslow  of  the  Plym- 
outh colony  was  sent,  and  he  carried  with  him  a  formal  decla- 
ration by  the  General  Court. 

"We  conceive,"  the  document  declared,  "that  in  point  of 
government,  we  have,  granted  by  patent,  such  full  and  ample 
power  of  choosing  all  officers  that  shall  command  and  rule 
over  us ;  of  making  all  laws  and  rules  of  our  obedience,  and  of 
a  full  and  final  determination  of  all  cases  in  the  administration 
of  justice,  that  no  appeal  or  other  ways  of  interrupting  our 
proceedings  do  lie  against  us."' 

Winslow  was  favorably  received,  and  the  growing  unrest, 
'ulminating  speedily  in  the  execution  of  the  King,  diverted 
attention  from  the  officers  of  a  remote  Colony.  Puritanism 
was  in  the  ascendency  during  the  Commonwealth,  and  there  was 
no  disposition  to  tamper  with  the  Puritan  Colony.  Under  the 
Charter  signed  by  Charles  I  on  March  4,  1629,  the  colonists 
had  been  granted  liberty  to  elect  their  own  officers;  to  make 
their  own  laws;  to  make  war  if  necessary  in  their  own  defence, 
and  to  exercise  all  the  privileges  of  English  citizens. 

When  news  that  Charles  the  Second  had  been  crowned  King 
arrived,  suspicion  as  to  his  attitude  toward  the  Colony  checked 
any  effusive  demonstrations  of  loyalty.  No  official  proclama- 
tion of  his  sovereignty  was  made,  nor  oath  of  allegiance  or- 
dered. It  was  imderstood  that  the  affairs  of  the  Colony  were 
under  debate  in  the  royal  Councils,  that  the  scheme  of  send- 
ing a  General  Governor  had  been  revived,  that  petitions  for 
the  redress  of  grievances  had  been  presented  by  the  Quakers, 
and  that  the  civil  and  religious  liberty  were  likely  to  be  im- 

The  Navigation  laws  were  applied  rigorously  to  the  Colo- 
nies, larger  liberty  for  Quakers  and  those  who  were  excluded 

1  Wiutlirop's  History  of  New  Enul.-iml,  ii,  iTS-^sS. 
-  PaUray's   Histoiy  of  New  Ktif-lanil,  ii,  448, 

130  IPSWICH,    IN    THE    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY    COLONY.  the  franchise  was  ordered,  and  the  relations  between 
King  and  Colony  were  strained  to  such  degree,  that  the  peace 
of  the  people  was  sorely  disturbed.  The  critical  juncture  of 
alTai's  was  discussed  in  General  Court,  and  it  was  ordered 
in  June  1661 :  *'For  as  much  as  the  pr  sent  condition  of  our 
affaires  in  highest  concernments  call  for  a  dilligent  and 
speedy  vsc  of  the  best  meanes  seriously  to  discusse  and  rightly 
to  vnderstand  oin-  liberty  and  duty,  thereby  to  begett  vnity 
amongst  ourselues  in  the  due  observance  of  obedjenc  and 
fidelity  vnto  the  authority  of  England  and  our  ovne  just 
jiriviledges,  for  the  effecting  whereof  it  is  ordered  by  this 
Court  that  M"*  Symon  Bradstreete,  M""  Samuell  Symonds,  Maj''. 
Gen.  Denison,  M''  Danforth,  Majo'"  W"  Hawthorne,  Cap*  Th" 
Savage,  Cap'  Edward  Johnson,  Kliazer  Leeshei-,  M''  Mather,  M'" 
Norton,  M''  Cobbet,  and  M''  Mitchell  be  and  hereby  are  ap- 
pointed a  coinittee,  imediately  after  the  disolution  or  adjourn- 
ment of  y*"  Court,  to  meete  together  in  Boston  on  second  day 
next,  at  twelve  of  y''  clocke,  to  consider  and  debate  such 
matter  or  thing  of  publicke  concernment  touching  our  pat- 
tent,  lawes,  priviledges  and  duty  to  his  maj'-^  as  they  in  theire 
wisdome  shall  judge  most  expedient,  and  drawe  vp  the  result 
of  theire  apphensions,  and  ])resent  the  same  to  the  next  session 
for  consideration,  and  approbation,  that  so  (if  the  will  of  God 
be)wee  may  speake  and  act  the  same  thing,  becomeing  prudent, 
honest,    conscientious   and   faithfull  men.'" 

The  spiiit  that  moved  so  mightily  in  Samuel  Adams  and 
Otis  and  Patrick  Henry  a  century  later  is  felt  in  these  calm  but 
determined  words,  and  it  breathes  in  every  sentence  of  the 
Report  of  this  Committee.  They  affirmed  that,  under  their 
patent,  the  Governor  and  Company  were  a  body  politic,  in  fact 
and  name,  vested  w  th  power  to  make  freemen,  and  that  the 
freemen  had  power  1o  choose  their  own  Ciovernor  and  other 
officials.  Tho}^  affirmed  tha  the  government  thus  established 
had  full  power  to  govern  the  people,  in  all  ecclesiastical  and 
civil  affairs,  and  to  defend  itself  by  force  of  arms  against  any 
assault,  and  that  any  enactment,  "prejudicial  to  the  country, 
contrary  to  any  just  law  of  ours,  not  repugnant  to  the  lawes 

'  Mass.  Kecorils,  vol.  iv,  part  II,  j).  24. 

THE    CHARTER    IN    PERIL.  131 

of  England,  to  be  an  infringement  of  our  right."  They  declared 
they  recognized  the  duty  of  allegiance  to  the  King,  but  they 
affirmed  it  in  very  equivocal  fashion.' 

The  personnel  of  this  Committee  is  of  special  interest.  Mr. 
Symon  Bradstreete,  the  Chairman,  presumably,  had  been  an 
Ipswich  citizen  from  1635  or  36  to  1644,  and  the  two  members 
whose  names  follow  his,  Mr.  Samuell  Symonds  and  Maj.  Gen- 
eral Denison,  were  Ipswich  men.  They  were  both  assistants 
of  the  Colony.  Mr.  Mather  was  a  minister  of  Boston,  and  Mr. 
Norton,  after  twenty  illustrious  years  in  the  Church  at  Ipswich, 
had  removed  to  Boston  only  five  years  before  to  succeed  the 
lamented  Cotton.  Mr  Cobbet  was  in  the  Ipswich  ministry 
and  Mr.  Mitchell  was  Pastor  at  Cambridge. 

Symonds  and  Denison  were  large  figures  already  in  public 
affairs.  The  elder  of  the  two,  Samuel  Symonds,  was  now  sixty- 
six  years  old;  Daniel  Denison  was  forty-nine.  Both  had  been 
conspicuous  for  many  years  from  family  connections,  and  offi- 
cial station.  Symonds  married,  for  his  second  wife,  Martha, 
widow  of  Daniel  Epes,  step-daughter  of  the  famous  Rev.  Hugh 
Peter  of  Salem,  and  sister  of  the  second  wife  of  John  Winthrop, 
Jr.  In  May,  1638,  the  year  after  he  settled  in  Ipswich,  he  was 
chosen  Deputy  to  the  General  Court,  and  in  June,  he  was  ap- 
pointed a  magistrate  of  the  Ipswich  Court, ^  and  was  reappoint- 
ed in  the  three  following  years.  In  1640,  he  was  chosen  to 
record  sales,  mortgages,  etc.,  and  was  Town  Clerk  from  1639 
to  1645.  His  life  became  busy  with  public  interests  of  many 
kinds.  He  served  the  town  as  Selectman.  He  was  one  of  the 
magistrates  keeping  court  at  Pascataquack,  afterwards  Dover; 
and,  in  1643,  attained  the  honor  of  election  as  an  Assistant. 

The  Court  of  Assistants,  as  it  was  called,  was  composed  of 
the  Governor,  Deputy  Governor  and  seven  magistrates  at  this 
time.  Its  function  was  to  hear  and  determine  all  cases  of  ap- 
peal from  the  inferior  courts,  all  cases  of  divorce,  all  capital 
and  criminal  cases, "extending  to  life,  member,  or  banishment." 
It  was  the  Supreme  Court  of  that  day.  He  was  a  member  of 
many  important  committees;  one,  in  1648,  "to  consider  the 
articles  of  confederation  with  the  United  Colonies,  another  in 

1  Mass.  Kecords,  voL  iv,  part  II,  pp.  i!4,  25. 
"  Mass.  Records,  1638,  vol.1,  p.  227. 


1653,  of  which  he  was  chah-inaii,  to  consider  the  relati(His  with 
the  Dutch  and  IiuHans,  and  ajjain,  in  1654,  he  was  Chairman  of 
an  important  committ(M'  of  three, "to  examine,  compare,  recon- 
cih^  and  phice  toi!;ether,  in  good  order,  all  former  lawes,  both 
printed  and  written,  and  make  fitt  titles  and  tables  for  ready 
recourse^  to  any  })articnhir  containtnl  in  them."  In  the  same 
year,  he  was  on  a  committee  to  rei)ly  to  a  letter  of  Cromwell's. 
He  held  court  at  Salisl)uiy,  Hampton,  Dover,  and  York,  and 
assisted  in  settling  tiie  civil  affairs  at  Kittery,  and  the  Isle  of 
Shoals.  In  1()5S,  h  ■  was  one  of  the  Commissioners  to  visit  the 
country  eastward,  and  receive  the  submission  of  the  people  at 
Black  Point,  Blue  Point,  Spurwick  and  Casco  Bay,  and  xtend 
the  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts  over  this  region. 

But  better  than  any  catalogue  of  official  duties  is  the  letter' 
he  wrote  to  (Jovernor  John  Winthrop  in  1647,  in  which  he  dis- 
cussed "what  seemes  to  be  God's  ende  in  bringing  his  {)eople 
hether."  He  enumerated  sundry  particulars,  to  secure  liberty 
in  worship,  "to  afford  a  hiding  place  for  some  of  his  people 
that  stood  for  the  truth  while  the  nation  was  exercised  unto 
blood"  and  last  of  all,  "to  be  hopefull  instruments  in  God's 
hand  to  gaine  these  Indians  to  Christs  Kingdome.  Which  mercy 
if  attained  in  any  considerable  measure  will  make  us  goe  sing- 
ing to  our  graves  ..."  A  man  of  tender  and  sympathetic 
spirit,  we  judge  him,  of  thoughtful  and  reverend  mind,  albeit 
as  a  magistrate  h"  had  to  harden  his  heart  against  the  wicked. 

Denison,  with  his  wife  Patience,  daughter  of  Governor 
Thomas  Dudley,  came  to  Ipswich  in  1635,  in  the  same  year 
that  Governor  Dudley  took  up  his  residence  here,  and  Bradstreet 
and  Ann  his  wife,  daughter  of  Dudley,  as  well,  came  shortly 
after.  In  the  first  year  of  his  residence,  he  was  honored  with 
election  as  a  Deputy  to  the  General  Court,  and  was  reelected 
for  two  more  consecutive  terms,  and  repeatedly  in  later  years. 
In  1637,  he  was  numbered  with  the  magistrates  who  tried  Mrs. 
Hutchinson.  He  became  actively  interested  in  town  affairs, 
serving  it  as  Town  Clerk  in  1636,  and  as  Selectman  in  many 
subsequent  years,  when  the  burden  of  manifold  official  duties 
pressed  heavily  upon  him.  His  capacity  in  military  affairs 
was  recognized  at  once,  and  he  was  chosen  Captain  in  1636.2 

'  Ancestry  of  Pris(;illa  Baker,  by   W.  S.  Appleton,  p.  7.5. 
-  Mass.  Reconis,  IfiW,  vol.  i,  p.  1!)1. 

THE    CHARTER    IN    PERIL.  133 

When  a  general  alarm  spread  through  the  plantations  from  the 
report  that  a  conspiracy  had  been  formed  among  the  Indian 
tribes,  the  General  Court  in  May  1643  ordered  that  there  should 
be  a  general  training  of  troops,  and  provision  of  arms,  and  that 
Captain  Denison,  with  five  others  should  put  the  country  into 
a  posture  of  war.' 

His  military  skill  was  so  highly  esteemed  by  his  townsmen, 
that  £24  7s  was  voted  by  the  Town  on  Dec. 19,  1648,"unto  Major 
Denison,  soe  long  as  he  shall  be  there  leader,  in  way  of  Gratuit}' 
to  encourage  him  in  his  military  helpfulness  unto  them."  This 
was  raised  by  popular  subscription,  and  the  list  bears  the  names 
of  one  hundred  and  sixty  one  men,  headed  by  the  worshipful 
magistrates  and  ministers. ^ 

He  attained  the  distinguished  rank  of  Major  General  of  the 
Colony  in  1653,  and  was  chosen  again  many  times.  Judicial 
talents,  as  w^ell,  were  his.  As  early  as  1636  he  was  appointed 
one  of  the  Justices  for  the  Quarterly  Court  held  in  Ipswich  and 
became  a  Justice  of  the  Inferior  Court  in  1647.  In  1649,  1651, 
1652,  he  was  chosen  Speaker  by  the  Deputies  in  General  Court, 
and  in  1653,  he  became  an  Assistant  and  remained  in  that  honor- 
able body  until  death.  Ipswich  enjoyed  the  unique  honor  of 
furnishing  two  of  the  nine  members  of  that  high  Court. 

Special  tasks  of  honor,  that  required  tact  and  skill,  industry 
and  mental  poise,  were  laid  upon  him. 

Cromwell's  suggestion  that  the  men  of  Massachusetts  might 
remove  to  Ireland  and  establish  their  commonwealth  there, 
was  replied  to  by  a  letter  from  Denison  and  four  others  asking 
for  information  and  stating  the  terms  on  which  they  might  be 
led  to  remove.  When  difficulties  arose  with  the  Dutch  colony 
in  New  York,  he  was  appointed  on  a  committee  to  join  with 
the  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  "to  draw  up  the  case 
respecting  the  Dutch  and  Indians." 

Another  delicate  and  responsible  commission  was  given 
him  in  May,  1658,  when  the  General  Court  voted,  "that  Major 
Gen'i  Daniel  Denison,  diligently  peruse,  examine  and  weigh 
every  law,  and  compare  them  with  others  of  like  nature;  such 
as  are  plain  and  good,  free  from  any  just  exception,  to  stand 

1  Mass.  Records,  vol.  II,  p.  39. 

2  Town  Record. 


without  any  animadversion  as  approved.  Such  as  are  repealed 
or  fit  to  be  repealed,  to  be  so  marked  and  the  reasons  given; 
such  as  an*  obscure,  contradictory  or  seeming  so,  to  be  rectified 
and  the  emendations  prejiared.  When  there  is  two  or  more 
laws  about  one  and  tiie  same  thing,  to  prepare  a  draught  of  one 
law  that  may  comi)i'eiiend  the  same;  to  make  a  plain  and  easy 
table,  and  to  prepare  what  els(>  may  present,  in  the  perusing  of 
them,  to  be  necessaiy  and  useful,  and  make  return  at  the  next 
session  of  this  Court."  In  a  few  months  the  work  was  done, 
and  the  volume  was  printed.  Two  copies,  it  is  said,  are  still 

Samuel  Symonds  and  Daniel  Denison,  then,  were  a  strong 
contribution  to  that  patriotic  committee  of  1661.  The  busi- 
ness intrusted  to  them  was  of  paramount  importance,  and  was 
a  theme  of  much  popular  discussion.  Evidence  of  this  and  of 
the  deep  interest  the  citizens  of  Ipswich  had  in  these  critical 
affairs  of  State  is  afforded  by  the  minute  in  the  Record  of  the 
General  Court,  of  the  sessions  which  approved  the  report  of 
this  Connnittee:  "The  Court  hauing  read  and  considered  of 
seuerall  petitions  presented  and  subscribed  by  sundry  of  our 
freemen  and  others  from  Ipswich,  Newbury  and  Sudbury, 
referring  to  some  things  as  haue  binn  vnder  consideration  about 
our  compljance  w-''  England  &c.,  and  as  wee  cannot  but  acknowl- 
edge theire  care  and  approove  of  theire  good  intencons  in  most 
things  w'^'''  haue  been  presented  to  our  cognizance,  so  wee  also 
must  lett  them  vnderstand  that  this  Court  hath  not  binn  alto- 
gether negligent  to  provide  for  theire  and  our  owne  safety,  and 
to  manifest  our  duty  and  alleagiance  vnto  his  maj'>'',  from  whom 
wee  haue  had  such  a  favorable  auspect  of  late,  doe  therefore 
desire  the  petitioners  will  rest  sattisfied  in  what  is  donne,  assur- 
ing themselves  this  Court  will  not  be  wanting  in  the  prosecution 
of  such  further  wajes  and  meanes  as  may  be  most  conduceable 
to  our  owne  peace.  "2 

Similar  reply  was  given  to  the  petition  from  Boston  of  like 
character.  Evidently  there  was  a  conservative  party  in  all 
these  towns,  which  was  averse  to  any  action  that  might  involve 
the  colony  in  a  conflict  with  the  throne;  and  which  regarded 

1  Sketch  of  Ueiiison  by  Prof.  D.  D.Shide. 

2  Mass.  Records,  vol,  IV,  part  II,  p.  26. 

THE    CHARTER    IN    PERIL.  135 

the  pronounced  attitude  of  the  General  Court  with  alarm  and 
disapproval  The  love  of  liberty  showed  itself  more  and  more 
decidedly  as  their  liberties  were  threatened.  In  view  of  the 
delicacy  of  the  situation,  Mr.  Bradstreet  and  the  Rev.  John 
Norton  were  sent  to  England  to  represent  the  Colony  in  the 
Council  debates.  They  returned  in  September,  1662,  bringing 
word  that  the  King  had  confirmed  their  patent,  but  expected 
that  the  oath  of  allegiance  should  be  taken  by  the  Colonists, 
administration  of  justice  should  be  in  his  name,  that  the  privi- 
lege of  Episcopal  worship  should  be  allowed,  that  all  persons 
of  good  and  honest  lives  should  be  admitted  to  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per, and  that  all  of  wisdom  and  integrity  should  have  liberty 
of  voting  f o  ■  Governor  and  Assistants.  Norton  was  so  much 
depressed  by  the  popular  blame  that  was  heaped  upon  the  Com- 
mission that  he  lived  only  until  the  following  April,  and  his 
decease  was  thought  to  have  been  precipitated  by  this  mental 

Answer  to  this  letter  was  delayed  and  the  King  declared 
his  purpose  of  sending  over  some  Commissioners  to  see  how 
the  Charter  was  maintained,  and  to  reconcile  the  differences 
between  them.  "The  Clarendon  Commissioners,"  as  they  are 
known,  arrived  in  July  1664.  The  Governor  and  General  Court 
received  them  coldly,  and  made  a  few  conciliatory  changes  in 
the  laws,  but  replied  that  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  could 
not  be  admitted,  and  that  they  held  resolutely  to  their  Charter. 
In  some  instances  the  Commission  was  openly  defied.  The 
King  was  informed,  and  he  wrote  by  Secretary  Morrice  to  Mas- 
sachusetts that  it  was  very  evident  to  him,  "that  those  who 
governed  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  .  .  .  did,  upon  the 
matter,  believe  that  His  Majesty  had  no  jurisdiction  over  them, 
but  that  all  persons  must  acquiesce  in  their  judgments  and 
determinations,  how  unjust  soever,  and  could  not  appeal  to 
his  Majesty."  Accordingly  he  ordered  agents  to  be  sent  to 

When  the  General  Court  met  on  the  11th  of  September,  1666, 
to  consider  the  King's  letter,  after  Deputy  Governor  Willoughby 
had  communicated  the  grounds  of  his  assembling  it, 

1  Hutchinson  History,  1 :4fit). 


"Itt  is  oi-derod,  that  sonic  of  the  reverend  elders  that  are  or 
may  be  in  tovvne  be  desired  to  be  present  with  the  General!  Court 
on  the  niorrow  morning-  and  to  begin  the  Court,  &  spentl  the 
forenoone  in  prayer.'" 

On  the  following  day,  the  Court  met,  and  in  very  solenm 
mood.  It  was  an  hour  of  critical  significance,  "an  occasion, 
which  seems  one  of  the  most  interesting  events  in  the  history  of 
New  England."^  The  whole  forenoon  was  spent  in  j^rayer. 
Mr.  Wilson,  Mr.  Mather,  Mr.  Symmes,  Mr.  Whiting,  Mr.  Corbitt 
(Mr.  Cobbet  of  Ipswich)  and  Mr.  Mitchell  prayed. 

On  the  next  day  "the  petitions  from  the  ports  were  present- 
ed and  a  full  debate  took  place.""  A  petition  from  Boston 
bearing  twenty-six  names  was  read,  one  from  Salem  with  thii-ty- 
five  names,  one  from  Newbury  with  thirty-nine  signatures,  and, 
most  imposing  of  all,  the  Ipswich  petition  with  the  names  of 
seventy-three  citizens. 

These  were  almost  identical,  and  the  Ipswich  petition  alone 
needs  special  notice.  It  was  as  follows: 

Your  petitioners  being  informed  that  letters  are  lately  come 
from  His  Majesty  to  the  Council  of  this  Colony,  expressive 
of  his  ill-resentment  of  their  proceedings  in  reference  to  the 
Commissioners  lately  sent  hither,  insomuch  that  his  Majesty 
hath  thereupon  required  some  principal)  persons  to  be  sent 
from  here  with  (command  upon  their  allegiance  to  attend  his 
majesties  pleasure, in  order  to  a  finall  determination  of  such  dif- 
ferences and  debates  as  have  happened  between  his  majes'-^"* 
said  Commission  and  the  Government  here,  which  declaration 
of  His  Majestie  they  cannot  but  looke  upon  as  a  matter  of 
such  great  importance,  as  it  doth  justly  call  for  all  manner  of 
most  serious  consideration  what  is  to  be  done  in  reference 

Wherefore  ^'o''  Petitioners  that  they  might  neither  bee 
wanting  to  themselves  in  w*'^  holding  any  due  incouragenl^ 
w*^^'' their  concurrence  might  afford,  in  so  arduous  a  matter; 
nor  to  themselves  and  the  Country  in  being  involved  by  their 
silence,  in  the  dangerous  mistakes  of  persons  (however  other- 
wise welminded  yet)  inclining  to  unsafe  if  not  disloyall  princi- 
ples. They  desire  they  may  have  liberty  wdthout  offence  to 
propose  some  of  their  thoughts  and  feares,  about  the  matter  in 
hand,  to  yo'"  serious  deliberation. 

1  Mass.  Records,  vol.  iv,  part  ii,  p.  314. 

^Danforth  Papers.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Collections,  ind  series,  vol.  viii,  p.  98. 

THE    CHARTER    IN    PERIL.  137 

Yo'"  Petitioners  humbly  conceive,  that  those  who  live  in 
this  age  of  y*"  world  are  as  much  as  any  others  concerned  in 
that  advice  of  the  wise  man  to  keep  y'^'  King's  coiTiandm'^:  be- 
cause of  y**  oath  of  God,  and  not  to  bee  hasty  to  goe  out  of  his 
sight,  that  doth  whatsoever  pleaseth  him.  Wherefore  they  de- 
sire that  seeing  his  maj*'^  hath  allready  taken  no  little  despleas- 
ure  ag""*  us  for  so  seeming  to  disowne  his  jurisdiction  over  us, 
effectuall  care  maj^  be  taken  least  refusing  to  attend  his  mje-'^t'es 
order  for  the  cleering  of  our  right  in  that  particular,  we  should 
phmge  ourselves  into  greater  disfavor  and  danger.  Our  re- 
ceiving our  charter  for  the  planting  of  this  Colony  from  his 
Majt'es  royall  Pleasure  with  y*"  confirmation  of  y^  same,  ob- 
teyned  by  o''  late  Addresse  from  his  Royall  Person,  sufficiently 
declared  this  place  to  bee  part  of  his  dominions,  and  o'selves 
his  subjects,  the  w'*'  allso  is  further  testify ed  unto  by  the  first 
Govern'"  M'"  Mathew  Cradock  his  being  recorded  Juratus  '''' 
fide  et  obedientia  before  one  of  the  Ma'"  of  Chauncery,  by 
which  it  is  evident,  that  if  any  proceedings  of  o'*  have  given 
occasion  to  his  Maj*'*'  to  app'hend  that  wee  believe  hee  hath 
no  jurisdiction  over  us:  What  speedy  Course  has  need  bee 
taken  to  free  o'selves  from  the  appearance,  of  so  dangerous  an 
ofTence  &  to  give  his  Majt'^  all  due  satisfaction  in  that  Behalf e. 
Such  an  assertion  yo'"  Petitioners  conceive  would  bee  no  lesse 
derogating  from  his  Maj^'^s  hono'"  then  destructive  to  y*'  welfare 
of  this  place.  It  were  too  much  p'sumption  for  Subjects  to 
Lye  w"'  their  Prince  upon  the  points  of  his  Souveraignty  & 
jurisdiction.  The  doubtfuU  interpretation  of  y**  words  of  a 
Patent  (which  there  is  no  reason  to  hope,  they  sh''  ever  bee 
construed  to  the  divesting  a  Soveraigne  Prince  of  his  Royalle 
Power,  over  his  naturall  subjects  and  Liege  People)  they  cannot 
but  looke  upon  as  too  frayl  a  foundation  to  build  such  trans- 
cendent iiTiunities  and  priviledges  upon.  Yo'"  Petition*^'"''  shall 
never  bee  unwilling  to  Acknowledge  how  much  they  are  bound 
to  yo'selves,  and  others  in  yo'"  capacity  for  yo'"  abimdant  paines 
&  travayle,  for  the  upholding  the  Governm*  of  this  Colony  and 
maynteyning  the  Liberties  thereof.  And  they  doe  hereby  ex- 
pressedh'  declare  themselves  ready  to  run  any  hazzards  w*'' 
you  in  order  to  y*^  regular  defence  and  securing  y*^  same,  and 
are  most  unwilling  to  reflect  upon  the  psons  of  them,  they  so 
much  honor  &  Respect,  by  any  Vnnecessary  manifesting  theyr 
dissent  from  them,  in  things  of  another  nature.  But  in  a  mat- 
ter of  so  great  insight  &  moment  as  is  this  of  their  duty  &  al- 
legiance to  their  Prince  wherein  the  hon''  of  Allmighty  God  the 
credit  of  y*"  Gospell  as  well  as  the  interest  of  their  owne  Per- 
sons &  istates  are  so  much  concerned  they  hope  and  earnestly 
desire  that  no  party  will  so  irresistably  carry  on   any  designs 



of  SO  dangerous  consequence  as  to  necessitate  their  Brethren 
Equally  eniiaged  w"'  them  in  y'"  same  undertaking  to  make 
their  pticular  Addresse  to  his  Mai*''' and  declaration  to  y''  world 
to  cleare  themselves  from  the  imputation  either  of  disloyalty 
to  the  person,  or  disaffection  to  the  governm*  of  their  lawfull 
Prince  &  Sovereign. 

Whereupon  your  Petitioners  do  humbly  entreat  that  if  any 
occasion  hath  bin  given  to  his  Maj*'"  so  to  resent  any  of  o'' 
former  proceedings  as  in  his  lett'"^  is  held  forth,  that  nothing 
of  that  nature  be  farther  proceeded  in,  but  on  y*'  contrary  that 
seasonable  ai)plication  bee  made  to  his  Majt^'e  by  meet  Persons, 
chosen  &  sent  for  that  end  to  cleare  o'selves  and  o'"  actings 
from  any  such  construction  least  otherwise,  that  w*^''  if  duely 
improved  might  have  bin  as  a  cloud  of  the  latter  raine,  bee 
turned  into  that  which  in  the  conclusion  may  prove  more  te  - 
rible  then  the  roaring  of  a  Lyon. 

Thus  craving  yo'"  fav'able  interpretation  of  what  is  here 
humbly  p'esented  Yo'"  Petitioners  shall  ever  bee  Engaged  to 
thankfulness  etc. 

John  Appleton 
William  Norton 
George  Gittings 
John  Baker,  Sen. 
Francis  Wainwright 
Jeremiah  Belcher 
Jeremiah  Jewet 
John  Newmarch 
Henry  Bennet 
Will.  Story 
John  Andrews 
Tho.  Wayt 
John  Safford 
John  Browne 
^Philip  Fowler  Sen. 
Dan^  Warner 
Walter  Roper 
George  Smith 
Ez.  Woodward    v 
WiU.  Hodgkin 
John  Denison 

Joseph  Whipple 
Theophilus  Wilson 
Thomas  Knowlton 
Samuel  Adams 
Freegrace  Norton 
Richard  Kimball    jun. 
Joseph  Browne 
Andrew  Peeters 
Thomas  Lovell 
John  Sparkes 
Robert  Whitman 
Haniel  Bosworth 
John  Norton 
Samuell  Lord 
Thomas  Kimball 
John  Kenricke 
Thomas  Clarke,  jun. 
Thomas  Clarke,  3d. 
Simond  Tomson 
John  Roberts 
Kaleb  Kimball 



Rich.  Hubbard 
John  Perkins 
Jacob  Perkins 
Robert  Lord,  Sen. 
Nathan"  Rogers 
Robert  Lord,  Jun. 
Tho.  Harris 
Tho.  Low 
Sam'i  ingalls 
John  Caldwell 
Samuel  Rogers 
John  Burr 
Robert  Day 
Thomas  Hart^ 
Ezekiel  Rogers 
John  Payne 

Anthony  Wood 
John  Lee 
Nathan^  Piper 
Dan'  Davison 
Rich't  Walker 
John  Whipple,  jun. 
Moses  Pengrey 
John  Gittings 
Sam'  Gittings 
Robert  Colburn  Sen. 
John  Whipple,3*'u« 
Thos.  Clark,  Sen. 
William  Mover 
Thomas  Newman 
John  Woodham 

Only  seventy-two  names  appear  on  the  copy,  preserved  in 
the  Archives  of  Massachusetts,  from  which  this  list  is  made.^ 

In  the  debate  that  followed,  the  Ipswich  magistrates  took 
a  prominent  part.  Denison  siding  with  Bradstreet,  stood  for 
the  kingly  prerogative,  and  advised  submission  to  the  King. 
Governor  Bellingham,  Deputy  Governor  Willoughby,  Mr.  Sy- 
monds  and  Mr.  Hathorne  "stood  stiffly  for  the  chartered  rights. 
They  expressed  the  common  sentiment,  which  did  not  require 
to  be  further  urged  by  Danforth,  Leverett  and  the  others  like- 
minded."^  A  reply  to  Secretary  Morrice's  letter  was  finally 
adopted : 

"We  have  in  all  humility  given  our  reasons,  why  we  could 
not  submit  to  the  Commissioners  and  their  mandates  the  last 
year,  which  we  understand  lie  before  his  majesty  —  the  sub- 
stance whereof  we  have  not  to  add,  and  therefore  cannot  ex- 
pect that  the  ablest  persons  among  us  could  be  in  a  capacity 
to  declare  our  cause  more  fully." 

1  Inserterl  in  a  list  in  Danforth  Papers. 
'  Mass.  Arcliives,  book  10(5,  leaf  172. 

■■*  Palfray'B  History  of  New  England,  II,  p.  6-27,  note.    The  abstract  of  the  debate  is 
in  Danforth  Papers.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  2nd  series,  vol.  viii,  p.  98-101. 


"We  must,  therefore,  commit  this  our  great  concernment 
unto  Ahnighty  God  praying  and  hoping  that  his  Majesty,  (a 
prince  of  so  great  clemency)  will  consider  the  state  and  con- 
dition of  his  poor  and  afflicted  subjects  at  such  a  time,  being  in 
imminent  danger  by  the  public  enemies  of  our  nation,  and  that 
in  a  wilderness  far  remote  from  relief.'"^ 

Two  days  aftei'ward,on  the  19th  of  September,  "Major  Den- 
nison  declared  his  dissent  from  the  letter  to  be  sent  to  Secretary 
Morrice  as  not  being  i)roportionate  to  the  end  desired  and  he 
hopes,  intended,  and  lU^sired  it  might  be  entered, viz.,  due  sat- 
isfaction to  his  majesty,  and  the  preservation  of  the  peace  and 
li])erty  of  this  Colony."^  His  strenuous  attitude  may  explain 
the  length  of  the  Ipswich  petition,  and  the  earlier  petition  of 
1661.  The  Court  did  not  relish  the  tone  of  these  petitions,  and 
"finding  that  tlie  peticoners  doe  therein  vn justly  charge,  threat- 
en &  reflect  vpon  this  Court,  to  the  dishono''  of  the  members 
thereof, — " 

"It  is  ordered,  that  Captaine  William  Gerrish  of  Newbery, 
Cap'  John  Apleton  of  Ipswich,  M''.  Edmond  Batter  of  Salem," 
and  four  from  Boston,  "  all  of  them  principall  persons  in  the 
say''  petitions  .  .  .  be  by  the  secretary  warned  to  attend 
this  Court  in  October  next  to  answer  for  the  same."" 

It  was  proposed  to  call  each  one  of  them  singly,  and  take 
his  answer  in  writing.  A  series  of  questions  was  drawn  up, 
to  be  proposed  to  them,  the  last  of  which  was  "Who  was  the 
inditer  or  framer  of  these  petitions,  and  what  arguments  were 
used  to  draw  or  fear  men  to  subscribe?' ' 

It  was  the  evident  intention  of  the  Covn-t  to  sift  the  matter 
to  the  bottom,  and  bring  the  gnilty  parties  to  justice.  No 
further  record  of  these  proceedings  has  been  preserved,  but  the 
fact  that  the  parties  appeared,  and  that  there  was  warm  discus- 
sion as  to  the  propriety  of  their  action  is  established  inci- 
dentally in  a  very  interesting  way. 

On  October  17th,  Captain  John  Appleton  appeared  before 
the  General  Court  bearing  the  following  document 

'  Danfortli  I'ai)crs. 

2  Mass.  Records,  vol.  iv,  part  ii,  i>.  318. 

THE    CHAKTER   IN    PERIL.  141 

The  Answar  of  iis  whose  names  are  hearto  Subscribed  to  what  Is 
charged  upon  us  by  y''  honored  Generall  Court  As  by  ther 
Summons  Appeares. 

(1)  As  to  ye  Substance  &  purport  of  y^'  petition  for  w^h  you' 
petioners  are  In  question  they  must  proffess  they  neyther  doe 
nor  can  dare  recede  from  It.  besides  other  obhgations  of  contience 
&  prudence  Some  of  y"i  have  taken  y''  oath  of  allegeance  with 
many  other  y''  members  of  y^  honored  General  Corte  Soe  Httle 
while  since  cannot  be  forgotten  by  them  nor  can  y''  be  of  noe 
Signification  to  y"  you""  petitioners  can  avouch  y*  according 
to  ther  Contiens  And  best  perswasion  ther  reall  desire  of  y''  good 
of  y''  Generall  Court  &  every  Member  of  it,  of  y'^  whole  Contry 
tt  Collony  as  of  ye  Continuance  of  or  Libertys  Granted  by  his 
Majestic  in  o^  Charter  was  y''  Sole  Reason  why  they  have  peti- 
tioned &  upon  y*'  Same  Grounds  cannot  recall  it. 

(2)  You''  petitioners  doe  most  Seriousely  profess  it  to  be  con- 
trary to  thei''  Judgem"t  &  intent  in  ther  petition  to  cast  any 
aspertion  upon  y"  honored  Generall  Court  or  any  member  therof 
or  to  Express  y^'  least  disrespect  or  disafection  to  y''  whole  or 
any  of  it  being  sensible  of  y''  duty  to  Authority  And  therfore 
pleade  not  Guilty  as  to  their  dessighne  in  ther  petition,  yet 
being  Seriouse :  as  to  y"  matter  of  y''  petition  and  scoape  therof 
as  y'"  Case  Requires:  you^"  petitioners  were  more  Carefull  ther- 
aboute  then  Curiouse  as  for  Any  Gramaticall  Criticismes  w^h 
they  might  presume  the  Generall  Court  would  not  be  most 
observant  of  at  such  a  tyme  &  in  such  a  Case,  whearein  y''  matt"" 
abundantly  swallowes  up  any  Circumstance  and  therfore  pleade 
for  y®  Candor  of  y*^  Generall  Court  in  over  looking  what  you"" 
petitioners  might  not  soe  narrowly  looke  into  upon  y®  acco* 
already  given  ^  that  they  would  not  Strein  Expressions  to  En- 
forc  a  bad  Construction  from  y™  no^  yet  would  you""  petitioners 
be  understood  to  acknowledge  Guilt  As  to  y^  Expressions  more 
then  in  thir  Intentions,  they  can  but  Guess  at  what  maye  be 
anything  capable  of  harsh  Interpretation  &  therfore  shall  give 
ther  owne  in  all  3^^'  passages  which  maye  to  any  seeme  Suspit- 
iouse  upon  w'*'  y''  Charge  Conteined  in  ye  Summons  maye  pos- 
sibly Be  Grounded. 

(3)  As  to  y'"  Expressions  following  viz  Being  Involved  by 
ther  Silence  In  the  dangerouse  mistakes  of  psons  otherwise 
well  mynded  Inclined  to  unsafe  if  not  disloyall  principalis  &c* 
And  agayne  desire  y'  noe  pty  will  soe  Irresistably  carry  on  any 
dessighne  of  soe  dangerouse  Consequence  In  Answar  heareunto 
you""  petitioners  Crave  y«"  mentioning  of  thos  many  petitions 
ye  Scoape  wheareof  ye  Generall  Court  Cannot  forgett,  pre- 
sented In  October  1664^  besides  ye  fame  ther  was  of  Croudes 

1  See  printed  Records  of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts,  vol.  iv,  part  ii,  pp.  136,  137. 


of  petitions  then  ready  to  be  Exhibited  to  this  Court  of  yp  same 
tennor  ^ith  thos  &  yoiii"  petitioners  desire  this  honored  Court 
to  Understand  Thos  passages  mentioned  o^  any  of  y"  hke  nature 
in  ye  petition  to  have  Reffrence  unto  such  petitions  o^petioners 
whome  although  they  honor  &  Respect  yet  they  cannot  concurr 
with  y"'  in  ther  apprehension  of  y''  (psent  Case  &  not  to  y  Gen- 
erall  Court;  A:  tliat  you  maye  be  pleased  with  good  Reason  soe 
to  understand  you""  petitioners  begg  of  y^  honored  Court  not 
to  allow  such  an  interpretation  of  ye  petition  as  should  make 
it  Controdict  it  selfe  And  to  weigh  with  thos  former  this  Ex- 
pression Necessaryly  referring  to  y^  Courte  viz  That  they  would  ■ 
not  be  wanting  in  with  holding  any  due  Encouragement  y* 
their  concurrence  might  afforde  in  soe  a'"duouse  A  matter  you^ 
petitioners  Conceave  a  Concurrence  w^^  ye  Generall  Courte 
Intended  is  inconsistante  w**'  A  Charging  of  it  o^"  reflecting 
upon  it.  ffurther  you^"  petitioners  make  their  address  to  y^ 
Generall  Courte  as  Supplicants  lV-  therfore  it  maye  be  improb- 
able yt  should  be  Charged  on  y™  wh  was  sued  unto  by  them. 

[4]  As  to  y*  in  ye  petition  upon  w^h  ye  Charge  of  threatening 
must  be  Grounded  namely  necessitating  their  brethen  &  Equally 
Engaged  w*^  them,  (kc  You^  petitioners  answar  Is  y*  it  is  im- 
propper  for  thos  y*  speake  Supplications  to  Intend  threatenings 
ye  Sollicitouseness  in  ye  petion  to  avoide  inconveniency  not 
desired  but  y*'  maye  in  case  be  Judged  necessary  is  noe  Comina- 
tion;  faithfull  advertisem"*^  of  danger  argues  noe  will  o^"  pur- 
pose of  procuring  but  preventing  it;  you'"  petioners  in  those 
words  doe  butt  suppose  what  necessity  y^  highest  of  Lawes 
maye  enforce  &  affirme  what  themselves  are  unbelieving  to 
wheh  can  be  noe  threatening  You^  petioners  with  others  need 
not  have  been  at  ye  trouble  of  troubling  this  honored  Court 
but  have  waited  ye  ^ceedings  of  it,  and  accordingly  have 
acted  privately  in  such  a  waye  as  Is  specified  withoute  ye 
proposing  of  such  a  danger  to  ye  Consideration  of  ye  Courte 
weh  their  Ingenuity  &  respect  to  ye  publique  good  &  Intrest  of 
ye  whole  would  not  allow  for  w^h  you»"  petitioners  presume 
they  may  not  suffer. 

17  October  1666. 
Capt.  Jno  Apleton  Gave  in  this  as  his  pticular 
Ans.  tho  it  be  writt  in  the  plurall  number 
it  being  so  Intended  then  but  now  he  gives 
it  in  his  singular  Capacity  and  to  that  he 
he  desires  to  stand  unto.  E.  R.  S. 

The  Court  took  no  action,  simply  ordering  the  papers  to  be 
filed,  but  not  recorded.  The  persons  warned  to  attend  were 
discharged.     When  the  next  General  Court  met  on  the  15th 

THE    CHARTER   IN    PERIL.  143 

of  May  1667,  Ipswich  returned  Captain  John  Appleton  and 
Mr.  Wm.  Goodhue  as  her  deputies.  Appleton  had  been  Deputy 
for  several  years  prior  to  1666,  but  had  not  been  elected  in 
the  year  the  Petition  was  sent.  The  fact  that  he  had  headed 
the  list  of  the  Ipswich  petitioners  aroused  the  indignation  of  the 
Court,  and  it  forthwith  refused  to  receive  him  and  sent  word 
of  its  action  to  Ipswich. 

May  16:  1667  ^    ^.      ^     ,    .  u     a      i 

The  deputyes  of  the  Gen"  Covu't  finding  Capt.  John  Apple- 
ton  to   be  returned  as  a  deputy  for  the  Towne  of  Ipswich  & 
that  upon  his  presentation  thereunto,  some  question   is  niade 
of  his  capacitie  for  that  service  by  reason  of  some  expressions 
in  the  petition  by  him  signed  the  tendency  whereof  hath  mani- 
festly breathed  forth  some  unfaythfulness  to  the  Government 
here  established,  as  by  the  Generall  Courts  result  on  examina- 
tion thereof  may  appeare,  &  that  in  the  management^  **\7'^''! 
he  hath  not  retracted  the  sd  offensive  expressions  but  Justify ed 
himself  under  p'-tence  of  his  good  Intentions,  nor  hath  he  here 
in  the  debate  thereof  taken  any  blame  to  himself e   but  rather 
Impute  blame  to  this   House,  Justifying  himself e  m   all  by  his 
good  Intentions,  as  afforesaid,  the  p'-mises   considered,  the  de- 
putyes doe  hereby  declare  the  sd.  Capt.  Appleton  to  be  no  htt 
Member  of  theire  body,  and  that  the  freemen  of  Ipswich  may 
on  a  legall  warninge  proceed  to  the  choyce  of  another,  whereby 
the  liberties  of  the  freemen  may  not  be  Infringed  nor  the  Privi- 
ledges  of  this  house  be  Invaded. 

Voted  by  the  deputvs  by  way  of  answer  to  the  freemen  ot 

Tn^wich  "  William  Torrey. 

ipswicii  ^^j^^.^X 

Ipswich  resented  the  affront  to  her  dignity  and  straightway 
made  reply  to  the  Court : 

"The  humble  Petition  of  the  freemen  of  the  Towne  of  Ips- 
wich to  the  Hon.  Gen^  Court  now  assembled  at  Boston. 

May  it  please  this  honW«  Court  to  understand  that  whereas 
according  to  the  allowed  priviledges  and  stated  libertye  and  m 
attendance  unto  and  pursuance  of  the  laws  specihed    .  . 

Wee  the  freemen  of  Ipswich  have  orderly  and  formally 
elected  Capt.  John  Appleton  (for  that  hee  hath  allways  approved 
himself  unto  us  a  Gentleman  fully  orthodox  m  his  judgment 
as  to  matters  of  fayth  and  points  of  Religion  professed  amongst 
us,  right  good,  honest  pious  and  prudent  m  his  conversation, 

iMass.  Archives,  book  106,  leaf  112. 


true  and  firmly  faithfull  as  to  the  interest  of  the  Colony,  and 
Government  thereof);  to  negotiate  for  us  in  these  publick  af- 
faires, wherein  o'selves  as  others  are  concerned,  as  a  member 
of  y'"  House  of  Deputyes  and  whereas  ye  saytl  Cap*.  Ap})leton 
(although  not  forward  yet)  was  pleased  to  Gratify  us  with  the 
suscejition  of  the  burthen  of  such  service  &  trust,  and  accord- 
ingly to  that  end  Repayred  to  the  Hon''  Court  and  was  there 
disaccepted  and  thence  dismissed  unto  o""  great  grief  (if  not  to 
()'■  damage  by  virtue  of  the  second  law)  .  .  .  especially  so  that 
we  cannot  understand  what  y''  reasons  of  such  rejection  were, 
nor  that  it  was  y''  act  of  the  Co'''  entire  according  to  w'  is  inti- 
mated as  requisite  in  the  Law  aforesayd 

Your  Petitioners  are  bold  hmiibly  to  crave  of  this  hon.  Co'* 
that  y''  sd  Capt.  Appleton  may  yet  have  his  admission  as  a 
member  of-  the  House  of  Deputies  for  us,  therein  to  discharge 
the  trust  committed  to  him  by  us.  But  if  there  bee  cause  to  y" 
(iontrary  appearing  to  y"  hon'"''  Co'"'  to  whose  determination  wee 
ar(^  l)ound  to  submit,  yet  to  the  end  wee  may  not  bee  in  any 
capacity  of  jealouseye  (which  we  would  most  religiouslye  de- 
cline) of  any  disregard  to  us,  partiality  or  non-attendance  to 
ye  Laws  established  anongst  us,  that  we  looke  upon  as  o'" 
sanctuary  of  safety  &  a  mutuall  bond  unto  all,  w'''  upon  no 
pretext  or  interest  .  .  .  may  be  violate.  We  further  therefore 
most  humbly  entreat  of  this  hon'"''  Co'"'  that  y""  would  be  pleased 
to  favo""  us  with  the  information  of  the  grounds  of  the  proce- 
dure in  this  case,  and  y'"  Petitioners  shall  be  bound  ever  to  pray 

Voted  at  a  meeting  of  the  freemen  on  the  27"'  of  May,  1667, 
that  this  petition  be  sent  unto  the  Gen"  Ct. 
as  attest 

Robert  Lord     Clerk. ^ 

To  which,  reply  was  made: 

In  Answ'"  to  this  Peticcon,  The  mag'^  App'hend  its  meet 
that  Cap'  Jno.  Appleton  be  admitted  or  continued  in  his  trust 
as  a  Deputy  of  this  Court,  in  behalfe  of  the  ffreemen  of  Ips- 
wich, or  that  a  just  reason  of  his  exclusion  be  rendred  to  the 
Court,  that  so  there  may  be  no  just  ground  of  dissattisfaccon 
given  by  this  co\irt  to  the  freemen  of  this  Jurisdiccon.  The 
magisf"  have  past  this  their  brethren  the  deputy*  hereto  con- 
senting. Euw.  Rawson,  Secret. 

The  deputyes  consent  not  hereto 
28:  3''  67.  William  Tokrey  Cleric. 

1  Mass.  Archives,  book  106,  leaf  \dA. 

THE    CHARTER    IN    PERIL.  145 

However  Capt.  Appleton  was  elected  a  Deputy  the  next 
year,  and  no  objection  was  made  to  him.  Lord  Clarendon 
soon  fell  from  power.  The  annoying  interferences  of  the  King 
and  his  advisers  ceased,  and  the  sharp  political  discussions  and 
anxious  fears  which  prevailed  in  Ipswich  and  in  the  colony 
were  put  aside  for  a  time. 

The  incident  was  thought  of  sufficient  importance  to  be 
mentioned  by  Samuel  Mavericke  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Arlington, 
Oct.  16,  1667.  Writing  of  the  session  of  the  General  Court,  he 
says:  "The  first  act  they  did  was  the  expelling  Capt"  Appleton 
of  Ipswich  who  was  chosen  Deputy  for  that  towne;  the  crime 
laid  to  his  charge  was  the  subscription  (to)  that  Loyall  Pe- 
tioon  presented  to  the  last  Court  of  which  coppies  have  been 
sent  to  your  Lord."i 

It  is  an  interesting  episode  as  well  as  evidence  of  the  warm 
support  that  Denison  had  in  Ipswich,  in  his  loyalist  attitude. 
Samuel  Symonds  was  aggressive  in  his  opposition  to  this  con- 
servative spirit.  Many  of  his  fellow  citizens  no  doubt  sided 
with  him,  and  partisan  feeling  must  have  run  high. 

1  The  Loyal  Petition  of  Klfifi,  by  W.  S.  Appletou,  p.  10. 



The  ancient  record  book  of  the  Grammar  School  contains 
tlie  item,  probably  copied  from  some  earlier  source:  "1636. 
A  Grammar  School  is  set  up  but  does  not  succeed."  The  failure 
was  but  temporary,  and  an  incentive  to  a  more  determined 
effort.  [^Two  lines  of  the  Town  Record  chronicle  the  simple  but 
impressive  vote  of  the  Town  Meeting  then  assembled: 

The  First  third  day  of  the  9^"  1642 

It  is  granted  that  there  shal  be  a  free  Schole. 

Side  by  side  with  this  luminous  record,  it  should  be  written 
that,  in  the  summer  of  that  same  year,  William  Hubbard  of 
Ipswich,  the  son  of  William  Hubbard,  in  his  twenty-first  year, 
"was  one  of  that  remarkable  group  of  nine  young  men  whom 
Harvard  College  sent  forth  in  1642,  as  the  first  specimens  of  high 
culture  achieved  in  the  woods  of  America."* 

How  the  young  student  had  been  fitted  for  the  College  is 
left  to  our  conjecture,  but  we  conceive  that  in  the  little  com- 
munity, which  was  adorned  with  five  students  of  Emman- 
uel, and  Winthrop  of  Trinity,  there  was  no  lack  of  guides  and 
instructors.  It  may  have  been  that  the  honor  that  came  to 
Ipswich  of  having  one  of  her  sons  in  the  first  class  that  gradu- 
ated from  their  beloved  college,  impelled  her  to  the  resolve  to 
have  a  free  school  in  her  midst. 

The  preliminary  vote  of  1642  was  followed  by  that  of  the 
third  of  October,  1643,  that  eleven  pounds  per  year  shall  be 
raised,  as  the  Committee  shall  determine.  "And  that  there  shal 
be  seven  free  Schollars,or  soe  many  as  the  Feoffees(to  be  chosen) 
from  tyme  to  tyme  shall  order,  soe  as  the  numb,  exceed  not 

The  ^hool  was  estabhshed,  and  Lionel  Chute,  we  presume 

'  M.C.  Tyler:  History  of  Ainericiin  Literature,  vol.  I,  \>.  13:?. 


was  the  schoolmaster.  He  had  purchased  the  house  and  land 
of  WilUam  Bartholomew  on  East  Street,  "P*day  8"'  mo.  called 
October.  1639"/  and  may  have  been  practising  his  profession 
in  some  quiet  way.  He  died  in  November,  1645,^  leaving  his 
house  to  his  wife,  Rose,  and  his  books  and  other  goods  to  his 
son  James.'' 

The  profound  popular  concern  for  the  best  educational  op- 
portunities is  reflected  in  the  vote  passed  by  the  General  Court 
in  1644,  requesting  the  Deputies  and  Elders  in  every  town  to 
use  their  influence  so  that  every  family  allow  one  peck  of  corn 
or  12d.  for  the  College.  The  value  of  the  College  was  em- 
phasized afresh  to  the  good  people  of  Ipswich  by  the  gradua- 
tion of  James  Ward,  younger  son  of  the  Rev.  Nathaniel  Ward, 
in  the  class  of  1645.  One  mischievous  prank  had  brought 
upon  him  the  censure  of  the  college  authorities.  He  was  pub- 
licly whipped  by  the  President,  and  suffered  other  penalties, 
but  he  saw  the  folly  of  his  misdeed,  was  pardoned  and  be- 
came a  man  of  honor  and  usefulness.^ 

Again  in  1649,  an  Ipswich  boy  of  eighteen  took  his  degree 
at  the  College  Commencement,  perhaps  the  first  of  the  graduates 
from  the  Ipswich  free  school,  John  Rogers,  son  of  the  pastor. 
A  brilliant  student  he  must  have  been,  for  he  added  at  once  to 
the  linguistic  attainments,  that  fitted  for  the  ministry,  a  prac- 
tical knowledge  of  medicine,  and  began  a  few  years  later,  the 
double  work  in  his  native  towm,  of  preacher  and  physician. 
In  his  mature  years,  he  was  destined  for  the  Presidency  of  the 
College,  the  first  of  her  graduates  to  attain  that  high  honor. 

William  Hubbard's  second  son,  Richard,  entered  college 
the  same  year  that  young  Rogers  graduated,  and  Joseph  Row- 
landson,  son  of  Thomas  Rowlandson,  the  only  graduate  from 
Harvard  in  1652,  had  finished  his  Freshman  year.  One  epi- 
sode of  Rowlandson's  college  course  remains.  Being  vexed 
by  certain  matters,  he  resorted  to  the  device,  not  uncommon 
in  his  day,  of  posting  on  the  Meeting  House  in  Ipswich  near  the 
close  of   his  Junior  year,  "a  scandalous  lybell",^  in  which  he 

1  Town  Record. 

-  Felt's  History  of  Ipswich,  p.  157. 

•'  Ipswich  Deeds,  vol.  I,  p.  50. 

J  Sibley's  Harvard  Graduates,  vol.  I,  p.  121. 

*  Reprinted  in  full  in  Sibley's  Harvard  Graduates,  vol.  I,  pp.  311-316.       /^ 


vented  his  spleen  upon  the  individuals  who  had  aggrieved  him. 
He  paid  d(^arly  for  this  deed  of  rashness.  In  his  mature  years, 
he  became  the  minister  of  Lancaster.  His  house  was  burned 
l)y  the  Indians,  and  his  wife  carried  into  captivity.  Her 
pathetic  narrative'  is  a  classic  of  the  time. 

The  l})swich  Granmiar  School  had  become  a  pride  to  the 
Town,  though  the  name  of  its  master  was  never  recorded. 
I^ut.  in  the  year  1650,  the  broadminded  citizens,  with  note- 
worthy ambition,  called  to  the  position  of  schoolmaster,  the 
most  eminent  teacher  in  New  England,  P^zekiel  Cheever.  He 
was  l)orn  in  I;ondon  about  1615,  had  taken  his  degree  at 
Ennuanuel,  and  had  taught  with  brilliant  success  at  New 
Haven.  His  Latin  Grammar,  "The  Accidence,"  is  supposed  to 
have  been  written  at  New  Haven.  President  Josiah  Quincy 
wrote  of  this  famous  book,  "a  work  which  was  used  for  more 
than  a  century  in  the  schools  of  New  England,  as  the  first  ele- 
mentary book  for  learners  of  the  Latin  language,  which  held 
its  place  in  some  of  the  most  eminent  of  those  schools  nearly,  if 
not  quite,  to  the  end  of  the  last  (the  18"')  century,  which  has 
passed  through  at  least  twenty  editions  in  this  country ;  which 
was  the  subject  of  the  successive  labor  and  improvement  of  a 
man,  who  spent  seventy  years  in  the  business  of  instruction, 
and  whose  fame  is  second  to  that  of  no  schoolmaster  New  Eng- 
land has  ever  produced,  requires  no  additional  testimony  to  its 
worth  or  its  merits."^ 

He  came  to  Ipswich  in  December,  1650,^  and  the  Town  was 
moved  at  once  to  generous  provision  for  the  School.  All 
"that  Neck  beyond  Chebacco  River  and  the  rest  of  the  ground 
up  to  Gloucester  line"  was  given  to  the  School  in  1650.  *  It  was 
leased  forever  to  John  Cogswell,  Jr.,  his  heirs  and  assigns,  for 
£14  a  year,  £4  in  butter  and  cheese,  £5  in  pork  and  beef,  and 
£5  in  corn  at  the  current  price. ^ 

On  Jan.  26,  1652,  the  Town  voted  "For  the  better  aiding 
of  the  schoole  and  the  affaires  thereof,  Mr.  Samuel  Symonds 
Mr.    Nathaniel   Rogers,   Mr.   Jonathan   Norton,    Major   Daniel 

1  NiiiTative  of  Mrs.  Mary  Rowlanrlson. 

-  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  vol.  xxxill,  p.  IfU. 

3  Cotton  Mather:  Funeral  Sermon. 

*  Town  Record. 

<>  Felt:  p.  83,  from  Records  of  the  Grammar  School. 


Dennison,  Mr.  Robert  Paine,  Mr.  William  Paine,  Mr.  William 
Huljbard,  Dea.  John  Whipple  and  Mr.  Wm.  Bartholomew, 
weare  chosen  a  committee  to  receive  all  such  sums  of  money, 
as  have  and  shall  be  given  toward  the  buildina;  or  maintaining 
of  a  Grammar  schoole  and  schoole  master,  and  to  disburse  and 
dispose  such  sums  as  are  given  to  provide  a  schoole  house  and 
schoole  master's  house,  either  in  buildings,  or  purchasing  the 
same  house  with  all  convenient  speed,  and  such  sums  of  money 
parcels  of  land,  rentes  or  annuities,  as  are  or  shall  be  given  to- 
wards the  maintenance  of  a  schoole  master,  they  shall  receive 
and  dispose  of  to  the  schoole  master,  that  they  shall  call  or 
choose  to  that  office  from  time  to  time,  towards  his  mainte- 
nance, which  they  shall  have  power  to  enlarge  by  appointing 
from  yeare  to  yeare  what  each  scholler  shall  yearly  or  quarterly 
pay  or  proportionably,  who  shall  allso  have  full  power  to  regu- 
late all  matters  concerning  the  schoole  master  and  schollers, 
as  in  their  wisdome  they  think  meet  from  time  to  time,  who 
shall  allso  consider  the  best  way  to  make  provision  for  teaching 
to  write  and  cast  accounts." 

Mr.  Robert  Payne  proceeded  at  once  to  purchase  a  house 
and  two  acres  of  land  of  Richard  Coy,  attorney  for  Samuel 
Heifer,  for  the  use  of  the  school  master.^  This  lot  w^as  bounded 
by  the  present  County  Road,  Poplar  St.  and  Argilla  Road, 
including  the  present  Payne  St.  and  land  occupied  by  the  Cogs- 
well School  House,  Mr.  F.  T.  Goodhue's  store,  and  other  build- 
ings." In  the  succeeding  year,  Mr.  Payne  "att  his  own  proper 
cost  &  charge"  built  an  edifice  for  a  grammar  school,  which 
was  erected  upon  part  of  the  land  purchased.  Various  ancient 
deeds  make  it  evident  that  it  stood  in  the  corner  lot,  bounded 
by  County  Road  and  Poplar  St.  Mr.  Paine  held  title  to  this 
estate  until  1683,  when  he  conveyed  it  to  the  Feoffees.^ 

There  Mr.  Cheever  made  his  home.  Thither,  as  his  wife 
and  mother  of  his  motherless  children,  he  brought  Ellen  Lathrop 
sister  of  Captain  Thomas  Lathrop  of  Bloody  Brook  remem- 
brance, and  a  daughter  and  three  sons  were  born  there.'* 

'  Il>8\vich  Deeds,  vol.  v,  p.  269. 

-  Publications  of   the  Ipswich   Historical  Society,  Xo.   IX,   A  History  of  the  old 
ArgillaRoad,  pp.  6  and  7. 
^  Iliswich  Deeds,  vol.  v,  p.  263. 
■*  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  xxxiii,  p.  18o. 

150         ipswi(;h,  in  the  Massachusetts  bay  colony. 

Cotton  Mather  was  one  of  his  pupils  in  his  later  years,  and 
in  his  Funeral  Sermon  bore  loving  witness  to  "his  piety  and 
his  care  to  infuse  documents  of  piety  into  the  scholars  under 
his  charge,  that  he  might  carry  them  with  him  to  the  heavenly 
world.  He  constantly  prayed  with  us  every  day  and  cate- 
chised us  every  week,  and  let  fall  such  holy  counsels  upon  us : 
he  took  so  many  occasions  to  make  speeches  to  us  that  should 
make  us  afraid  of  sin,  and  of  incurring  the  fearful  judgments 
of  God  for  sin,  that  I  do  not  propose  him  for  emulation." 

Rev.  John  Barnard  of  Marblehead  was  a  pupil  of  his  old 
age  in  the  Boston  Latin  School.  I  "remember  once,"  he  said, 
"in  making  a  piece  of  Latin,  my  master  found  fault  with  the 
syntax  of  one  word,  which  was  not  so  used  by  me  heedlessly 
but  designedly,  and  therefore  I  told  him  there  was  a  plain  gram- 
mar rule  for  it.  He  angrily  replied  there  was  no  such  rule.  I 
took  the  grammar  and  showed  the  rule  to  him.  Then  he  smil- 
ingly said,  'Thou  art  a  brave  boy,  I  had  forgot  it',  and  no 
wonder,  for  he  was  then  above  eighty  years  old."^ 

"When  Scholars  had  so  far  profited  at  the  Grammar  Schools, 
that  they  could  Read  any  Classical  Author  into  English,  and 
readily  make  and  speak  true  Latin,  and  Write  it  in  Verse  as 
well  as  Prose;  and  perfectly  Decline  the  Paradigms  of  Nouns 
and  Verbs  in  the  Greek  Tongue,  they  were  judged  capable  of 
Admission  in  Harvard  College."^ 

This  was  the  substance,  then,  of  the  course  of  study  in  the 
Ipswich  Grammar  School,  though  room  was  made  probably 
for  the  elementary  studies  in  reading,  writing  and  arithmetic. 
The  School  became  famous,  and  many  boys  came  for  their  prep- 
aration for  College.  So  many  Ipswich  boys  graduated  from 
Harvard  in  those  years,  that  we  are  sure  of  the  names  of  some 
who  were  trained  by  Mr.  Cheever. 

Robert  Paine,  son  of  the  Elder,  who  had  dealt  so  generously 
with  the  School  was  graduated  in  the  Harvard  class  of  1656. 
He  was  a  preacher,  and  was  the  foreman  of  the  grand  jury 
that  brought  in  some  of  the  later  indictments  in  the  witch- 
craft trials.  His  classmate,  John  Emerson,  son  of  Thomas 
Emerson,  was  for  many  years  the  minister  at  Gloucester. 

1  nistorical  and  (ienealoijical  Register,  xxxiil,  p.  181. 
'  Cotton  Mather:  Magnalia,  Book  iv,  §4. 


Four  of  his  Ipswich  scholars  were  of  the  Harvard  class  of 
1659.  Nathaniel  Saltonstall,  the  oldest  son  of  Richard  and 
Muriel  chose  the  ministry  for  his  profession  and  was  settled 
in  Haverhill,  where  he  married  Elizabeth,  the  daughter  of  Rev. 
John  Ward  and  granddaughter  of  Nathaniel  Ward.  His  son  was 
graduated  from  the  College  in  due  time,  and  from  that  day 
to  this  there  has  never  been  a  break.  "There  is  no  family  but 
the  Saltonstall,  which  has  sent  seven  successive  generations, 
all  in  the  male  line,  to  Harvard  University."^  Ezekiel  Rogers, 
son  of  the  Rev.  Nathaniel  Rogers,  died  at  the  early  age  of 
thirty-six.  Samuel  Belcher,  son  of  Jeremy,  preached  at  the 
Isles  of  Shoals  from  1660  to  1672,  when  ill  health  compelled  his 
resignation.  He  resumed  his  ministry,  settling  with  the  First 
Church  in  West  Newbury  in  1698,  and  continued  until  1711, 
when  he  returned  to  Ipswich.  The  fourth  member  of  this 
class  was  his  son  Samuel  Cheever,  born  at  New  Haven  in  1639, 
who  preached  all  his  life  at  Marblehead. 

In  the  class  of  1660,  were  William  Whittingham,  son  of  the 
merchant  John  Whittingham  of  Boston,  and  Martha,  daughter 
of  W"\  Hubbard,  and  his  brother  Richard,  who  entered,  but 
did  not  graduate,  and  both  were  probably  fitted  by  the  Ips- 
wich schoolmaster.  Simon  Bradstreet,  son  of  Simon  and  Ann 
Bradstreet,  the  minister  of  New  London,  of  the  same  class,  re- 
corded in  his  Diary  that  upon  his  father's  removal  to  Andover 
he  was  placed  in  Mr.  Cheever 's  school. 

Samuel  Symonds,  son  of  the  Deputy  Governor  and  Samuel 
Cobbet,  son  of  the  minister,  Thomas  Cobbet,  were  of  the  class 
of  1663,  and  scholars  of  the  Grammar  School.  Both  were  in- 
tended for  the  ministry  by  their  parents,  but  both  refused 
and  turned  to  secular  employn^ents.  Samuel  Bishop,  son  of 
Thomas,  a  merchant  of  the  town,  took  his  degree  in  1665,  and 
was  the  last,  probably,  of  the  Cheever  pupils,  as  the  school- 
master removed  to  Charlestown,  in  November  1661.  He 
taught  there  nine  years,  and  was  then  called  to  the  Latin  school 
in  Boston,  where  he  taught  till  his  death. 

Shortly  before  Mr.  Cheever 's  removal  in  the  year  1660,  the 
fund  of  the  Grammar  School  was  greatly  enlarged  through  the 

1  Sibley:  Harvard  Graduates,  vol.  ii,  p.  1. 


bequest  by  Mr.  William  Paine  of  Little  Neck,  which  is  still  held 
by  the  Feoffees,  and  the. income  derived  from  it  is  still  appropri- 
ated for  the  Manning  school.  Mr.  Thomas  Andrews  was  chosen 
as  Mr.  Cheever's  successor  and  maintained  the  high  reputation 
of  the  School  until  his  death  on  Nov.  27,  1683,  and  the  Granmiar 
School  boys  came  forth  in  honor  from  the  College.  In  1669, 
there  were  the  brothers,  Samuel  and  Daniel  Epes,  sons  of  Daniel 
and  Elizabeth,  the  daughter  of  Deputy  Governor  Symonds, 
the  latter  of  whom  was  a  famous  schoolmaster  in  Salem  fo'- 
many  years.  In  1671,  William  Adams,  son  of  William  Adams, 
completed  his  course.  His  Diary  reveals  a  brave  struggle  with 
poverty,  which  cost  him  many  pangs.  Once  he  walked  from 
Cambridge  to  Ipswich,  and,  returning  on  his  uncle  Daniel  Epes's 
horse,  he  lost  his  way  in  Charlestown  woods,  and  lay  out  all 
night  completely  bewildered.  He  became  the  Pastor  at  Ded- 
ham.  In  the  same  class  was  John  Norton,  son  of  William  and 
nephew  of  Rev.  John  Norton,  who  was  ordained  colleague  with 
Rev.  Peter  Hobar:  of  Hingham,  and  preached  in  the  meeting 
house  known  as  the  "Old  Ship,"  which  was  opened  for  public 
worship  on  the  8th  of  January  1681-2. 

Thus  through  the  medium  of  the  College,  the  Town  was  con- 
stantly sending  the  choicest  of  her  youth  into  the  ministry, 
and  the  Ipswich  church  was  destined  to  share  richly  in  the  good 
fruit  of  her  early  and  high  regard  for  the  best  education. 

Upon  the  death  of  Nathaniel  Rogers,  Thomas  Cobbet  was 
called  from  Lynn  to  occupy  the  vacant  pulpit.  He  had  been 
a  student  at  Oxford,  and  he  was  the  last  of  the  English  Univers- 
ity men  to  fill  the  Ipswich  pastorate.  He  was  ])rominent  in 
all  ecclesiastical  affairs,  wrote  many  books  and  pamphlets  of 
a  controversial  sort,  and  discharged  his  duty  in  all  civil  matters 
with  zeal.  As  a  preacher,  he  may  not  have  excelled,  if  the 
iudgment  of  one  of  his  Lynn  parish  is  to  be  credited,  who  was 
brought  to  the  bar  of  the  Quarter  Sessions  Court  for  affirming 
he  had  as  lief  hear  a  dog  bark  as  Mr.  Cobbet  preach.  But 
Cotton  Mather  extols  his  maste  y  of  public  prayer.  He  wrote 
"a  Large,  Nervous,  Golden  Discourse  of  Prayer."  .  .  .  "Of 
all  the  Books  written  by  Mr.  Cobbet  none  deserves  more  to  be 
Read  by  the  World,  oi-  to  Live  till  the  General  Burning  of  the 
World,  than  that  of  Prayer.     And  indeed  Prayer,  the  Subject 


SO  Experimentally,  and  therefore  Judiciously,  therefore  Profit- 
ably, therein  handled,  was  not  the  least  of  those  things,  for 
which  Mr.  Cobbet  was  Remarkable.  He  was  a  very  Praying 
Man,  and  his  Prayers  were  not  more  observable  throughout  New 
England,  for  the  Argumentative,  the  Importunate,  and  I  had 
almost  said.  Filially  Familiar,  Strains  of  them,  than  for  the 
wonderful  Successes  that  attended  them.  .  .  .  That  Golden 
Chain  one  End  whereof  is  tied  unto  the  Tongue  of  Man,  the  other 
End  unto  the  Ear  of  God  (which  is  as  Just,  as  Old,  a  Resem- 
bling of  Prayer)  our  Cobbet  was  always  pulling  at,  and  he  often 
pull'd  unto  such  Marvellous  purpose,  that  the  Neighbours  were 
almost  ready  to  sing  of  him,  as  Claudian  did  upon  the  prosper- 
ous Prayers  of  Theodosius, 

O  Nimium  Dilecte  Deo."^ 

At  the  beginning  of  his  pastorate,  Mr.  Cobbet  received 
as  his  colleague,  William  Hubbard,  the  Harvard  graduate  of 
1642,  the  first  in  the  line  of  Harvard  men  and  of  Ipswich  men 
in  the  famous  pulpit  of  the  Ipswich  church.  Mr.  Hubbard's 
homestead  was  on  the  sightly  knoll  now^  owned  and  occupied 
by  Mr.  Gustavus  Kinsman.^  He  dwelt  here  we  are  sure  in 
later  years,  until  his  involved  financial  condition  compelled 
him  to  sell  the  paternal  inheritance.  His  ministry  was  emi- 
nent for  its  literary  fruitfulness.  In  1677,  he  pubhshed  a 
"Narrative  of  the  Troubles  with  the  Indians  in  New  England," 
of  which  Prof.  M.  C.  Tyler  observes,  'Tf,  in  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury was  produced  in  America  any  prose  work  which,  for  its 
almost  universal  diffusion  among  the  people,  deserves  the  name 
of  an  American  classic,  it  is  this  work."^  It  is  still  recognized 
as  the  best  of  the  old  chronicles  of  this  period. 

His  "General  History  of  New  England  from  the  Discovery 
to  1680"  was  left  in  manuscript  and  was  first  printed  in  1815 
by  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  He  borrowed  so 
largely  from  Morton's  New  England  Memorial  and  Winthrop's 
Journal,  that  this  work  can  scarcely  be  considered  as  m  re  than 

1  A  remarkalile  instance  of  answer  to  prayer,  as  it  was  regarded,  occurred  (iuring 
King  Philip's  war,  when  his  son  was  in  captivity. 

2  Publications  of  the  Ipswich  Historical  Society,    No.  ix,  History  of  the  Old  Argilla 
Road,  pp.  7-9. 

3  History  of  American  Literature,  vol.  I,  p.  13.S. 


a  compilation.  Nevertheless,  Mr.  Hubbard  was  a  large  figu  e 
in  his  day,  far  superior  to  Mr.  Cobbet  in  gifts  and  attainments. 
One  thoughtful  critic  has  declared  that  he  "certainly  was  for 
many  years  the  most  eminent  minister  in  the  county  of  Essex, 
equal  to  any  in  the  province  for  learning  and  candour;  and 
superior  to  all  his  contemporaries  as  a  writer."* 

Mr.  Hubbard  invited  his  brothe: -in-law,  the  scholarly  John 
Rogers,  son  of  Rev.  Nathaniel  Rogers,  of  the  Harvard  class  of 
1649,  to  be  his  associate  in  the  ministry.  Mr.  Rogers  continued 
the  practice  of  medicine  with  his  pulpit  work,  and  gained  em- 
inence for  his  literary  attainments.  This  busy,  many-sided  man 
was  reckoned  far  above  the  ordinary,  and,  in  1677, on  the  death 
of  Leonard  Hoar,  he  was  chosen  President  of  Harvard.  He 
declined  this  honor  and  Urian  Oakes  was  elected,  but  on  the 
death  of  Mr.  Oakes,  he  was  elected  again,  and  was  solenndy 
inaugurated  on  the  12th  of  August,  1683.  Commencement 
day  of  the  next  year  fell  on  the  first  day  of  July,  an  occasion 
of  special  interest  to  Mr.  Rogers,  as  the  first  Commencement 
of  his  Presidency,  and  the  graduation  day  of  his  eldest  son  John, 
and  the  young  John  Denison,  son  of  Rev.  John  Denison,  and 
grandson  of  Major  General  Denison  and  Deputy  Governor  Sy- 
monds.  He  was  taken  sick  suddenly  at  Commencement  time 
and  died  on  the  following  day,  July  2,  1684,  widely  and  sin- 
cerely lamented.  He  was  laid  in  the  old  burying-ground  in 
Cambridge,  under  the  shadow  of  the  College,  and  the  high 
sounding  Latin  and  Greek  epitaph  carved  upon  his  headstone 
still  recounts  his  virtues:  "  a  treasury  of  benevolence,  a  store- 
house of  theologic  learning,  a  library  of  the  choicest  literature,  a 
living  system  of  medicine,  an  embodiment  of  integrity,  a  re- 
pository of  faith,  a  pattern  of  Christian  sympathy,  a  garner  of 
all  virtues." 

This  scholarly  man  added  to  his  scientific  and  theologic 
attainments  a  fine  taste  and  capacity  for  poetry.  It  has  al- 
ready been  remarked  that  Ann  Bradstreet,  during  her  residence 
in  Ipswich,  attained  renown  as  the  first  poet  of  the  New  World. 
It  i's  a  singular  and  noteworthy  fact  that  the  two  men  of  the 
following  generation,  whose  poetry  is  worth  recognition,  were 

1    J.Eliot:     Biogi'Miiliicat  Dii'tioiiiiry. 


Ipswich  men.  President  John  Rogers  was  only  a  boy  of  four- 
teen when  Ann  Bradstreet  removed  to  Andover,  and  could  have 
received  no  direct  personal  impression  from  her  genius.  John 
Norton,  the  Hingham  Pastor,  was  twenty  years  younger  than 
Rogei*s.  Both  were  admirers  of  her  muse,  and  both  were  moved 
to  poetry  to  voice  their  regret  at  her  death. 

Professor  Tyler  finds  in  Mr.  Rogers's  poem  addressed  to  Anne 
Bradstreet,  his  only  poem,  "a  monument  of  the  keen  enthusiasm 
which  the  writings  of  that  admirable  woman  awakened  among 
the  bright,  young  scholars  of  New  England  during  the  latter 
part  of  her  own  life  and  for  some  years  afterward."^ 

"Though  in  one  place  the  poem  lapses  into  a  conceit  that 
is  gross  .  .  .  upon  the  whole  it  is  very  noble :  it  is  of  high  and 
sustained  imaginative  expression:  it  shows,  likewise  that  this 
Puritan  scholar,  of  our  little  college  in  the  New  England  wilder- 
ness, had  not  only  conversed  to  good  purpose  with  the  classics 
of  pagan  antiquity,  but  had  even  dared  to  overleap  the  barriers 
interposed  by  his  own  sect  between  themselves  and  the  more 
dreadful  Christian  classics  of  the  Elizabethan  singers: 

"Madam,  twice  through  the  Muses'  grove  I  walked, 
Under  your  blissful  bowers  I  shrouding  there. 
It  seemed  with  nymphs  of  Helicon  I  talked ; 
For  there  those  sweet-lipped  sisters  sporting  were; 
Apollo  with  his  sacred  lute  sate  by ; 
On  high  they  made  their  heavenly  sonnets  fly; 
Posies  around  they  strewed,  of  sweetest  poesy. 

Twice  have  T  drunk  the  iicctar  of  your  lines, 
Which  high  sublimed  my  mean-born  fantasy, 
Flushed  with  these  streams  of  your  Maronian  wines. 
Above  myself  rapt  to  an  ecstasy, 
Methought  I  was  upon  Mount  Hybla's  top. 
There  where  I  might  those  fragrant  floweis  lop. 
Whence  did  sweet  odors  flow  and  honey-spangles  drop."^ 

John  Norton  published  only  an  election  sermon  in  1708  and 
in  1678  a  poem  occasioned  by  the  death  of  Ann  Bradstreet. 
"It  is  this  poem,  'A  Funeral  Elogy  upon  that  pattern  and  patron 

1  History  of  American  Literature,  vol.  II,  p.  13. 

2  For  tlie  wliole  poem,  see  the  Works  of  Ann  Bradstreet,  edited  by  John  Har- 
vard Ellis. 


of  virtue.'  that  will  preserve  for  him  a  hio;h  and  permanent 
memory  among  the  few  real  singers  of  our  colonial  time.  We 
know  not  what  else  he  did  in  verse,  but  certainly  the  force  and 
beauty  that  are  in  this  little  poem  could  not  have  been  caught 
at  one  grasp  of  the  hand."^ 

"Some  do  for  anguish  weep:  for  anger,  I. 
That  Ignorance  should  live  and  Art  should  die, 
Black,  fatal,  dismal,  inauspicious  day! 

I^e  it  the  first  of  miseries  to  all. 
Or  last  of  life  defamed  for  funeral, 
When  this  day  yearly  comes,  let  every  one 
Cast  in  their  urn  the  black  and  dismal  stone, 
Succeeding  years,  as  they  their  circuit  go, 
Leap  o'er  this  day,  as  a  sad  time  of  woe. 

Virtue  ne'er  dies:  time  will  a  poet  raise. 

Born  under  better  stars,  shall  sing  thy  praise. 

Praise  her  who  list,  yet  he  shall  be  a  delator; 

For  Art  ne'er  feigned,  nor  Nature  framed,  a  better. 

Her  virtues  were  so  great,  that  they  do  raise, 

A  work  to  trouble  fame,  astonish  praise. 

Beneath  her  feet,  pale  Envy  bites  her  chain. 
And  Poison-Malice  whets  her  sting  in  vain. 
Let  e\ery  laurel,  every  myrtle-bough. 
Be  stript  for  leaves  to  adorn  and  load  her  brow: 

Victorious  wreaths,  which  'cause  they  never  fade. 

Wise  elder  times  for  kings  and  poets  made. 

Let  not  her  happy  memory  e  'er  lack 

Its  worth  in  Fame's  eternal  almanac. 

Which  none  shall  read,  but  straight  their  loss  deplore, 

And  blame  their  fates  they  were  not  born  before.  "- 

Mr.  Cobbet  died  in  1686,  and  Mr.  Hubbard  invited  his 
nephew,  John  Rogers,  son  of  the  President,  and  John  Denison, 
to  assist  him  in  the  ministry,  but  Denison  was  frail  in  health,  and 

1  M.  C.  Tyler:  History  of  American  Literature,  vol.  ii,  j).  9. 

^  The  whole  poem  is  in  The  Works  of  Ann  UnidHtreut,  edited  by  .lohn   Harvard 


died  in  1689,  in  the  twenty-fourth  year  of  his  age,  leaving  a 
widow  Elizabeth,  only  daughter  of  Nathaniel  Saltonstall,  and 
sister  of  his  classmate,  Gurdon  Saltonstall,  and  a  son  John,  who 
graduated  from  Harvard  in  the  class  of  1710.  John  Rogers 
continued  in  his  ministry  until  his  tleath  in  1745  in  his  eightieth 
year,  having  as  the  associate  of  his  later  years,  his  son 
Nathaniel,  a  graduate  in  the  Harvard  class  of  1721.  Mr.  Hub- 
bard prolonged  his  service  until  1703,  when  his  colleague,  Jabez 
Fitch,  of  the  class  of  1694  succeeded  him,  and  died  on  Sept.  14, 
1704,  at  the  venerable  age  of  eighty-three. 

The  good  work  of  the  Grammar  School,  carried  on  by  Thomas 
Andrews  until  1683,  was  continued  by  Noadiah  Russell  until 
1687.  Francis  Wainwright,  son  of  the  merchant  of  the  same 
name,  and  Daniel  Rogers,  son  of  the  late  President,  took  their 
Harvard  degrees  in  1686.  Wainwright  became  a  merchant, 
a  Representative  in  General  Court,  and  a  Colonel  in  the  I'ort 
Royal  expedition.  Rogers  became  the  Teacher  of  his  old  school, 
and  remained  in  it  until  1716,  fitting  fifteen  young  men  in  that 
time  for  the  College.^  In  after  years,  he  became  Justice  of  the 
Quarter  Sessions  Court  and  Register  of  Probate,  and  lost  his 
life  in  tragic  fashion  on  the  Salisbury  marshes^  in  1722. 

The  third  son  of  the  President  to  take  academic  honors, 
Nathaniel,  graduated  in  1687,  became  minister  at  Portsmouth, 
where  he  died  in  1723.  Wm.  Paine  was  among  the  graduates 
of  1689,  Rev.  John  Wade  in  the  class  of  1693,  Doctor  John 
Perkins  in  the  class  of  1695,  and  Rev.  Francis  Goodhue,  son  of 
Capt.  Wilham,  in  the  class  of  1699,  who  died  in  1707.  Rev. 
Jeremiah  Wise  son  of  Rev.  John  Wise  of  Chebacco  rounded  out 
the  century  in  the  class  of  1700. 

Thus  the  Grammar  School  made  liberal  contribution  to  the 
ranks  of  broad-minded  and  scholarly  men  in  the  learned  profes- 
sions, and  in  business  life,  and  the  debt  of  gratitude  that  was 
due  to  Harvard  College  is  abundantly  recognized  in  the  regular 
rates  that  were  raised  by  taxation  for  the  relief  of  the  College. 
Seven  pounds  six  shillings  and  seven  pence  were  appropriated 
in  1664  and  in  1665.  In  1677,  the  General  Court  sent  a  letter 
to  our  town,  praying  for  a  subscription  for  the  new  brick  build- 

'  Sibley's  Harvard  Graduates,  voL  ill. 

-  Publications  of  Ipswich  Historical  Society,    xi,  p.  35. 


ing,  which  lagged  for  want  of  funds,  and  in  1681,  a  committee 
was  appointed  to  gather  up  what  was  behind  for  the  College, 
and  John  Dutch's  sloop  was  laden  with  seventy-eight  and  a 
half  bushels  of  corn  and  thirty  one  and  tliree  quarters  of  malt, 
valued  at  £19  15s.  for  the  College.^ 

Grave  compUcations  in  political  affairs,  the  heavy  financial 
burdens  resulting  from  King  Philip's  war,  the  tense  strain  in- 
duced by  the  renewed  attacks  upon  the  Charter,  the  convulsed 
social  condition  of  the  Ursurpation  period,  were  not  allowed  to 
cool  the  interest  of  Ipswich  in  the  struggling  College.  Through 
all  these  troubled  years-,  the  vSchool  did  its  work,  sending  many 
up  to  the  College,  and  many  more  into  business  and  polit- 
ical life,  and  Ipswich  had  her  reward  in  the  high  standard  of 
her  citizenship,  her  patriotic  devotion  to  the  noblest  ideals,  her 
prosperous  and  powerful  place  in  the  Colony. 

1  Felt'8  Hifitory  of  Ipswich,  pp.  92,  93. 


KING  Philip's  war. 

Since  the  year  1653,  there  had  been  no  fear  of  Indian  assaults. 
The  settlers  went  to  work  in  the  fields,  or  assembled  for  public 
worship,  and  journeys  were  made  over  the  lonely  roads  through 
the  forests  without  suspicion  of  danger.  But,  at  last,  there 
were  signs  of  an  approaching  rupture  in  the  peaceful  relations 
between  the  English  and  the  Indians.  A  chief  of  commanding 
influence,  Metacun,  the  son  of  Massasoit,  known  commonly 
by  his  English  name,  Philip,  dwelt  at  Mount  Hope,  near  the 
present  town  of  Bristol,  Rhode  Island.  He  had  sold  his  tribal 
lands  so  extensively,  that  his  people  began  to  feel  the  pressure 
of  civilization.  The  settlers  had  dealt  unfairly  in  many  in- 
stances in  their  traffic  with  the  natives.  They  had  deprived 
them  of  their  arms,  on  pretence  of  treachery,  and  had  occupied 
their  lands  without  purchase.  Brooding  over  his  wrongs,  Philip 
organized  a  plot  for  the  extermination  of  his  dangerous  neigh- 
bor's. It  was  discovered  by  a  Christian  Indian,  who  reported  it 
to  the  authorities  of  Plymouth  Colony.  Philip  condemned  the 
informer  to  death,  and  he  was  slain  in  January,  1674.  Three 
Indians  were  brought  to  trial  for  the  crime  and  sentenced  to 
death.  Two  of  them  were  executed  in  June,  1675,  and  Philip 
began  at  once  to  plan  for  his  revenge. 

On  the  24th  of  June,  1675,  the  first  blow  was  struck.  The 
town  of  Swansea  in  the  Plymouth  colony  was  attacked  and  eight 
or  nine  of  the  English  were  slain.  A  foot  company  under  Cap- 
tain Daniel  Henchman  and  Captain  Thomas  Prentice  with  a 
troop  of  horse  were  dispatched  from  Boston  toward  Mount  Hope 
on  the  26th.  The  state  of  affairs  was  critical  and  with  true 
Puritan  reverence,  the  29th  of  June  was  set  apart  as  a  day  of 
humiliation  and  prayer.  The  troops  met  the  enemy  near 
Swansea  and  some  lives  were  lost  on  both  sides.  It  soon  became 
evident  that  a  general  Indian  uprising  was  imminent.     On  the 



14th  of  July  Meiulon,  about  36  miles  from  Boston  and  within 
the  bounds  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony,  was  assailed  and  four 
or  five  of  the  settlers  were  killed,  and  on  Au.u.  2'"*  the  fvdl 
horrors  of  an  Indian  war  were  revealed  in  the  bloody  affair 
at  Brookfield. 

Captain  Edward  Hutchinson,  accompanied  by  his  troopers, 
and  some  of  the  men  of  Brookfield  went  to  the  place  agreed  on 
with  the  Indians  for  a  conference,  near  the  town  of  Brookfield, 
and  not  meeting  them  there,  pushed  on  to  find  them.  In 
a  narrow  defile,  shut  in  by  a  rocky  hill  on  one  side  and  a  swamp 
on  the  other,  they  were  suddenly  fired  on,  and  in  the  short,  sharp 
fight  that  followed  eight  were  slain.  Retreating  to  the  town, 
they  made  their  stand  in  the  garrison  house.  The  Indians 
assailed  them  hotly  with  loud  yells.  One  young  man,  the  son 
of  WilUam  Pritchard,  who  had  been  slain  in  the  morning,  was 
killed  while  venturing  away  from  the  garrison.  They  cut  off 
his  head,  tossed  it  about  in  plain  sight  of  the  beleaguered  settlers, 
and  then  set  it  on  a  pole  against  the  door  of  his  father's  house. 
The  Indians  endeavored  repeatedly  to  burn  the  garrison  house, 
and,  after  several  unsuccessful  attempts,  were  just  completing  a 
long  cart  filled  with  combustibles,  and  provided  with  poles,  with 
which  they  could  push  it  against  the  house.  A  providential 
shower  wet  the  kindling-wood  so  thoroughly  that  it  would  not 
burn  readily. 

The  news  of  this  affair  must  have  caused  many  a  pang  in 
Ipswich.  A  plantation  six  miles  square,  near  Quabaug  Ponds, 
had  been  granted  by  the  General  Court  in  1660  to  some  persons 
of  Ipswich,  if  twenty  families  and  an  approved  minister  be  there 
in  three  years.  In  1667,  on  the  15^''  of  May,  the  Court  voted 
that  the  time  be  extended  for  a  year  from  the  next  midsummer, 
as  only  six  or  seven  families  had  settled  there.  John  Warner 
and  William  Pritchard  removed  from  Ipswich  to  the  new  set- 
tlement in  the  year  it  was  granted,  and  Captain  John  Ayres 
was  a  resident  there  in  1672.'  Other  Ipswich  folk  may  have 
migrated  thither,  and  the  tale  of  the  tragic  death  of  Ayres  and 
the  Pritchards,  and  the  sufferings  of  their  families  in  the 
garrison  house  made  the  war  vividl}''  real  and  terrible. 

In  the  year  1675,  the  Essex  regiment  was  commanded  by 

1  Felt'e  History  of  Ipswich,  pp.  75,  76. 

KING  Philip's  war.  161 

Major  Denison.  The  Ipswich  company  had  for  its  officers,  Dcn- 
ison  as  Captain,  Samuel  Appleton  as  Lieutenant  and  Thomas 
Burnham  as  Ensign.  The  first  Essex  troop,  recruited  in 
Salem  and  vicinity,  and  the  second  Essex  troop,  which  was 
composed  of  Ipswich  and  Newbury  men,  were  also  attached  to 
this  regiment. 

Of  Denison,  it  has  already  been  said  that  his  mihtary  skill 
was  so  highly  esteemed,  that  he  had  been  elected  Major  General 
of  the  Colony's  forces.  Lieutenant  Samuel  Appleton  was 
brother  of  Captain  John.  Their  father,  Samuel,  had  emigrated 
from  Little  Waldingfield  in  England  to  Ipswich  about  1636,  and 
had  taken  a  place  of  honor  at  once  in  his  new  home.  He  was 
chosen  Deputy  in  1637. 

John,  his  elder  son,  born  in  1622,  began  his  public  career  in 
1656,  when  he  was  chosen  Deputy  to  the  General  Court.  He  was 
continued  by  successive  yearly  elections  until  1664,  and  was 
elected  again  in  1665  and  1667,  1669  to  1671,  and  1674  to  1678. 
Samuel,  two  years  younger,  attained  public  notice  more  slowly. 
He  was  forty-six  years  old  when  he  was  chosen  Deputy  for  the 
first  time,  succeeding  his  brother.  From  1669  to  1671,  both 
brothers  were  members  of  the  Court,  and  Samuel  was  again  in 
office  in  1673  and  1675.  From  this  year  to  the  end  of  his  life, 
we  shall  find  him  a  conspicuous  figure  in  all  affairs  of  the 
highest  moment. 

Another  resident  of  Ipswich,  the  Reverend  William  Hubbard> 
is  of  great  interest,  as  the  Historian  of  the  Indian  wars.  His 
intimate  knowledge  of  all  the  events  of  King  Philip's  war,  and 
his  close  personal  friendship  with  Denison,  Appleton,  Whipple 
and  all  the  soldiers  of  Ipswich,  fitted  him  for  his  work  in  rare 

Upon  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  Denison  had  been  ap- 
pointed commander-in-chief  of  the  Massachusetts  troops.  His 
commission  is  an  interesting  document,  and  the  Instructions 
that  were  sent  him  are  an  admirable  epitome  of  the  spirit  of 
the  times,  which  insisted  on  the  utmost  regard  for  the  offices 
of  religion  even  under  the  most  trying  circumstances.^ 

As  the  General  was  prevented  by  sickness  from  taking  the 
field.  Major  Thomas  Savage  was  appointed  to  the  command  of 

>Mass.  Archives,  book  G7,  leaves  206,  208. 


the  active  ()i)erati()ns.'  Denison,  however,  directed  the  move- 
ments of  th(^  troops.  In  the  latter  part  of  July  a  levy  of  troops 
had  IxMMi  made  in  Essex  County^  and  immediately  after  the 
disaster  at  Brookfield,  Captain  T^athrop  of  Salem  was  sent 
with  a  company  from  Salem  and  the  neighborinsz;  towns,  in- 
cluding som(>  from  Ipswich.  Captain  Beers  also  marched  from 
Watertown  with  his  command.  The  troo]:)s  gathered  at  Brook- 
fieUl  and  Hadley,  but  no  body  of  Indians  was  discovered.  Many 
towns  were  threatened  and  the  soldiers  were  kept  on  the  move. 
With  the  beginning  of  September,  the  war  was  pressed 
most  vigorously  along  the  Connecticut  River.  On  the  first 
of  that  month,  Deerfield  was  burned  and  one  man  killed.  Two 
or  three  days  later,''  the  Indians  attacked  Squakeag,  now  North- 
field,  where  they  killed  nine  or  ten  of  the  jieople.  The  next 
day  Captain  Beers,  with  thirty-six  men,  marched  to  relieve  the 
garrison  at  Squakeag,  not  hearing  of  the  disaster  of  the  day 
before,  and  was  ambuscaded  by  a  large  number  of  Indians. 
He  made  a  brave  defence,  but  after  a  valiant  fight,  he  and  about 
twenty  of  his  men  were  slain.  Rev.  William  Hubbard,  in  his 
History  of  the  Indian  Wars,  remarks,  in  this  connection,  "Here 
the  barbarous  Villians  showed  their  insolent  Rage  and  Cruelty, 
more  than  ever  before,  cutting  off  the  Heads  of  some  of  the 
Slain,  and  fixing  them  upon  Poles  near  the  Highway;  and  not 
ordy  so,  but  one  (if  no  more)  was  found  with  a  Chain  hooked 
into  his  under  Jaw,  and  so  hung  up  on  the  Bow  of  a  Tree  ( 'tis 
feared  he  was  hung  up  alive)  by  which  Means  they  thought  to 
daunt  and  discourage  any  that  might  come  to  their  Relief, 
and  also  to  terrifie  those  that  should  be  Spectators  with  the  Be- 
holding so  sad  an  object;  insomuch  that  Major  Treat  with  his 
Company,  going  up  two  days  after,  to  fetch  ofT  the  Residue  of 
the  Garrison,  were  solemnly  affected  with  that  doleful  Sight, 
which  made  them  make  the  more  Haste  to  bring  down  the  Gar- 
rison, not  waiting  for  any  Opportunity  to  take  Revenge  upon 
the  Enemy,  having  but  an  hundred  with  him,  too  few  for  such  a 
purpose.  Captain  Appleton  going  up  after  him,  met  him  com- 
ing down,  and  would  willingly  have  persuaded  them,  to  have 

•  Mass.  .\rcliivc8,  book  (57,  leaf -207. 

"  Bort^e,  Soldiers  of  King  I'liilip's  War,  p.  128. 

^  Bodge,  Soldiers  of  King  Philip's  War,  p.  32,  says  Sept.  2. 

KING  Philip's  war.  163 

turned  back,  to  sec  if  they  could  have  made  any  Spoil  upon  the 
Enemy;  but  the  greatest  Part  advised  to  the  Contrary,  so  that 
they  were  all  forced  to  return  with  what  they  could  carry 
away  leaving  the  Rest  for  a  Booty  to  the  Enemy, who  shall  ere 
long  pay  a  sad  Reckoning  for  their  Robberies  and  Cruelties, in 
the  Time  appointed." 

This  is  the  first  mention  of  Captain  Samuel  A])|)leton  in 
this  neighborhood.  He  had  taken  the  field  with  his  com- 
pany about  the  first  of  September,  it  is  connnonly  tliought, 
and  he  and  his  Ipswich  soldiers  had  a  grewsome  beginning  of 
their  warfare,  marching  over  the  road  lined  with  the  dismem- 
bered bodies  of  their  fellow  soldiers,  and  the  smoking  ruins  of 
the  farms.  It  was  a  valiant  beginning  withal,  of  which  we  are 
proud,  when  Captain  Appleton,  amid  these  depressing  suiround- 
ings,  urged  his  superior  officer  to  turn  back  and  attack  the 
enemy.  Other  counsels  prevailed,  and  the  troops  were  distrib- 
uted as  garrisons  at  Northampton,  Hatfield,  Deerfield  and  Had- 
ley.  Captain  Appleton  was  stationed  at  Deerfield^  and  arrived 
there  about  the  tenth  of  September. 

On  the  17th  of  August,  Gen.  Denison  sent  orders  from 
Boston  to  Major  Richard  Waldron  to  proceed  to  Pennicook 
(Concord),  "supposed  to  be  the  genall  Randevous  of  ye  enemy 
where  you  may  expect  to  meet  Capt.  Mosely,  who  is  ordered 
thither."  He  instructed  him  to  take  a  chirurgeon  with  him,  and 
informed  him  that  the  main  body  of  the  soldiers  was  at  Hadley."- 

On  Sunday  the  12tii  of  September,  the  soldiers  and  set- 
tlers at  Deerfield  gathered  for  worship  in  the  stockade.  Re- 
turning, the  north  garrison  was  ambuscaded,  with  the  loss  of 
one  man  captured.  Appleton  rallied  his  men  and  attacked 
them  and  drove  them  off,  but  the  north  fort  had  been  plun- 
dered and  set  on  fire,  and  much  of  the  settlers'  stock  stolen. 
As  he  had  not  force  enough  to  guard  the  forts  and  engage  in 
offensive  operations,  the  Indians  still  hung  round  insultingly 
and  burned  two  more  houses. 

"  Red  tape  and  a  storm  prevented  action  that  night,  but 
the  next  night  a  party  of  volunteers,  with  a  few  from  Hadley, 
and  'some  of  Lathrop's  men'  came  up  to  the  relief  of  our  town. 

1  Sheldon,  History  of  Deerfleld,  vol.  I,  p.  98. 
"-  Mass.  Archives,  book  67,  leaf '241. 


On  tlic  iiioniiTic;  of  'J^uosday,  the  14th,  the  united  forces  under 
A])])le(()n  marched  to  Pine  Hill.  Spies  had  doubtless  reported 
the  arrival  of  j-einforcements,  and  the  Indians  had  all  fled."^ 

It  was  decided  that  Deerfield  sliould  be  abandoned,  and  as 
there  was  a  lar<i;e  amount  of  corn  already  threshed,  it  was  load- 
ed on  carts  and  Captain  Lathrop  was  detailed  to  guard  the  teams 
on  their  way  to  Hadley.  No  Indians  were  known  to  be  in  the 
neighborhood.  Upon  September  IS^'i,  Hubbard  writes,  "that 
most  fatal  Day,  the  Saddest  that  ever  befel  New  England,  as 
the  Company  were  marching  along  with  the  Carts  (it  may  be 
too  securely)  never  ajiprehending  Danger  so  near,  were  sudden- 
ly set  upon,  and  almost  all  cut  off  (not  above  seven  or  eight 
escaping)."  The  ambuscade  was  cunningly  placed  at  Muddy 
Brook,  and  while  the  line  of  march  was  strung  out  in  crossing, 
the  deadly  attack  was  made.  Captain  Lathrop  was  wholly  un- 
suspicious of  danger,  "which  gross  Mistake  of  his,  wasthe  Ruine 
of  a  choice  Company  of  young  Men,  the  very  Flower  of  the 
County  of  Essex,  all  called  out  of  the  Towns  belonging  to  that 
County,  none  of  which  w(>r(;  ashamed  to  speak  with  the  enemy 
in  the  Gate;  their  dear  Relations  at  Home  mourning  for  them, 
like  Rachel  for  her  Children,  and  would  not  be  comforted,  not 
only  because  they  were  not,  but  because  they  were  so  miserably 
lost."  The  number  of  the  slain,  including  Captain  Lathrop, 
as  reported  by  Rev.  John  Russell  of  Hadley  in  a  letter  written 
shortly  afterward,  was  seventy-one.  Only  a  few  escaped. 
Among  the  dead,  were  several  Ipswich  men,  Thomas  Hobbs, 
Caleb  Kimball,  John  Littlehale,^  Thomas  Manninge,  Thomas 
Mentor,  and  Jacob  Wainwright.  They  were  all  buried  in  a 
single  grave  near  the  place  where  they  fell. 

The  Ipswich  Historian,  Rev.  Mr.  Hubbard,  narrates,  "As 
Captain  Moscly  came  upon  the  Indians  in  the  Morning,  he  found 
them  stripping  the  Slain,  amongst  whom  was  one  Robert  Dutch 
of  Ipswich,  having  been  sorely  wounded  by  a  Bullet  that  rased 
to  his  Skull,  and  then  mauled  by  the  Indian  Hatchets,  was  left 
for  dead  by  the  Salvages,  and  stript  by  them  of  all  but  his  skin ; 
yet  when  Captain  Mosely  came  near,  he  almost  miraculously, 

'  Sliclilon,  HiBtory  of  Deerfleld,  I,  p.  100. 

Mn  the  Ipswich  (leefls,   vol.  iv,   54,    "the  Inventory  of  the  estate  of  .John    I^ittle- 
halc,  being  slane  with  Capt.  Latlirop,"  is  recorded  in  full. 

KING  Philip's  war.  165 

as  one  raised  from  the  Dead,  came  towards  the  English,  to 
their  no  small  Amazement,  by  whom  being  received  and 
cloathed,  he  was  carried  off  to  the  next  Garrison,  and  is  living 
and  in  perfect  Health  at  this  Day.  May  he  be  to  the  Friends 
and  Relations  of  the  Rest  of  the  Slain  an  Emblem  of  their  more 
perfect  Resurection  at  the  last  Day,  to  receive  their  Crowns 
among  the  Rest  of  the  Martyrs  that  have  laid  down  and  ven- 
tured their  Lives,  as  a  Testimony  to  the  Truth  of  their  Religion , 
as  well  as  Love  to  their  Country." 

Captain  Appleton  and  his  Ipswich  company  seem  to  have 
been  stationed  at  Hadley,  and  his  value  as  a  military  leader  was 
becoming  more  and  more  evident  to  the  Council  of  the  Col- 
ony.    Instructions  were  sent  to  Captain  Wayte : 

"The  Council  do  order  and  appoint  Captain  John  Wayte  to 
conduct  the  120  men  appointed  to  rendevooze  at  Marlborough 
the  28th  day  of  this  instant  September  &  to  deliver  them  unto 
the  order  of  Maio""  John  Pincheon,  Commander  in  Cheefe  in  the 
County  of  Hampshire,  &  it  is  further  ordered  y*  in  case  Cap- 
tain Samuel  Appleton  should  be  com  away  from  those  parts 
then  the  said  Captain  Wait  is  ordered  to  take  the  conduct  and 
chardge  of  a  Company  of  100  men  under  Maic  John  Pincheon, 
but  in  case  Captain  Apleton  do  abide  there  then  Captain  Wait 
is  forthwith  to  returne  Backe  unles  Maic  Pincheon  see  cause 
to  returne  him  upon  y^  service  of  the  country. 

past  E.  R.  S.  24  Sept.  1675 

It  is  ordered  that  there  be  a  commission  issued  forth  to 
Capt.  Samuel  Appleton  to  Command  a  foot  Company  of  100 
men  In  the  service  of  y^  country.  But  in  case  hee  should  be 
com  away  from  those  parts  then  that  Capt.  Waite  is  to  have  (a) 
like  commission. 

past  24  Sept.  1675 

Ordered  By  y*"  Council  y*  y''  Commissary  Jn"  Morse  deliver 
Mr.  Thomas  Welden  snaphant  nuisket."^ 

Capt.  Appleton  already  held  a  local  commission  as  Captain 
of  the  Ipswich  company.  He  undoubtedly  received  the  new 
commission,  as  he  continued  to  act  with  Major  Pynchon. 

1  Mass.  Archives,  book  67,  leaf  -JfiS. 


On  iho  26tli  of  ScptcMiilxM',  the  Indians  appeared  at  Spring- 
field and  bin-ned  Major  Pynchon's  barns  and  ()utl)uildings. 
He  was  then  at  Hadley,  and  the  report  of  these  losses,  following 
cl()s(^  upon  the  reverse  at  Bloody  Brook,  completely  unnerved 
him.  He  wrote  from  Hadley  to  the  Council  on  Sept.  30th, 
pleading  for  r(4ease  from  his  command  as  he  was  so  distracted 
about  his  liome  affairs  and  reporting  that  two  of  the  settlers 
had  been  killed  at  Northampton.  He  added  in  a  postscript 
"Capt.  Appleton  is  a  man  y^  is  desirous  to  doe  something  in 
this  day  of  distress;  being  very  sensible  of  y^  cause  &  people 
of  God  at  stake:  &  is  much  to  be  comended  &  incouraged  & 
u])on  yt  acct.  to  be  p'ferred  before  many  yt  dare  not  Jeopard 
there  Lives  in  y^  high  Places  of  y^  field."' 

Major  Pynchon's  high  regard  for  Captain  Appleton  may 
have  been  due  to  long  acquaintance.  The  wife  of  the  Major 
was  Margaret,  daughter  of  the  Rev.  Wm.  Hubbard,  and  in  an 
old  deed  of  the  Hubbard  property,  the  seven  acre  field,  from 
which  the  house  had  disappeared,  is  called  "Pinchon's  Close," 
and  the  name  is  remembered  by  one  of  our  oldest  residents  in 
that  neighborhood.^ 

On  the  5th  of  October,  Captain  Mosely  wrote  from  Hadley, 
"Majo""  Pinchon  is  gone  with  Cap*"  Apleton  and  Cap'"  Sill  w^^ 
a  company  of  above  190  souldi'^^"^  They  hurried  to  Spring- 
field but  found  the  town  in  flames,  and  the  Indians  already  fletl. 
Major  Pynchon's  grist  mills,  Rev.  Mr.  Glover's  Parsonage 
with  his  valuable  library,  and  nearly  all  the  buildings  were 
destroyed.  Rev.  John  Russell  wrote  a  letter  which  described 
the  disaster,  and  lamented  that  Hadley  would  be  the  next  to 
drink  the  bitter  cup.  "Perhaps,"  he  wrote,  "the  impowring 
of  some  man  or  men,  as  the  Honor^'i  Major  or  Captain  Appleton, 
or  both  to  direct  and  order  us  fortifications  might  not  be  un- 
usefull."4  Completely  broken  down  by  these  disasters.  Major 
Pynchon  wrote  to  CJovernor  Leverett  describing  the  pitiful  con- 
dition of  affairs,  and  praying  that  a  more  competent  commander 
be  chosen. 

1  Mass.  Ar<-,liives,  book  (IT,  leiives  273,  274. 

2  Publi(;ati(>ii8  of  the  Ipswicli  Historicil  Society,  IX,  p.  8. 
•■■■  Mass.  An^liives,  book  (17,  leaf  281. 

••  Mass.  Archives,  book  67,  leaves  28S,  289. 

KING  Philip's  war.  167 

Springfield,  Oct.  S,  1675. 
Honored  S"", 

I  desired  M^"  Russel  to  give  yo"  an  acc^  of  y^  sore  stroake 
upon  Pore  distressed  Springfeild,  w^'i  I  hope  will  excuse  my 
late  doeing  of  it.  On  y^  4*^  of  Oct.  o''  soldiers  w^^  were  at  Spring- 
feild,  I  had  called  all  off,  leaving  none  to  secure  y^  Towne,  y 
comissioners  order  was  so  strict.  That  Night,  word  was  sent  to 
us  that  500  Indians  were  about  Springfeild,  intending  to  destroy 
it;  so  yt  y^  5^^  of  Oct.  wtt  about  200  of  o''  soldiers,  I  marched 
down  to  Springfeild  where  we  found  all  in  flames,  about  30 
dwelling  houses  burnt  downe,  &  24  or  25  Barnes,  my  Corn 
Mille,  Sawmill  &  other  Buildings.  Generally,  men's  hay  ik  corne 
is  Burnt,  &  many  men,  whose  houses  stand,  had  their  goods 
burnt  in  other  houses  w^'h  they  had  caryed  y^^too:  Leift. 
Cooper  &  2  more  slayne,  &  4  psons  wounded,  2  of  W^^  are 
doubtf  ull  of  their  Recovery.  The  L''  hath  made  us  to  drink  deepe 
of  the  cup  of  sorrow.  I  desire  we  may  Considcn-  y^^  oppcraticjn 
of  his  hand  &  what  he  speakes.  Yet  that  y^  Towne  did  not 
utterly  perish  is  cause  of  grt  Thankfulness. 

As  soone  as  o''  forces  appeared,  y^  Indians  all  tlrew  off  so  y* 
wee  saw  none  of  y'":  —  sent  out  scouts  y'  Night  it  y*'  next  day, 
but  discovered  none  neither  can  we  sattisfye  o'selves  wh^h  way 
they  are  gon,  their  Tracts  being  many  ways.  We  thiidc  they 
are  gon  dowaie  y"  River.  O'"  last  discovery  was  of  a  Considerable 
Tract  upwards.  O''  indeavors  here  are  to  secure  y"  houses  Si 
Corne  y*  is  left.  Providence  hath  obstructed  o""  goeing  out  w^^ 
y«  Army  &  w^  can  be  done  I  am  at  a  great  loss:  O'"  People  are 
under  grt  discouragement.  Talk  of  Leaving  y  Place;  we  need 
y  orders  *fe  direction  about  it.  If  it  be  deserted,  how  wofully 
doe  we  yield  &  incourage  o''  insolent  enymy,  &  how  doth  it 
make  way  for  y<'  giving  up  of  all  y^  Towns  above :  If  it  be  held 
it  must  be  by  strength  ct  many  soldiers,  and  how  to  have  pro- 
vision, I  meane  bread  for  want  of  a  Mille,  is  difficult:  y^  Soldiers 
here  already  complaine  on  y*  aec*,  although  W(^  have  flesh 
enough;  &  this  very  trouble,  I  meane  noe  Mille,  will  drive  many 
C"  Inhabitants  away,  especially  those  y*  have  noe  corne,  & 
many  of  them  noe  houses,  w<=h  fills  &  throngs  up  every  Roome 
of  those  yt  have  to  go  there  w^^  ye  soldiers  (w^h  yet  we  can- 
not be  w'hout)  now  increasing  o^  Numbers:  so  y*  indeed  it  is 
very  uncomfortable  living  here  &  for  my  owne  pticular  it  were 
far  better  for  me  to  goe  away,  than  bee  here  where  I  have  not 
anything  left,  I  meane  noe  corne,  neither  Indian  nor  English, 
and  noe  means  to  keepe  one  beast  here,  nor  can  I  have  Releife 
in  this  Towne,  because  so  many  are  destitute.  But  I  resolve  to 
attend  what  God  calls  me  to,  &  to  stick  to  it  as  long  as  I  can, 
&  though  I  have  such  gr*  loss  of  my  comforts,  yet  to  doe  what 


I  can  for  dofonding  ye  Place.     I  hope  G*^'  will  make  up  in  him- 
self what  is  wanting  in  y"  creature,  to   mee  &  to  us  all. 

This  day  a  Post  is  sent  up  from  Hartford,  to  call  off  Major 
Treat  w^^  a  p*^  of  his  soldiers,  from  InteUigence  they  have  of 
a  pty  of  Indians  lying  ag*  Wethersfeild  on  y^  East  side  of  y^ 
River.  So  y*^  matters  of  action  here  doe  linger  exceedingly, 
w'"''  makes  me  wonder  what  y*'  1/'  intends  with  his  People; 
Strange  Providences  diverting  us  in  all  o'hopt^full  designes;  & 
yf^l/'  giving  o])portunity  to  y^  l*]nymy  to  do  us  niischiefe,&  then 
hiding  of  y'"  and  answering  all  o''  Prayers  by  Terrible  things 
in  righteousness. 

S'",  I  am  not  capable  of  holding  any  Comand,  being  more 
&  more  unfit  &  almost  confounded  in  my  understanding:  the 
Iv'  direct  y  Pitch  on  a  meeter  pson  than  ever  I  was :  according 
to  Liberty  fro'"  y"  Councill,  I  shall  devolve  all  upon  Cap*  Apple- 
ton,  ludess  Major  Treat  return  againe,  when  y""  shall  give  yo^ 
orders  as  shall  be  most  meete  to  yo^  selves. 

To  speake  my  thoughts,  all  these  Townes  ought  to  be  Gar- 
risoned, as  I  have  formerly  hinted,  and  had  I  bin  left  to  my- 
selfe,  should,  I  think,  have  done  y*,  \v^^  possibly  might  have 
prevented  this  damage.  But  y^  express  order  to  doe  as  I  did 
was  by  y  wise  directing  hand  of  God,  who  knew  it  best  for  us, 
&  herein  we  must  acquiess. 

And  truly  to  goe  out  after  y  Indians  in  y**  swamps  &  thickets 
is  to  hassard  all  o'"  men,  unless  we  knew  where  they  keepe,  w^^ 
is  altogether  unknowne  to  us,  &  God  hides  fro"'  us,  for  ends  best 
known  to  himself. 

I  have  many  tymes  thought  y*  y*'  winter  were  y^  tyme  to 
fall  on  y"^,  but  there  are  such  difhcultys  y*  I  shall  leave  it,  yet 
suggest  it  to  consideration.  I  will  not  further  trouble  y""  at  p'' 
sent,  but  earnestly  crave  y  prayers  for  y«'  L'l'^  undertaking  for 
us,  &  sanctifying  all  his  stroakes  to  us. 

I  remain,  y  unworthy  serv* 

John  Pynchon. 

We  are  in  gr*  hassard  if  we  doe  but  stir  out,  for  fear  to  be 
shot  downe  by  some  sculking  Indians.  M"".  Glover  had  all  his 
Bookes  Burnt,  not  so  much  as  a  Bible  saved;  a  gr*  loss,  for  he 
had  some  choise  Bookes  &  many.i 

The  Council  had  already  replied  on  October  4''',  very  cour- 
teously and  sympathetically,  to  his  earlier  request,  relieving 
him  of  his  command  and  conunissioning  Captain  Appleton  in 
his  place. 

iMas'j.  Archives,  book  67,  leaves  286,  287. 

KING  Philip's  war.  169 

Honoured  Si""^ 

Your  letter  dat  Sept.  29  wee  received  and  although  wee 
could  have  desired  your  continuance  in  that  trust  committed 
to  you  as  coiTiander  over  o^  forces  in  y^  p*«,  yet  considering  your 
great  importunity  y®  I'easons  alledged  wee  cann  but  greatly 
simpathize  with  you  in  ye  present  despensatiou  of  Divine  Prov- 
idence towards  your  family  in  yoiu*  absence  and  have  ordered 
Capt.  Apelton  to  take  the  charge  as  Comander  in  Cheife  over 
the  united  forces  whiles  in  o^"  Colony,  and  uppon  a  removall  of 
the  seat  of  Warr  the  Comanders  to  take  place  according  to  (the) 
appoyntment  of  y^  Commissioners. 

Inclosed  in  this  letter  to  Major  Pynchon  was  Captain  Apple- 
ton's  commission  as  Commander-in-chief. 


Capt.  Appleton, 

The  Councill  have  seriously  considered  the  earnest  desires 
of  major  Pynchon  &  the  great  affliction  upon  him  &  his  family, 
&  have  at  last  consented  to  his  request  to  dismiss  him  from 
the  cheefe  coiiiand  over  the  Army  in  those  parts,  and  have 
thought  meet,  upon  mature  thoughts,  to  comitt  the  cheefe  co- 
iuand  unto  yourselfe,  beeing  perswaded  that  God  hath  endeow- 
ed  you  with  a  spirit  and  ability  to  manage  that  affayre;  & 
for  the  Better  inabling  you  to  yo^  imploy,  we  have  sent  the 
Councill's  order  Inclosed  to  Major  Pynchon  to  bee  given  you; 
and  wee  reffer  you  to  the  Instructions  given  him  for  yo""  direction 
ordering  you  from  time  to  time  to  give  us  advise  of  all  occurr- 
ences, &  if  you  need  any  further  orders  &  instructions,  they 
shall  be  given  you  as  y^'  matter  shall  require.  So  coinitting  you 
to  the  Lord,  desireing  his  presence  with  you  and  lilessing  upon 
you,  wee  remaine: 

Your  friends  and  servants. 
Boston,  4*^  of  October, 

Captain  Samuel  Appleton, 
Commander   in    chiefe   at   the   head    quarters   at   Hadley. 

The  position  to  which  he  was  called  was  full  of  difficulty. 
The  Indians  had  ravaged  the  country  so  sorely  and  had  inflict- 
ed such  terrible  losses  upon  the  forces  sent  against  them,  that 
a  general  feeling  of  discouragement  prevailed.     The  authority 

1  Mass.  Ai'chives,  book  67,  leaf  -280. 


vested  in  him  was  not  supreme.  The  Connecticut  Colony  sent 
soldiers  into  the  field,  under  Major  Treat,  who  looked  for  his 
direction  to  the  Joint  Commissioners  of  tiie  three  Colonies,  or 
the  Council  of  Connecticut.  Friction  between  the  two  officers 
was  inevitable  under  such  a  system.  The  choice  of  Captain 
Appleton  under  these  circumstances  reveals  the  confidence  of 
the  Council  in  his  prudence,  skill  and  ('om-a'>;(>.  He  had  carried 
himself  so  bravely  in  the  campaign,  that  all  turned  to  him 
as  the  man  for  the  iiour. 

His  first  letter  to  Governor  Leverett  is  of  special  interest, 
as  revealing  his  modest  sense  of  incapacity  for  the  momentous 
requirements  of  his  office,  and  his  dissent  from  the  order  of  the 
Council  that  the  soldiers  be  not  used  for  garrison  duty  in  the 
neighboring  towns.  Major  Treat's  absence  was  a  great  em- 
barrassment to  him. 

capt.  appleton  to  governor  leverett.* 

Oct.  12,  1675. 
Right  Worpfi 

Yors  by  Leift.  Upham  I  received;  as  alsoe  that  of  Octob"" 
Qth  from  yo^s:  together  w^^  the  order  from  ye  Commission'"*, 
concerning  the  number  &  order  of  managem*  of  the  forces  in 
these  parts.  In  reference  whereto,  I  humbly  p''sent  two  t-hings 
to  yC  consideration;  ffirst,  as  to  the  ordering  the  chiefc  comand 
to  one  of  such  an  inferior  capacity,  the  very  thoughts  of  it  were 
and  are  to  me  such  matter  of  trouble  A:  humiliation,  as  that  I 
know  not  how  to  induce  my  spirit  to  any  Complyance  therew*h, 
lest  it  should  prove  matter  of  detriment  and  not  help  to  the 
publitiue,  ffrom  W^  nothinge  should  have  moved  me  but  y^ 
Consideration  of  y«  p''sent  exigence,  together  w**^  the  remem- 
brance of  that  duty  I  owe  to  yo^s:  and  the  comon  concerns; 
unto  w^^h  i\iQ  Honoe'i  Major  having  added  his  sorrowfull  com- 
plaints, for  wch  there  was  such  abundant  &  manef(\st  cause. 
It  was  indeede  an  hart  breaking  thinge  to  me,  &  forced  me 
against  my  own  spirit  to  yeild  to  y^'  improvem*  to  y  whole  of 
my  small  talent  in  yo^  service,  untill  I  might  send  to  yorselves 
(W^h  now  I  doe)  to  intreate  that  there  may  be  speedily  an  ap- 
pointm*  of  some  other  more  able  to  y^  worke,  and  likely  to  ob- 
tain ye  desired  end.  I  humbly  intreate  5'0'"  most  serious  con- 
ideration  and  help  heiiii. 

'  Mass.  Archives,  book  68,  leaf  3. 

KING  Philip's  war.  171 

Secondly,  my  humble  request  is  that  j^ou  would  be  pleased 
to  revise  that  part  of  yo""  own  and  the  Hono'"'^!  Commission '•■' 
order,  w^h  doth  strictly  prohibite  the  fixeing  of  any  of  o'' 
souldiers  in  garrison.  I  doubt  not  but  y^  reasons  inducing 
hereto  were  weighty;  which  notwf'\standing,  we  finde  the  atten- 
dence  here  extreamly  hazzardous  to  ye  losse  of  o""  Towns  (w^^ 
is  ye  loss  of  all)  as  appears  both  by  y*'  lamentable  experience 
we  have  had  at  Springfield,  as  also  by  what  is  obvious  to  the 
eye  of  each  man's  reason.  The  thoughts  hereof  putt  us  to 
great  straights.  Most  willingly  would  we  attend  y^  expresse 
letter  of  yo""  order,  &  yet  cannot  but  tremble  at  the  thoughts 
of  exposing  the  Towns  to  mine.  Be  pleased,  as  seasonably 
as  may  be,  to  give  us  yo*"  resolve  herin. 

As  to  the  state  of  poor  desolate  S}:)ringfeild,  to  whose  releife 
we  came  (tho  w^^^  a  march  that  had  putt  all  o^"  men  into  a  most 
violent  sweate,  and  was  more  than  they  could  well  bear)  too  late, 
their  conditione  is  indeede  most  afflicted,  there  being  about  thirty 
three  houses  and  twenty-five  barns  burnt,  and  about  fifteene 
houses  left  unburnt.  The  people  are  full  of  fear  &  staggering 
in  their  thoughts,  as  to  their  keeping  or  leaving  of  the  place. 
They  whose  houses  &  provisons  are  consumed  incline  to  leave 
the  place,  as  thinking  they  can  better  labor  for  a  livcing  in  places 
of  lesse  danger  then  that  where  now  they  are;  hence  seeme  un- 
willing to  stay,  except  they  might  freely  share  in  the  Corn  & 
provision  w<^h  ig  remaining  and  preserved  by  the  sword.  I  can- 
not but  think  it  conducible  to  the  publike  (&  for  ought  I  see, 
to  the  private)  interest  y*^  the  place  be  kept;  there  being  corn 
and  provision  enough  and  to  spare  for  the  sustenance  of  the 
persons  whose  number  is  Considerable  and  cannot  be  maintained 
elswhere  w*  out  more  than  almcist  any  place  can  afford  to  their 
releife.  The  worth  of  the  place  is  also  Considerable,  and  the 
holding  of  it  will  give  nmch  incouragement  and  help  to  others; 
and  the  quitting  of  it  great  discouragem*  to  others,  and  hazzard 
to  or  passage  from  one  place  to  another;  it  being  so  vast  a  dis- 
tance from  Hadley  to  any  other  Town  on  this  side  the  River. 

I  have,  in  regard  of  p'sent  distresse  of  y^  poor  people,  ad- 
ventured to  leave  Capt  Sill  there,  to  be  ordered  by  the  Hono^d 
Major  untill  further  orders  be  received.  What  hazzard  I  run 
I  am  not  insensible,  but  do  rather  chuse  to  adventure  hazzard 
to  myselfe  than  to  y^  ]3ublike,  and  so  draw  myselfe  to  yo'" 
worps:  mercy  in  so  doing. 

We  are  at  p^sent  in  a  broken  posture,  uncapa]:)le  of  any  great 
action,  by  reason  of  Major  Treat  his  absence;  who  upon  a  re- 
port of  Indians  lower  down  the  River  about  Hartford,  was 
(while  I  was  absent)  recalled  by  y^  Councill  of  Connecticutt, 
upon  the  eighth  of  this  instant,  &  is  not  yet  returned,  nor  doe 
I  know  how  it  is  w*^  him  nor  when  he  is  like  to  return.      We 


have  sent  to  y^  Coimcill  of  Connecticiitt  sijjnifying  y'  C  Col- 
ony having  bin  mindful  to  conipleate  their  numbers,  we  do 
earnestly  intreate  and  expect  his  speedy  returne,  and  y'  ye 
Ainunition  now  at  Hartford  &  needed  l^y  us  may  be  brought 
up  under  their  guard.     Hereto  we  have  not  yet  received  answer. 

In  the  account  of  Springfeild  houses  we  only  p''sented  y" 
number  of  them  on  the  East  side  of  the  River  &  y*^  in  the  Town 
platt ;  ffor  in  all  on  the  West  side  <.V:  in  the  outskirts  on  y^  East 
side,  there  are  about  sixty  houses  standing,  and  much  Corn 
in  &  about  them,  w^h  coming  into  the  Indian  hands  will  yield 
great  support  to  them.  We  have  bin  considering  ye  making 
of  a  boate  or  boats,  &  finde  it  not  adviseable;  ffirst,  because 
the  River  is  not  Navigable,  &  so  none  made  here  can  be  had 
up ;  Secondly,  should  we  make  any  above  the  falls,  there  must 
be  an  army  to  guard  the  workmen  in  the  worke;  Thirdly,  we 
finde  exceeding  hard,  by  any  provision,  to  secure  o""  men  in  the 
boats,  by  reason  y*  ye  high  banks  of  ye  River  give  ye  enemy  so 
great  advantage  of  shooting  downward  upon  us;  And  lastly, 
as  we  must  follow  the  enemy  where  he  will  goe,  we  must  either 
leave  a  very  strong  guard  upon  o^  boats  or  lose  them  perhaps  as 
soon  as  mad(\  There  being  now  come  in  sixty  men  imder  Capt. 
Poole  and  Lieft.  Upham,  and  we  needing  Comanders,  especially 
part  of  or  men  being  now  at  Springfeild  &  we  not  daring  to  send 
all  thither,  we  have  retained  Capt.  Poole  to  comand  these  sixty 
men  untill  further  orders  be  given. 

We  are  but  this  evening  come  up  from  Springfeild,  and  are 
applying  o 'selves  pJ'sently  to  ye  sending  out  scouts  for  ye  dis- 
covery of  the  enemy,  y*  so  the  Lord  assisting,  we  may  w^h  these 
forces  that  we  have,  be  making  some  onsett  upon  him,  to  do 
some  things  for  ye  glory  of  God  and  releife  of  his  distressed 
people :  the  sence  of  w^h  is  so  much  upon  my  hart,  y *  I  count 
not  my  life  too  dear  to  venture  in  any  motion  wherein  I  can 
persuade  myselfe  I  may  be  in  a  way  of  his  Providence,  and  ex- 
pect his  gracious  p'"sence,  wt^out  w^h  all  o^  indeavo''*'  are  vaine. 
We  confide,  we  shall  not,  cannot  faile  of  ye  steady  &  continued 
lifting  up  of  ye  hands  and  harts  of  all  God's  precious  ones,  y*- 
so  o''  Israel  may  in  his  time  prevail  against  this  cursed  Amaleck ; 
against  whom  I  beleeve  the  Lord  will  have  war  forever  untill 
he  have  destroyed  them.  With  him  I  desire  to  leave  o''s :  &  all  ye 
concern  and  so  doing  to  remain 

Yo""  servant  obliged  to  duty, 

Samuel  Appleton. 

I  communicated  thoughts  w*h  Major  Pynchon,  about  y® 
garrison  placeing  at  Brookfeild;  And  alth^  we  judge  it  would 
be  some  releife  &  comfort  to  c  messengers  going  Post,  yet  con- 

KING  Philip's  war.  173 

sidering  the  great  charge  w^h  must  necessarily  be  expended 
upon  it,  and  that  they  have  no  winter  provision  there  for  the 
keeping  of  horses,  wthout  much  use  of  w°^  we  see  not  how  they 
can  subsist,  we  have  not  seene  cause  to  order  any  garrison 
thither,  nor  (for  ought  yet  appears)  shall  doe,  except  we  have 
some  special  direction  from  yoi^.s:  for  it. 

We  also  finde  y*  these  three  Towns  being  but  small,  and 
having  sustained  much  losse  in  their  crop  by  reason  of  ye  war, 
and  had  much  expense  of  what  hath  bin  gath(n-ed  here,  both  by 
the  souldiers  and  by  those  come  into  them  from  the  places  that 
are  already  deserted,  are  like  to  finde  the  work  of  sustaining 
ye  army  too  hard  for  y'";  and  therefore  we  app''hend  it  will  be 
adviseable  and  necessary  to  send  to  Connecticutt  to  afford 
some  help  as  may  be  needed  from  some  of  their  Plantations. 

Capt  Mosely  makes  p^sontm*  of  his  humble  services  to  yo"" 
worp:  whereto  the  scribe  also  desires  to  subjoin  the  tender  of 
his  own. 

These    ffor   the    Worship'^   John    Leverett,    Esq., 
Governor  of  the  Massachusetts  at  Boston. 

Captain  Appleton's  letter  to  the  Council  of  Connecticut,  to 
which  he  refers,  has  not  been  preserved  but  the  reply  of  that 
body  is  on  record : 

the  council  of  connecticut  to  samuel  appleton.^ 

Hartford,  Octob^  12th  1675. 
Honord  S"": 

Uppon  the  occasion  of  the  tidings  of  the  enimyes  movinge 
down  towards  our  quarters,  and  report  made  of  Trecks  neer 
Hartford,  &  Intimation  of  some  scoutinge  Indians  seen  about 
us :  It  being  a  time  &  place  not  onely  of  the  Councell,  but  also 
of  the  General  Court's  sitting  heer:  We  could  doe  noe  less  than 
call  hither  Major  Treat  with  a  guard  with  him ;  for  better  secur- 
inge  these  Towns,  while  they  are  now  makeing  some  flankers 
&c :  as  is  done  above  in  your  Towns,  that  soe  we  might  not 
lye  altogether  naked  at  home,  when  soe  many  of  our  men  are 
or  may  be  abroad  in  pursuit  of  the  warr:  yet  are  all  those 
soldiers  heer  kept  ready  to  move  when  and  where  there  may 
be  opportunity  to  doe  God  and  y"  countrey  best  services,  in 
conjunction  with  a  sufficient  force  sent  from  the  Massachusets 
and  Plymoth  such  as  may  be  competent  to  grapple  with  the 
enimy  in  his  rapacity;  and  to  assault  him  in  his  head  quarters 

1  Appleton  Memorial,  p.  111. 


or  where  they  may  meet  with  liis  force  abroad.  Besides  guard- 
inge  these  Towns,  we  have  heer  in  like  readiness  about  one 
hunch-ed  M()h(>af;s  it  Pecjuots,  which  we  keep  iipi)on  ciiari>;e  at 
Majoi"  I^viH'hon's  desire  to  attend  the  like  service:  but  we  see 
not  cause  to  send  them  further  ujjvvards  to  char<i;  those  Towns, 
or  be  a  cumber  to  them  untill  there  be  thorow  preparation  for 
some  immediate  expedition  to  be  attempted.  Yet  have  we  noe 
assurance  to  keep  them  heer  longe  under  noe  improvement, 
neither  are  they  willinge  to  move  farther  without  some  of  our 
English  to  conduct  and  direct  their  motion:  ffor  which  end 
we  have  brought  liither  Ca])t"  Jn":  Mason  in  whome  they  take 
great(\st  contc^iit:  These  things  we  thought  good  to  communicate 
to  yourselves  previously  wayting  for  a  sjx'cdy  return  of  what 
is  adviseable  by  you  heerin,  or  anything  else  respecting  the 
state  of  these  affayres,  and  what  is  understood  of  the  enimyes 
plac(^  or  motion,  and  how  many  English  are  come  or  cominge. 
Now  the  good  Lord  y**  (tod  of  armyes  apear  in  his  own  time  for 
salvation  to  his  people:  which  in  the  doe  us(>  of  means  with 
christian  courage  and  fedulity  seasonably  aplyed  is  yet  hoped 

Gent";     By  your  affectionate 

ffreinds  &  servants  the  Councill 
of  Conecticott;  pr  their  order. 

Signed,  John  Allyn,  Secr'y. 
Vera  copia. 

This  letter  did  not  reach  Captain  Appleton  until  the  16th 
as  appears  from  the  letter  of  that  date.  Meanwhile  ,  he  had 
written  again,  on  October  14th,  declaring  the  "obstructive 
difficultyes," which  necessitated  his  repeated  appeals. 

CAPT.    appleton    to  THE    COUNCIL    OF    CONNECTICUT.* 

Hadley,  October  y^  14™  1675. 
Right  Worship" 

Haveing  received  comission  and  orders  from  our  Councill, 
together  with  ye  order  of  the  Comissioners  of  the  united  collonies 
respectinge  the  management  of  ye  joynt  forces  raised  &  miited 
for  the  prosecutinge  the  war  against  the  barbarous  enemy  in 
the  westerly  plantations  uppon  Connecticott :  and  having,  after 
the  sad  diversion  given  us  by  the  mischiefe  done  at  Springfield, 
been  ai)lying  ourselves  to  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy:  we  have 
mett  with  some  obstructive  difhcultycs  heerin  which  occasions 

t  Mass.  Archives,  book  68,  leal'  10. 

KING  Philip's  war.  175 

and  necessitates  our  present  aplication  to  yourselves.  The 
matter  of  difficulty  is,  ffirst,  the  absenc  of  our  honored  ffreintl 
and  assistant,  Major  Treat  with  his  Company:  whose  being 
called  of  without  any  order  from  the  Comissioners,or  agreement 
of  the  Councill  upon  the  place,  we  know  not  how  to  reconcile 
with  y«  order  of  the  Comissioners  for  the  prosecutinge  the  warr. 

Secondly,  haveing  this  morninge  (upon  our  resolve  of  a  mo- 
tion), summoned  Leift.  Seely  with  his  whole  comjmny  to  apear 
at  our  head  quarters  forthwith  to  attend  the  publick  service 
of  the  country,  we  fayled  heerof ;  for  the  said  Leift.  apearing 
himself  without  his  company,  excused  there  non-apearance  by 
his  doubting  o""  comission  to  bear  him  out :  Thereby  it  comes 
to  passe  that  we  Vjeing  heer  with  y^  full  numbers  required  to 
the  proportion  belonging  to  our  Collony,  find  our  way  as  to  any 
regular  motion  ol^structed.  Our  aplication  to  your  selves  is  to 
Intreat  ct  call  up})on  you  for  the  removall  of  the  said  obstruction, 
with  all  possible  speede,  both  by  the  sending  up  the  honored 
Major  Treat  forthwith,  &  by  removing  all  matter  of  difficulty 
that  is  or  may  be  with  those  that  are  heer  for  the  service. 

We  have  received  Intelligence  of  a  suply  of  ammunition, 
clothing  and  other  necessaries  for  our  armey,  sent  to  Hartford; 
we  Intreat  your  help  for  the  conveyanc  of  the  same  hither, 
there  being  the  opertunity  of  a  guard  by  Major  Treat  his  com- 
pany 's  coming  up,  and  our  necessity  calling  for  the  same  with 
ye  first  y*  may  be. 

We  trust  we  need  not  provoke  you  to  use  the  utmost  ex- 
pedition heerin,  your  selves  knowing  the  vast  expenses  of  the 
whole,  together  with  y*'  dayly  hazzards,  and  the  difficulty  of 
the  season  which  may  soon  render  all  action  unfeizable. 

We  beg  your  candid  acceptanc  and  Improvement  heerof, 
so  as  may  be  to  the  promoting  of  the  publick  Interest;  wherto 
adding  our  hearty  prayers,  &  the  presentment  of  most  cordial 
respects  &  humble  service  to  your  Worp^:  and  all  of  you  respect- 
ively, I  take  leave  &  remain 

Your  Worps  most  humble  servant, 
Vera  copia.  Samuel  Appleton,  Comd^  in  Chiefe. 

This  for  the  Worshipfull  William  Leet,  Esc}.,  Deputy  Gov- 
enor  at  Connecticut,  or  to  y^  worshipfull  John  Allyn,  Esq.,  to 
be  communicated  to  y^  council  at  Hartford. 

Deprived  of  the  cooperation  of  Major  Treat,  with  another 
Connecticut  officer  insubordinate,  in  need  of  the  stores  of  am- 
munition, clothing  and  other  necessaries  for  his  army,  which 


were  detained  at  Hartford,  Captain  Appleton's  impetuous 
spirit  was  cliafed  and  fretted.  A  swift  post  bore  his  letter  to 
Hartford  and  tlie  next  day  a  reply  came  from  the  Council  of 

thk  council  of  connecticut  to  samuel  appleton.* 

Hartford,  Oct.   15""':  1675. 

Yours  of  ()ctol)er  y^  14'^>  came  to  us  this  day,  who  doe  well 
resent  the  courage^  and  readiness  therin  nianifest(>d  to  be  in 
action  agaynst  the  eriimy,  and  doe  thither  refer  the  urgent  en- 
vitations  to  have  our  forces  joyned  to  yours,  according  to  the 
Commissioner's  order,  and  doe  refer  you  to  the  long  lyinge  of 
our  full  number  of  our  forces  with  you  before  yours  were  ready, 
as  a  demonstration  of  our  forwardness  in  this  good  cause;  but 
further  to  sattisfy  all  scruples,  you  may  please  to  understand 
that  oui-  Councel's  calling  for  Major  Treat  (from  the  place  where 
he  lay  in  garrison)  hither  with  y«  party  that  came  with  him, 
was  the  apearance  of  the  eniniy  in  these  parts  as  was  reported, 
unreadiness  of  your  full  number  and  Major  Pynchon's  per- 
mission therof,and  some  other  occasions  we  had  with  the  Major 
not  convenient  heer  to  mention,  and  sine  his  cominge  we  have 
received  intelligence  from  the  Reverend  Mr.  James  Fitch  of 
Norwich  that  Phillip  with  four  hundred  men,  had  determined 
this  day  to  fall  uppon  Norwich,  with  Importunate  request  of 
some  ayd  to  prevent  it;  where  uppon  we  could  not  but  comply 
so  far  as  to  send  forty  of  those  men,  who  marched  away  the 
last  night  before  your  letter  came,  and  y®  Pequott  and  Moheage 
Indians  who  were  heer  ready  with  ours  to  come  to  you,  returned 
home  to  defend  their  own  Interest,  which  indeavour  is  soe  con- 
sonant to  ye  grand  design  as  we  think,  you  will  not  be  unsat- 
tisfyed  therein.  We  have  ordered  their  speedy  return  unless 
the  enimy  be  there,  and  expect  them  at  the  beginning  of  the 
next  week ;  onely  this  we  further  advise  you  that  by  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Stanton,  he  sayth  he  hath  Intelligenc  that  Phillip  in- 
tends to  fall  uppon  the  Moheags  &  Pequots,  and  that  the  Nar- 
ragansetts  make  great  preparation  for  warr,  and  other  matters 
that  have  a  looke  as  If  treble  were  next  like  to  fall  in  these  south- 
ern parts.  Now  if  your  Intelligenc  concurr  and  lead  you  to 
march  southwards,  and  you  signify  the  same,  and  save  our 
forces  their  March  upwards,  they  will  be  ready  to  Joyn  with  you 
in  the  most  convenient  place;  but  if  you  have  Intelligenc  of 
the  enimyes  continuanc  in  those  parts,  and  by  your  scouts  doe 
make  a  full  discovery  of  him,  and  will  resolve  to  march  with 

1  Mass.  Archives,  book  68,  leaf  11. 

KING  Philip's  war.  177 

your  whole  luiniber  of  thre  hundred  forth,  we  desire  you  will 
speedily  signify  the  same  to  us,  that  so  we  may  comply  with 
you  therin.  We  have  not  to  ad  but  our  respects  to  you,  & 
our  prayers  to  God  for  his  presenc  with  you,  and  that  we  are 
S'"  your  affectionate  friends, 

The  Generall  Court  of  Conecticott, 
pr their  order;  signed,  John  Allyn,  Secr'y. 
postscrip :  The  ammunition  &  part  of  the  cloathes   you  desire, 
were  taken   hence  by   Major   Pynchon's   order,   yesterday  to 

It  was  a  tart  and  discouraging  retort  to  his  earnest  appeal 
for  Major  Treat  and  his  soldiers,  but  Captain  Appleton  replied 
with  fine  dignity,  giving  the  alarming  reports  of  the  presence 
of  the  Indians  very  near  him,  and  repeating  his  request  for 
reenforcement  and  for  the  supplies  at  Hartford. 


OcTo:  16:  1675. 

Worshipful!  S'"'^: 

This  day  I  received  yours  of  Octobr;  12  signifiing  y^  reason 
of  Major  Treat  being  called  off:  as  alsoe  ye  readiness  he  is  in 
to  be  sent  upon  the  publick  service  agayn.  Before  the  receipt 
heerof,  I  signified  to  you,  by  a  letter  bearing  date  Octo^r;  15th 
our  desire  and  need  of  Major  Treat  his  return  with  your  whole 
number  of  men  belonging  to  your  Colony.  Heer  are  from  our 
Colony  the  full  of  the  proportion  belonging  to  us,  &  to  ye 
makeing  up  of  the  500  men,  so  y*  heer  is  the  reality  of  things 
done,  tho  we  heer  know  not  y^  reason  of  Plimouth's  not  bearing 
a  share  in  it.  You,  we  doubt  not,  also  understand  y^  order  of 
the  Comissioners  of  the  United  Collonies,  for  y^  management  of 
the  forces  joyntly  raised  which  we  looke  at  as  y^  rule  of  our  pro- 
cedure; however,  in  y^  exigency,  by  reason  of  the  desolation 
at  Springfield, and  in  the  absenc  of  Major  Treat  with  your  forces, 
(wherby  we  are  incapacitated  from  attending  ye  publick  orders) 
there  hath   been  some  digression  till   y®  return  of  your  forces. 

By  scouts  sent  forth  last  night,  we  understand  that  the  en- 
imy  is  very  neer  us;  many  of  them  at  Deerfield,  and  many  on 
this  side  within  a  few  miles  of  Hatfield :  wherby  we  have  been 
alarumed  once  A:  again.  A:  are  in  constant  danger.      I  was  this 

1  Mass.  ArcliiveB,  book  G8,  leaf  19. 


day  propariufi;  to  .send  to  Springfield  for  the  anmnuiition,  l)iit 
by  a  sudden  alaruni  diverted  :  And  tlie  neer  aproach  of  the  enimy 
makes  us  apprehensive  of  the  Inconvenience  of  sending  any  of 
our  forces  (especially  in  the  absenc  of  yours)  far  ofT;  which 
occasions  me  again  to  Intreat  y«  spedy  return  of  the  Honor'' 
Major  Treat  with  his  forces,  as  also  to  request  your  help  in  this 
time  of  need,  that  Major  Treat  his  company  may  help  us  up 
with  what  they  can  possible  of  the  necessaiyes  for  our  souldiers, 
which  we  hear  are  at  Hartford;  and  also  with  y«  annnunition  or 
some  considerable  jmrt  of  it,  which  is  at  Springfield.  We,  by 
reason  of  the  .straite  we  are  in,  deferr  our  sendinge  till  we  see 
how  far  you  can  grattify  us  heerin.  I  Intreat  your  answer, 
with  all  possible  speed. 

Sine  the  writing  heerof,  our  post  is  come  with  yours  of  the 
15*^  of  octo^^r  presenting  new  d'  fiu'ther  matter  of  humiliation 
&  fear.  Oh  that  it  might  be  a  provocation  &  incitement  to 
strengthen  faith,  and  cause  us  to  flee  to  y^  rock  yt  is  higher  y" 
ourselves.  The  Lord  our  God  is  a  present  help  in  time  of  trouble ; 
now  is  the  tim(>  of  our  Jacob's  trouble.  O  that  faith  may  say 
he  shall  be  saved  from  It.  We  have  most  certayn  Information 
that  y®  Indians  are  this  evening  discovered  within  a  mile  of  Hat- 
field, which  we  expect  to  have  assaulted,  either  this  night  or  in 
the  morninge,  and  therefore  are  now  in  the  night  hasting  over 
to  Hatfield  to  their  defenc.  We  greatly  need  the  company  & 
help  of  all  our  forces  now.  And  I  trust  should  the  forces  be 
brought  together,  I  shall  be  as  ready  to  attend  the  Commis- 
sioners orders,  as  your  officers  or  any  others  shall ;  it  being  my 
concern,  both  with  respect  to  the  publick  Interest  &  my  own. 
Our  hast  will  not  pmitt  us  to  Inlarg.  We  commend  you  with 
ourselves  to  y^  great  keeper  of  Israel,  whose  everlasting  armes 
are  underneath  his  distressed  ones  in  their  most  low  estate,  & 
in  him  remaine 

S^s;  Your  worships  most 

assured  ffreind  &  serv* 

Samuel  Appleton. 
Vera  copia. 

About  the  same  time,  the  Council  of  Massachusetts  wrote, 
giving  him  larger  liberty  in  the  use  of  his  troops,  and  recom- 
mending that  he  forbid  Major  Treat  to  withdraw  again.  There 
is  a  touch  of  the  grotesque  in  their  ord(n-  to  this  trained 
soldier  that  he  beware  of  massing  his  troops  in  a  "huddle." 

KING  Philip's  war.  179 


Boston:  Octob".     15:  1675. 
Capt.  Appleton, 

Yclast  came  to  ns  the  14'hi]istant,  whcrby  we  are  well  sat- 
isfy' with  yC  acceptance  of  the  charge  comitted  to  yon,  not 
tU)nbting  of  yo^  care  and  dilligence  therin,  and  therfore  for  the 
present  yon  ninst  not  expect  any  alteration.  We  are  apt  to 
think  our  orders  are  not  rightly  understood,  as  that  you  instance 
in,  about  fixing  of  garrisons.  It  was  judged  here  that  having 
furnished  a  body  of  500  men,  a  considerable  Stretch,  and  a  very 
great  charge  for  the  defence  of  one  part  of  the  country  (other 
parts  being  not  only  in  danger,  but  actually  assaulted  and 
spoyled  and  Suffering  the  Same  calamityes  that  they  should 
(especially  the  season  favoring)  be  employed  in  feild  service,  to 
witt,  in  prosecuting  the  enemy  to  their  ({uarters,  and  not  to  ex- 
pect him  at  the  townes  only,  wherin  we  know  very  well  that  our 
forces  must,  at  times,  have  their  quarters,  which  if  you  call  gar- 
risons, you  mistake  us,  we  never  expecting  our  soldiers  should 
continually  keep  the  feild.  We  know  they  must  have  their  re- 
cruits and  relaxations,  but  intended  not  nor  consider^  there 
could  be  a  necessity  of  keeping  fixed  garrisons  to  the  particular 
towns :  for  while  such  a  number  of  soldiers  are  abroad,  we  would 
hope  (if  prudently  employed)  the  inhabitants  might  be  a  suf- 
ficient guard  to  their  respective  Towns,  and  this  was  the  utmost 
intent  of  the  order.  We  cannot  but  further  intimate  that  incase 
your  soldiers  living  in  their  quarters, and  you  see  cause  to  make 
any  expedition,  there  is  noe  reason  to  draw  all  your  forces  to 
one  towne,  but  that  the  most  convenient  place  be  appoynted 
for  the  Rendevouze  of  yo""  forces,  whether  in  town  or  feild. 
Wee  are  very  sensible  of  the  great  losse  sustained  at  .Springfield 
and  are  of  the  same  oppinion  with  you,  that  it  is  not  advisable 
to  have  it  deserted,  and  would  hope  that  the  inhabitants  of  all- 
most  100  houses  might  be  able  to  defend  the  maine  of  the  re- 
mainder, while  the  Army  is  employed  abroad.  We  must  leave 
much  to  yo""  prudence  with  the  councill  of  yo''  chief  coinanders, 
without  attendance  to  popular  insinuations;  and  you  must  at- 
tend yor  orders  so  as  never  to  practice  contrary  theronto;  but 
you  may  and  ought,  according  to  right  reason,  to  interpritt  and 
understand  all  orders  in  the  largest  and  most  extensive  signifi- 
cation, for  the  welfare  and  security  of  those  under  yo''  comand 
and  care.  We  have  taken  notice  of  Major  Treat's  Retreate,  upon 
the  order  of  the  Councill  of  Conecticote,  of  which  we  are  very 
sensable,  and   have   represented  the  same  to  Conecticote,  and 

I  Mass.  Archives,  book  08,  leaves  13,  14. 


doc  advise  you,  if  ho  return,  to  lett  him  or  any  others  know 
tliey  may  not  depart,  nor  withch-aw  from  under  yo""  command, 
whilst  in  our  jurisdiction,  without  express  orders  from  the 
Commissioners  of  the  United  Collonys,  or  yo''  particular  licence, 
with  consent  of  yo""  chief  officers. 

Wee  are  satisfyed  in  your  deserting  Qua])ague,and  sup])osed 
the  order  taken  b}^  the  Commissioners  for  supply  of  victualls 
from  Hartford  will  be  efTectuall.  We  desire  and  hope  wee  shall 
not  be  wanting  to  second  yo^  endeavors  by  our  hearty  suppli- 
cations to  our  God,  the  father  of  mercyes,  to  pitty,  pardon, 
heale  and  help  us,  in  this  our  distressed  estate. 
Remaining,  Sir, 

Yc"  assured  friends, 

Ed.  Rawson,  Secretary, 
by  order  of  the  Council. 

We  cannot  but  advise  you  in  yo^  marches,  to  keep  good  dis- 
tance between  your  partyes  of  men,  that  you  be  not  sur- 
prised in  a  huddle,  and  that  in  bushy  places  (if  you  fear  not 
by  such  discovery  to  loose  yo""  design)  that  you  fire  the  woods 
before    you. 

Captain  Appleton  wrote  again  to  Governor  Leverett,  narra- 
ting in  detail  the  distracting  condition  of  affairs,  the  insubordi- 
nation of  a  Connecticut  officer,  his  correspondence  with  the  Con- 
necticut authorities  and  his  own  unwearied  and  courageous 
exertions  in  the  field. 

capt.  appleton  to  governor  leverett.^ 

Hadley,  Octo:  17,   1675. 
Right  Worpfii 

I  thought  it  convenient  and  necessary  to  give  you  a  p^sent 
account  of  o""  state  &  posture,  that  so  yo^s:  might  thereby  be 
the  better  capacitated  both  to  send  orders  to  us,  &  to  know 
how  to  act  towards  others,  as  the  case  doth  require. 

On  Tuesday,  Octo:  12,  we  left  Springfeild  &  came  y^  night 
to  Hadley,  neer  30  mile.  On  y*'  13'h  <.'(:  14*^  we  used  all  diligence 
to  make  discovery  of  y®  enemy  by  Scouts,  but  by  reason  of  y*^ 
distance  of  the  way  from  hence  to  Squakeheage,"  et  y*"  timerous- 
nesse  of  ye  scouts,  it  turned  to  little  account ;  thereupon  I  found 
it  very  difficult  to  know  what  to  doe.     Major  Treat  was  gone 

'  IMasB.  Archives,  book  (iS,  leaves  -li,  23. 
-  North  field. 

KING  Philip's  war.  181 

from  us,  and  when  like  to  return,  we  knew  not.  Oin-  orders 
were  to  leave  no  men  in  garrison,  but  keepe  all  for  a  feild  armye, 
w^^  was  to  expose  the  Towns  to  manefest  hazzard.  To  sitt 
still  and  do  nothinge  is  to  tire  o^s:  and  spoyle  o""  souldiers,  and 
to  ruin  y"  country  by  y^  insupportable  burden  and  charge.  All 
things  layd  together,  I  thought  it  best  to  goe  forth  after  the 
enemy  w^^  C  p'sent  forces.  This  once  resolved,  I  sent  forth 
warrants  on  y^  14*^  instant  early  in  the  morning  to  Capt.  Mosely, 
&  Capt.  (as  he  is  called)  Seely  at  Hatfeild  and  Northampton 
to  repair  forthw^^  to  y^  head-quarters,  y^  we  might  be  ready  for 
service.  Capt.  Mosely  was  accordingly  w^h  us,  wt'^  his  whole 
company  very  speedily.  Capt.  Seely\  after  a  Consideral)le  time, 
came  w*kiut  his  company,  excused  their  absence  by  his  want 
of  Coinision.  His  comission  he  produced,  ct  upon  debate  about 
it,  seemed  satisfyed;  expressing  y*^  his  purpose  was  to  attend 
any  ord""  y *  should  be  given ;  I  wrote  another  warrant  and  gave 
into  his  hand,  to  appear  w^^  his  company  w^h  are  about  50  men, 
the  next  morning ;  but  in  y^  night  he  sent  a  messenger  to  me, 
w'li  a  note  about  intillegence  from  Major  Treat  to  stay  till 
further  orders  iVc.  I  p'sently  posted  away  letters  to  ye  Councill 
at  Hartford,  declaring  to  y™  how  the  worke  was  obstructed 
by  absence  of  Major  Treat,  (whose  company  indeede  I  much 
desired,  he  approving  himself e  while  ^\^^  us  a  worthy  gentleman, 
and  a  discreete  and  incouraging  CoiTiander)  &  by  absence  (in- 
deede) of  Capt.  Seely,  and  those  few  that  were  w^^  him.  The 
copy  of  my  letter  to  y^  Councill  &  of  my  warrants  to  Capt. 
Seely,  and  his  returns  to  me,  I  send  you  here  all  of  them  in- 

This  morning,  Octo :  16 :  I  received  a  letter  sent  first  to  Majo^" 
Pynchon  &  from  Springfeild  hither,  from  y^  Councill  at  Hart- 
ford, dated  Octo:  12:  w^'h  I  also  send  y^  copy  of  wherljy  you 
will  perceive  y*  they  seem  to  make  some  excuse,  and  sticke  at 
y  want  of  forces  here  from  Plimouth,  wherin  I  am  not  so  fitted 
to  return  y™  an  answer  as  perhaps  I  might  be,  for  want  of  under- 
standing the  specialties  of  agreement  between  the  Hono-'t'  Coin- 
issionrs  of  the  United  Colonies ;  only  thus  much  seemes  evident, 
that  they  all  agreed  th""  number  should  be  500 ;  the  W^^  is 
made  up  by  C"  Colony  and  Connecticute  though  there  be  none 
from  Plimouth,  so  y*  we  see  the  reallity  of  the  thinge  is  done, 
though  we  know  not  the  reas(jn  of  Plimouth  their  not  bearing 
a  share  in  it.  _ 

By  a  letter  from  Major  Pynchon,  we  imderstand  y*  the  Ani- 
unitioniscome  up  to  Springfeild,  wc^  I  am  p^sently  sending  for. 
This  likewise  informs  of  an  old  Indian  Squaw  taken  at  Spring- 

•  Capt.  Seely  was  statioued  at  Northampton  with   a  company  of  Connecticut 


field,  who  tells  y*  the  Indians  who  burnt  y'  town  lodged  about 
six  miles  off  y  Town;  some  men  went  forth,  found  24  fires  and 
some  plunder.  8hee  saith  there  came  of  ye  enemy  270;  that 
the  enemy  in  all  are  600.  The  place  where  they  keepe  is  at 
Coassit  (as  is  supposed)  about  50  miles  above  Hadley. 

After  ye  sending  my  letters  to  Hartford,  I  drew  forth  o"" 
own  men,  all  but  Capt.  Seely's  (who  are  neer  sixty)  intending 
to  march  up  to  Sqhakheage.  We  had  not  marched  above  a 
mile  or  two,  ere  we  received  intelligence  by  post  y*  y^  enemy 
was  by  his  track  discovered  to  be  in  great  numbers  on  y"  West 
side  of  the  River.  We  pi'sently  changed  o""  course,  and  hasted 
over  the  River.  It  was  after  sunsett  ere  we  gote  out  of  Hatfield. 
We  marched  some  miles,  and  in  ye  darke  saw  a  gun  fired,  and 
heard  its  report  &  o'"  scouts  saw  and  heard  this  gun.  Some  hIso 
sd  they  heard  a  noise  of  Indians.  My  purpose  was  now  to  march 
to  Deerfield,  but  upon  what  we  discovered,  o""  officers,  especially 
Capt.  Mosely,  were  very  app'hensive  of  danger  to  the  Towns 
here  if  we  should  march  up.  This  being  often  p''ssd  and  I 
alone  for  proceeding,  none  of  the  Connecticute  men  w*"^  us,  nor 
any  left  in  the  Towns  of  Hadley  and  Hatfield,  &  night  threat- 
ening rain  and  tempest,  I  yeilded,  against  my  own  inclination 
to  return  to  o""  quarters,  wh  we  did  late  in  the  night.  This 
morning  we  und'stand  by  scouts  that  there  is  certainly  a 
great  number  of  y<^  enemy  at  Deerfield  and  some  of  them 
much  neerer. 

This  evening  we  have  received  a  letter  from  y^  Gen ''all  Court 
at  Hartford,  whcrby  I  perceive  its  very  uncertain  when  we  are 
like  to  have  their  forces  again.  In  very  truth,  I  am  in  straites 
on  every  side.  To  leave  y^  Towns  without  any  help,  is  to  leave 
y™  to  apparent  mine.  To  supply  w*^  any  except  now  in  y" 
absenc  of  Connecticute,  is  hardly  reconcilable  with  y^  order  of 
ye  Coiliissioners.  This  evening  late,  I  am  assaulted  w^^  a  most 
vehement  and  affectionate  reciuest  from  Northampton,  (who 
have  already  w'^  them  about  50  of  Capt.  Seely 's  men)  y'  I  would 
afford  y'"  a  little  more  help,  they  fearing  to  be  assaulted  p'sently. 
And  at  ye  same  time  while  these  are  speaking,  Capt.  Mosely 
informs  y*  ye  enemy  is  this  evening  discovered  wt'»in  a  mile  of 
Hatfield,  and  that  he  verily  expects  to  be  assaulted  there  too- 
morrow;  w*"'^  I  am  so  sensible  of  yt  I  account  it  m^y  duty  p'^sent- 
ly  to  repair  thither,  now  at  10  or  11  of  ye  clocke  in  the  night, 
some  of  the  forces  having  already  passed  the  River.  Nor  are 
we  w'^out  app'hension  of  Hatfield's  &:  Hadley 's  danger  at  the 
same  time,  where,  w"'  respect  to  the  wounded  men  &  ye  Town, 
I  strive  w''»  my  self  e  to  leave  about  twenty  men  or  but  few  more, 
tho  ye  Indians  were  yesterday  discovered  within  five  or  six 
miles;  and  we  are  necessitated  to  send  so  many  of  them  for 
Posts  (on  weh  account  six  are  at  this  pi'sent)  and  other  occasions, 

KING  Philip's  war.  183 

as  makes  y™  less  than  their  little  selves.  I  desire  in  all,  to  ap- 
prove myselfe  to  the  Lord,  and  faithfully  to  his  people's  interest, 
so  as  I  perswade  mys:  would  most  reach  and  take  yo""  harts 
were  you  pi'sent. 

I  crave  yo""  candid  acceptance  of  what  comes  from  a  hart 
devoted  to  yo^ service;  &  yo-" speedy,  seasonable  return  to  what 
I  have  written,  w^^  waiting  for,  I  leave  the  whole  matter  w>h 
the  wise  ordering,  and  remaine 

Yor  Worps:  most  humble  serv^ 

Samuel  Appleton. 

Hoping  for  y^  Return  of  o''  Post  from  yo'"s:  and  y*  o''  going 
forth  last  night  might  p'^oduce  something  of  Consequence,  we 
delayed  the  sending  away  this  letter  a  day.  But  Providence  hath 
denyed  o^"  expectation  &  desires  in  both.  Our  Post  is  not  come 
in,  and  we  have  wearied  o^s.-w^^  a  tedious  night  and  morning's 
march,  w'^^out  making  any  discovery  of  y^  enemy.  Thus  y 
liOrd  orders  all  things  wisely,  holily  and  well.  May  we  but  see 
and  close  w^'^  the  goodnesse  of  his  will,  and  waite  for  the  work- 
ing of  all  things  together.  It  shall  be  peace  at  ye  latter  end,  to 
all  y^  love  Tiod  y^  are  perfect  ones,  ffor  W^^  praying  &  waiting, 
I  am  vo""  servant  as  above. 

S.  A. 

Octo:  17:  afternoone. 

These  for  the  Worp^'  John  Leverett,  Esq., 
Governor  of  the  Massachusett  in   Boston. 
Hast  —  Hast  —  Post-Hast. 

Two  days  later,  the  apprehensions  of  Indian  assault  were 
realized.  On  the  19th  of  October,  an  attack  was  made  upon 
Hatfield,  but  Appleton  had  foreseen  the  danger  and  provided 
for  it.     Mr.  Hubbard  gives  a  vivid  narrative  of  the  fight: 

"But  according  to  the  good  Providence  of  Almighty  God 
Major  Treat  was  newly  returned  to  Northampton,  Cajitain 
Mosely  and  Captain  Poole  were  then  garrisoning  the  said  Hat- 
field, and  Captain  Appleton  for  the  like  End  c}uartering  at  Had- 
ly,  when  on  the  sudden  seven  or  eight  hundred  of  the  Enemy 
came  upon  the  Town  in  all  Quarters,  having  first  killed  or  taken 
two  or  three  Scouts  belonging  to  the  Town,  and  seven  more  be- 
longing to  Captain  Mosely  his  company:  But  they  were  so  well 
entertained  on  all  Hands  where  they  attempted  to  break  in 
upon  the  Town,  that  they  found  it  too  hot  for  them.     Major 


Apploton  with  <;r('at  Coviraf2;c  (lofeiulin<i-  one  End  of  the  Town, 
and  Captain  Mosely  as  stoutly  niaintainino;  th(;  Middle,  and 
Captain  Pool  the  other  end;  that  they  were  by  the  Resolution 
of  the  English  instantly  beaten  off,  without  doing  much  harm. 
Captain  Appleton's  Sergeant*  was  mortally  wounded  just  by 
his  side,  another  liullet  passing  through  his  own  Hair,  by  that 
Whisper  telling  him  that  Death  was  very  near  but  did  no  other 

This  was  the  first  decisive  defeat  inflicted  upon  the  Indians. 
Major  Ai)pleton's  official  report  would  be  a  valuable  document. 
Unfortunately  it  has  not  been  preserved. 

Winter  was  now  near  at  hand,  and  a  letter  from  the  Council 
of  Massachusetts,  dated  Oct.  23,  intimated  that  he  might  ex- 
pect orders  to  return  with  his  troops  at  an  early  date.  A  second 
letter  from  the  Council,  dated  November  1st,  informed  him 
that  a  speedy  decision  would  be  made  wath  reference  to  his  con- 
tinuance in  the  field,  and  re-affirmed  his  authority,  which  seems 
to  have  been  constantly  called  in  question  by  the  leaders  of 
the  confederate  forces. 


Boston,  Nov.  l^t  1675. 
Capt.  Api)leton, 

Yours  of  October  29  is  newly  come  to  our  hands,  <Si  renews 
ou""  exercising  thoughts  whilst  wee  peruse  that  relation  of  the 
present  posture  of  matters  w"^  you,  which  you  send  us,  wherein 
wee  desire  to  owne  the  souvraigne  hand  of  God,  <t  to  ly  low 
before  him.  Tomorrow,  y"  Comissionrs  of  the  Colonies  are  to 
meete  a.gaine,  &  the  General  Court  of  this  Colony  the  day  after. 
Wee  shall  not  faile  to  hasten  such  resolves  as  to  yourself,  and 
the  forces  &  plantations  with  you,  as  the  Lord  may  Graciously 
guide  unto.  In  the  meantime,  that  w^e  may  not  occasion  you"" 
further  feares,  wee  send  back  your  Post  wt^  all  speede.  If 
Connect!  cot  will  be  under  no  order  but  what  they  please  to 
give  themselves,  wee  thinke  it  \vili  be  to  little  purpose  to  depend 
long  upon  theire  motions,  or  at  all  to  solicit  their  assistance  at 
that  rate  they  now  offer  the  same;  Only  you  are  by  no  means, 
by  any  act  of  yours,  to  wave  the  order  of    the   Comissioners 

'  Kreegfiice  Norton.    He  died  at  Hadley  soon  after. 
''  Appleton  Jleniorial,  p.  121. 

KING  Philip's  war.  185 

but  to  Assert  your  Authority  thereby,  it  being  fully  &  cleerely 
founded  upon  their  last  act,  whereby  they  leave  it  to  each  Col- 
ony to  appoint  the  Comander  in  ciiiefe  of  theire  own  forces, 
who  is  expressly  to  be  in  coiTiand  over  the  joint  forces  of  all 
the  Colonies,  where  their  service  is  appointed  in  the  same  Col- 
ony. If  Major  Treat  doe  again  withdraw,  then  our  advice 
and  order  is,  that  if  no  aparent  &  notable  advantage  offer 
itself  of  Going  forth  to  seeke  or  set  upon  the  enemy,  you  cheifely 
mannage  the  forces  under  you^  coinand  as  may  be  best  for  the 
p^sent  securing  of  those  Towns  untill  you  heare  from  us  againe : 
Wee  are  very  sensible  that  the  season  passeth  swiftly  away, 
and  are  therefore  resolved  to  put  no  long  delays  upon  you,  so 
that  you  may  expect  speedy  orders  from  us.  Supplies  for  the 
souldiers  shall  be  forthwith  sent.  You  write  that  you  had  con- 
stituted cornet  Poole,  to  be  Captain  of  that  Company  whereof 
Leiften'Uphamis  I^eiften*.  Wee  would  put  you  in  minde  that 
you  will  find  yo^"  comission  doth  not  Impower  you  to  constitute 
officers  as  a  Generall;onlyin  Case  superior  officers  fall  in  the  warr, 
the  next  officer  may  succeed  in  course  untill  further  order:  And 
when  you  see  cause  to  recoiiiend  any  meet  person  to  have  a 
coinission,  wee  shall  have  a  due  regard  thereunto. 

W^'i  our  respects  to  you,  and  coinending  you  to  the  speciall 
Guidance  tl-  blessing  of  the  Almighty,  who  only  is  able  to  furnish 
youwt'Mvisdom  &  courage  to  Cioein  &  out,  carrying  you  through 
&  above  all  the  difficulties  you  may  meet,  wee  remayne, 

Yo'"  very  loving  ffriends. 

The    Gen^i   Court    of   y^   Massachusetts, 
by  their  order, 

Edward  Rawson,  Secretary. 

These  for  Captain  Samuel  Appleton,  Commander  in  cheife, 
at  his  head  quarters,  at  Hadley  o""  Elsewhere.  Haste  —  Post- 

The  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut,  and  Plymouth,  met  in  Boston  on  Nov.  2,  1675, 
and  chose  the  Hon.  Josiah  Winslow,  Esq.  Governor  of  Plymouth 
Colony,  commander-in-chief  over  the  united  forces  to  be  raised 
at  once  for  an  attack  upon  the  Narragansett  Indians,  and  it 
was  agreed  that  the  second  in  command  should  be  appointed 
by  the  General  Court  or  Council  of  Connecticut  while  the  forces 
were  in  their  colony.  Major  Appleton  might,  with  reason,  have 
resented  the  appointment  of  one  who  had  taken  no  active  part 


in  the  war,  to  the  chief  command,  especially  since  the  Commis- 
sioners departed  from  their  own  precedent  in  selecting  a  Ply- 
month  colony  man, though  the  seat  of  war  was  to  be  in  Connec- 
ticut. We  may  detect  the  cause  of  this  action  in  the  ill-concealed 
jealousy  of  Appleton  on  the  part  of  the  Coimecticut  Council. 
He  was  not  informed,  apparently,  of  this  action,  and  waited  im- 
patiently their  decision.  On  November  10th  he  wrote  again 
to  Governor  Leverett.  His  letter  gives  a  moving  picture  of 
the  loneliness  and  hardness  of  his  position,  and  his  sense  of  utter 
discouragement.  The  camp  was  full  of  bickering  and  jealousy. 
The  Council  had  not  dealt  fairly  with  him.  Winter  was  at 


Hadley,  Nov.  lO"'  1675. 
Right  Worpfii, 

By  the  receipt  of  yo»'*  bearing  date  Nov.  1^*,  it  is  given  me  to 
understand  y*  I  am  speedily  to  exi)ect  fiuiher  orders  from  yo''^: 
wh^h  I  am  dayly  looking  for,  and  shall,  ace:  to  my  capacity  en- 
deavo""  attendance  to.  Hereto  you  are  pleased  to  adde  yo"" 
reproofe  of  my  going  beyond  Coinissio  in  constituting  Cornet 
Poole,  Captaine.  I  humbly  crave  yo^  pardon  for  what  of  trans- 
gression is  therin,  wh'^'i  had  I  looked  at  as  such,  I  should  by 
no  means  have  adventured  on.  But  as  y"  state  of  ths:  was 
\\^^  me,  I  looked  at  it  as  my  worke,  and  y*  whc^  I  was  in  a  sort 
necessitated  to ;  ffor  to  all  my  men  have  I  had  but  one  capt", 
nor  no  orders  from  yo'^  how  I  should  obtain  any;  yet  yo""  ex- 
presse  orders  &  coins  to  me  were  to  advise  w^^  my  Captains, 
wh^^*  I  ought  not  to  interprett  so  as  to  imply  a  contradiction, 
if  in  any  rationall  way  I  might  reconcile  them;  and  I  saw  no 
other  but  this,  wli"'^  likewise  I  saw  him  that  coinanded  in  chiefe 
before  me  practise.  You  may  please  to  consider  the  hard  and 
discouraging  state  of  yo"":  servant,  upon  whom  you  have  cast  y* 
heavy  work,  y*  others  more  able  have  groaned  so  hard  under  as 
to  occasion  y  Excellency  to  grant  them  a  release.  And  to  me, 
the  difficulties  in  regard  of  the  enemy  are  increased;  the  in- 
tanglements  in  o''  treaty  of  o^  Confederates  (who  are  furnished 
wth  a  Councill  of  11  or  12,  chosen  by  their  Gen^all  Court,  among 
whom  are  two  ministers,  men  of  abilities  cV:  learning)  are  such 
as  are  too  intricate  for  me  to  be  alone  in,  besides  the  dayly 
emergencies  y'  neede  Counsell.     Now  for  me  to  be  in  such 

•  Mjiew.  Arcliives,  book  6S,  leaven  51-52. 

KING  Philip's  war.  187 

straites,  &  have  no  counsell,  or  to  be  ordered  to  consult  my 
captains,  &  have  no  Captains  nor  liberty  to  make  any,  is  y* 
whf'h  is  beyond  my  ability  w'h  best  advantages;  but  much  more 
too  hard  being  thus  left  alone  A:  my  hands  wea,kned  by  being 
imder  yo^  frown.  You  exprcsse  y*  should  I  recomend  any  meete 
person  to  yo's:  you  should  have  a  due  regard  thereto.  Be 
pleased  to  remind  y^  in  my  last,  (if  I  mistake  not)  I  did  by  an 
expresse  to  yC's:  comend  y"  said  person  as  the  most  meete  man 
ace:  to  what  judgment  I  could  make,  for  yo""  &  y^  countryes 
service ;  yet  yo's  :  neither  approve  him,  nor  give  reason  against 
him,  nor  appoint  any  other.  I  intreate  yo^  serious  &  tender 
consideration  of  the  p'lnises,  and  yo^  putting  forth  yo^  helping 
hand  to  the  support  of  yo^  servant  so  sensible  of  ye  weight  of 
ye  worke  cV:  ye  discouraging  difficulties  therin  y*  had  not  ye 
fear  of  God  w^  ye  tender  sence  of  duty  to  yo^s :  and  to  ye  publike 
overawed  me,  I  had,  instead  of  this  apology,  acquainted  you 
wth  my  sinking  under  ye  burthen  too  heavy  for  me.  But  I 
would  not  do  any  thinge  y  *  might  be  grevious  to  yo'"s :  or  discour- 
aging to  others  in  such  a  day  of  distresse.  I  therfore  hold  on 
it  go  forward  tho  but  heavily.  I  have  p'"sented  to  yo""  Worps: 
the  whole  of  this  case  respecting  Capt.  Poole,  to  whom  I  have 
given  a  comission  under  my  hand.  I  intreate  yo""  favorable 
Resolve  therin,  yet  whatever  is  from  yo's:  shall  ,  I  trust,  silence 
all  concerned  in  the  p'lnises. 

As  to  or  motions  since  my  last  to  you,  you  may  please  to 
und'stand  y*  having  bin  alarmed  to  Northampton,  Octo  29*11, 
upon  ye  Indians  surprizing  two  men  it  a  boy,  of  whe^^  I  then 
wrote  you  word,  on  the  30*^  we  Resolved  to  march  to  Hatfield 
ye  evening  after  sabbath,  Octo  31st,  ^  go  yt  night  to  go  up 
to  Deerfield.  But  on  ye  30*^  at  night,  I  was  called  out  of, bed 
by  messengers  from  Hatfeild,  informing  yt  their  scouts  had 
just  then  upon  a  sandy  hill,  wt^in  a  mile  of  ye  Town,  discovered 
man  ye  tracts  of  Indians,  and  neer  ye  same  place  they  heard 
Indians  speaking  one  to  another ;  Not  long  after  another  mes- 
senger informing  yt  their  cattell  came  violently  running  into 
Town,  so  yt  they  feared  a  p'"sent  assault.  Ifnediately  I  gathered 
my  men  wth  all  silence,  and  passed  the  River,  abode  there  ye 
sabbath,  it  sixty  of  Major  Treat's  men  came  to  me.  In  the 
evening  after  the  sabbath,  the  Major  was  coming  to  me  by  Had- 
ley;  but  while  he  was  at  Hadley,  about  midnight  there  was  an 
alarum  at  Northampton  wh<^'i  recalled  him  thither.  On  Mon- 
day Nov.  I'^t^  went  about  ten  or  twelve  miles  into  the  woods, 
searching  the  chesnutt  mountains  where  the  enemy  was  thought 
to  be,  but  found  him  not.  Tuesday  I  visited  Major  Treat,  & 
we  agreed  on  Wednesday  night  to  march  to  Deerfield,  o^  scouts 
informing  us  of  many  fires  seen  that  way :  accordingly  we  went 
up  by  night,  but  could  make  no  discovery  of  the  enemy  y*  night, 


nor  in  ()■■  ran,<iin<2;  all  the  next  day;  wo  came  home  late  in  y^ 
night.     Next  morning,  Nov.  5"\  we  had  news  from  Northamp- 
ton yt  ye  enemy  had  almost  taken  a  man  c^  boy  at  plowin  North- 
ampton Meadow.     We  p'sently  repaired  thither  and  spent  that 
day  and  the  next  in  searching  those  woods,  but  wt^ovit  discov- 
ering the  enemy.     These  two  days  last  past  have  not  bin  fitt 
for  action,  by  reason  of  the  unseasonable  weather.     Nov.  6''', 
Major  Treat  desired  my  consent  to  draw  off  his  men  to  seeke 
the  enemy  in  their  parts,  and  y*  I  would  take   order  to  garrison 
Westfeild.     We  a])pointed  a  nuH-ting  of  o''  Councill  on  Monday, 
at  w'"'^  ye  s''  Major  (l(H'lai-ed  y^  he  did  d(\sire  y*  their  men  at  West- 
feild might  be  called  off  thence,  for  that  he  could  not  quiet  them 
any  longer,  nor  would  his  orders  bear  their  continuance  there ; 
it  being  also  against  the  order  of  the  Coinissionrs.      He  also  plead- 
ed y*  his  men  y'  were  at  Northampton,  might  be  by  me  ordered, 
or  at  least  permitted,  to  remove  thence,  y*  they  might  discover 
the  enemy  elsewhere,  perhaps  in  their  coasts.     My  answer  was, 
yt  for  ye  men  at  Westfeild,  they  were  placed  there  by  order.  I  had 
called  them  off  when  I  saw  neede  of  them,  &  they  would  not 
obey  and  now  at  this  p^sent  time,  there  was  no  occasion  to  draw 
out  all  or  forces  into  the  ffield,  and  therefore  I  did  not  see  cause 
at  p'"sent  to  call  them  off,  nor  could  either  order  or  permitt  the 
others  to  remove,  having  no  evidence  y*  y^  enemy  was  removed, 
much  lesse  whither.     At  last  I  gave  my  answer  in  writing,  wh^h 
1  send  you  here  inclosed.     We  enquired  whether  we  were  all 
one  army  or  no.     To  this  the  answer  was  dubious;  Ijut  their 
major  answered  we  were  all  one  according  to  y^  order  of  y^ 
CoiTiissionrs,  to  which  they  seemed  generally  to  consent;  but 
hereby  we  know  not  whether  w^e  be  one  or  two;  ffor  how  shall 
we  know  when  they  judge  us  to  be  according  to  y^  ord'of  y^ 
Coiiiission'"*'  &  when  not,  and  so  when  we  be  one  and  when  two. 
It  seems  uncouth  y*  their  judging  o""  actions  to  be,  or  not  to  be, 
according  to  such  an  order,  should  alter  o^  Being.     Such  things 
may  argue  us  a  faulty  or  faultlesse  army,  guilty  or  guiltlesse, 
but  not  make  us  one  or  two.     But  upon  such  doubtful  terms 
we  stand.   In  o''  discourse  this  was  much  turned,  that  it  appeared 
not  y^  it  was  y^  Coiiiission'"^  act,  y^  each  Colony  might  chuse 
their  coiiiander  in  cheife,  &  there  being  no  Copy  of  such  order 
sent  up,    But  y®  plea  insisted  on  is,  that  tho  each  Colony  have 
power  to  chuse  the  Commander  in  Cheife  while  in  their  Colony, 
yet  it  appears  not  that  they  have  power,  when  one  is  chosen  or 
appointed  by  the  Cofnission''*  (as  Major  Fynchon  was)  to  lay 
aside  him  and  chuse  another  in  his  room,  while  he  is  in  being 
and  capable  of  the  service.  This  seems  to  be  an  abiding  doubt 
&  not  easily  removeable. 

To  what  they  objected  of  my  keeping  men  in  garrison  at 
Westfeild  and  Springfield  being  against  y®    act  of   ye  Coiiiis- 

KING  Philip's  war.  189 

sion''^,  my  answer  was  that  I  did  not  place  them  there;  Second- 
ly, I  called  y™  off,  and  they  refused  to  obey;  Thirdly,  Major 
Treat  and  all  his,  upon  their  last  appearance,  have  declared 
wth  one  consent  y*  they  did  not  account  or  whole  500  men, 
they  all  together,  a  sufficient  strength  then  (tho  formerly  it 
was)  to  pursue  the  enemy  on  both  sides  of  the  River:  and  also 
yt  they  judged  we  had  not  sufficient  strength  w*''  out  them  at 
Springfeild,_&  Westfeild  and  Major  Treat  plainly  declared  y* 
it  was  against  his  conscience  to  draw  off  those  men  from 
Westfeild,  whereby  the  people  should  be  exposed  to  such  ap- 
parent and  almost  Inevitable  ruine.  Hereupon,  I  forebore  to  call 
them  off,  yet  declaring  once  and  again  y*  I  was  ready  to  call 
them  at  a  day's  warning,  whenever  the  service  called  for  it,  and 
would  doe  it  pi'sently,  did  they  judge  y*  wee  stood  in  neede 
of  them,  or  if  y^  want  of  y'"  w*^  us  would  be  improved  as 
an  objection  against  us,  for  not  attending  the  order.  Hence 
I  pleade  they  were  not  fixed  in  garrison,  contrary  to  the  true 
meaning  &  intent  of  the  order.  We  wait  w^'^  expectation  for 
orders  how  to  behave  o^selves.  The  enemy  is  not  discovered 
of  late  here,  nor  do  wee  know  yt  he  is  removed,  tho  many 
guesse  so;  some  think  to  Ausitimock,  a  place  upon  Stratford 
River,  where  we  hear  much  corn  was  planted  this  Springe, 
&  w°h  lies  wth  advantage  to  make  incursions  thence  upon 
many  towns  in  Connecticute;  others  thinke  they  are  drawn 
off  to  Narrogansett,  and  that  there  the  nest  of  them  is,  and 
thence  they  have  had  their  supplies  of  provision  &  ainunition; 
others  apprehend  them  yet  lurking  neer  at  hand,  and  waiting 
an  opportunity  to  surprize  us  unawares,  remembering  how  a 
little  before  the  assault  at  Hatfeild,  they  disappeared  so  long 
yt  some  then  concluded  and  strongly  pleaded  they  were  re- 

Winter  comes  fast  U])on  us,  &  we  find  y*  however  we  be 
disposed  of,  yet  there  will  be  a  necessity  of  sending  home  many 
of  o''  horses,  or  else  the  Towns  here  will  be  undone ;  the  war 
hath  so  hindered  their  getting  of  hay  &  so  many  cattell  are  come 
in  from  the  places  y*  are  desolated,  y^  many  are  like  to  perish. 
One  cow  is  already  offred  for  wintring  another.  I  trust  y^  if 
we  be  called  off  hence,  yo's :  will  order  what  forces  shall  be  left 
in  each  of  these  Towns  for  their  preservation,  and  y*  such  offi- 
cers may  be  left  over  y™  as  may  keepe  them  under  due  govern- 
ment. My  thoughts  have  bin  y*  it  might  be  most  convenient 
yt  Connecticute  men  garrison  Springfeild  &  Westfeild,  as  being 
neer  to  them  &  so  their  men  may  more  easily  be  supplyed  w^h 
necessaries,  w^^  can  hardly  be  sent  from  these  three  Towns,  being 
already  so  much  exhausted  w*"^  y"  entertainment  of  the  souldiers. 

1  have  wt'i  the  l^osts  sent  down  Capt :  Poole,  who  is  able  to 
make   a  more  particular  &  full  relation  of  things  w^h  he  hath 


scene  and  heard,  than  I  can  send  l)y  writino;.  Shonkl  you  order 
my  continuance  here,  1  shall  n(>(Mle  his  Company  and  heli),  and 
his  men  are  not  easily  satisfyed  w''^  his  absence  from  them. 
I  leave  the  matter  wholly  to  yo"-  wisdome. 

I  have  expelled  out  of  y«  army  David  Bennet,  chirnrjiion. 
for  his  quarrelsome  &  rebellious  Carriage,  but  so  y*  (seeing  o'' 
Court  Martiall,  by  reason  of  Connecticute  men's  not  being  one 
w>'i  us,  is  weak  &  lyable  to  som(>  (piestion)  T  have  left  y^  rat- 
ifying or  disannulling  y^  main  part  of  his  sentence  to  yo's :  I  have 
not  further  to  adde  but  y^  comending  yo's:  and  all  yo''  Counsells 
to  ye  blessing  of  y^  most  High  ;  and  so  doing  remain 
gr  yor  Worps:  most  liumble  servant, 

Samuel  Appletox. 

Our  p'^sent  Posts  are  Sergeant  James  Johnson,  and  Nathaniel 
Warner  of  Hadley,  and  Sergeant  John  Throp. 

These  ffor  the  Woi'pf^'  John  Leverett,  Esq., 
Governor  of  the  Massachusetts  at  J^oston. 

The  "further  orders"  which  he  awaited  from  the  Governor 
and  Council  were  not  forthcoming,  and  Major  Appleton  pro- 
ceeded at  last  on  his  own  responsibility  to  issue  the  following 


To  ye  Inhabitants  of  Springfield,  Westfield,  Northampton, 
Hadley,  &  Hatfield,  &  to  all  y^  Indwellers,  &  soejourners  in  all 
&  each  of  them  I,  Samuel  Appleton,  l^eing  betrusted  with  y^ 
conduct  of  ye  Army  heer,  and  alsoe  with  y^  care  of  fortifyinge 
&  sccuringe  these  Townes,  doe  declare, 

That  whereas  in  this  time  of  trouble  &  danger,  ye  Honor^ 
Generall  Court  &  ye  whole  Countrey  have  expressed  great  care 
&  natural!  tenderness  towards  these  plantations,  for  securinge 
&  preserving  of  them  as  parts  and  members  of  the  whole  from 
the  rage  of  the  cruel  enimy,  and  doe  still  manifest  ye  same  in 
continuing  forces  heer  for  ye  defenc  thereof:  It  would  be 
too  unequall,  Irrationall,  and  unnaturall  y*^^  Inhabitants  ik 
Indwellers  who  have  been  willing  in  i'nnos  of  peace,  to  suck  ye 
sweet  of  that  blessing  poured  out  upon  the  whole  and  each 
particular,  should  now  desert  ye  whole  it  ye  parts:  It  is  there- 
fore heerby  ordered  that  noe  person  shall  remove  from  or  desert 
any  of  these  Towns,  soe  long  as  forces  are  continued  heer  for 

'  Mass.  Archives,  book  08,  leaf  M. 

KING  Philip's  war.  191 

their  defence,  without  liberty  under  y^  hand  of  y  Command'' 
in  Chiefe;  nor  shall  any  goe  out  of  the  Townes  without  a  pass 
under  y^  hand  of  y^  Command'"  in  Chiefe:  Heerof  noe  man  is 
to  fayl  uppon  hazzard  of  the  displeasure  of  the  Gennerall  Court, 
&  such  penalty  as  they  or  y<'  Councill  shall  Impose :  And  If  any 
be  attemjitinge  or  preparinge  to  depart  otherwise,  all  officers 
civill  &  Millitary  are  heerby  Injpowered  &  required  to  prohibit 
their  departure,  and  alsoe  to  secure  them  &  their  estates,  and 
bring  them  to  y"  Chief  Officers.  I  doe  further  declare,  that 
whatever  officer  or  officers  shall  draw  off  any  forces  out  of  this 
Jurisdiction  without  order  from  the  Commissioners,  or  y^  Joynt 
Counsell  of  the  chiefe  officers,  &  license  of  y^  Command^  in 
Chiefe  of  the  Army ;  their  soe  doing  is  a  breach  of  the  Articles 
of  Confederation  of  y^  united  Collonyes. 

Given  at  My  head  quarters  at  Hadley,  y^  12'*'  of  Novemb'' 

P""  Samuel  Appleton, 

Coin  in  Chief. 

Undoubted  reference  is  made  in  the  last  sentence  of  this 
Proclamation  to  the  restiveness  of  the  Connecticut  troops  under 
Major  Treat.  The  Council  of  Connecticut  was  informed  at 
once  of  this  action  of  the  Commander-in-chief  and  made  its 
resentment  manifest  in  the  following  letter,  curt  in  its  address 
and  bitter  in  its  tone: 

the  council  of  connecticut  to  samuel  appleton.^ 
Hartford,  Nov:  15:  1675. 

It  is  noe  small  greife  of  heart  to  us,  that  in  this  hour  of  dis- 
tress, wherein  God  seems  to  frown  upon  us,  (this  among  the  rest 
being  none  of  the  smallest)  that  instead  of  a  candid  complyance 
&  setting  our  selves  as  one  man  agaynst  y^  connnon  enimy, 
studying  all  wayes  of  loveing  &  amicable  complyance,  we  find 
little  less  than  a  tendency  in  your  actions  to  render  us  contem]5t- 
ible;  we  doe  not  judge  it  a  time  to  stand  soe  much  upon  punct- 
ilioes  of  honour  t*c  suprcam  command,  &  that  soe  absolutely 
taken  on  yom-selfe  that  our  officers  are  not  worthy  to  be  of  yoiu- 
Councill  in  these  affayres,  but  rejected  t*e  only  serve  to  waytc 
your  positive  commands,  without  being  loveingly  Informed  of 
your  power  soe  to  command,  &  y^  rationallity  of  your  motions : 
Your  soe  highly  Insistinge  uppon  the  acts  of  y^  Commissioners, 

1  Mass.  Archives,  book  68,  leaf  56. 


A:  studyino;  to  lay  y  lin^acli  of  articles  iippon  us,  shall  not  deter 
us  from  solicitous  att(Muliu^'  what  may  be  for  y**  good  of  y  whole, 
not  doubting  but  our  actions  will  be  found  as  consonant  to  ye 
acts  and  true  Intents  of  y"  Commissioners  as  yours;  for  it  was 
never  Intended  by  their  acts  that  our  souldiers  should  be  kept 
meei'ly  (or  indeed  not  at  all)  to  garrison  your  Towns,  (that  be- 
longs properly  to  your  Collonye)  but  to  be  in  a  vigorous  pursuit 
of  ye  enimy,  <t  soe,  as  a  confederate  army,  to  be  kept  together 
in  Joynt  Councill  &  motion :  soe  far  as  this  is  attended,  Ave  have 
ordered  our  forces  to  attend  you  as  chiefe  in  that  Collonye;  but 
if  onely  or  maynly  garrisoning  be  y^  worke  you  will  attend,  we 
have  reserved  our  forces  to  be  at  our  disposall,  &  you  will  find 
that  in  one  of  y®  last  acts  of  y^  Commissioners,  the  management 
is  left  to  ye  respective  Councils  of  the  Collonyes.  We  have  great 
complaints  from  our  soldiers,  how  weary  they  are  of  lying  still, 
&  how  })urthensome  they  are  to  ye  people,  and  like  to  loose  most 
of  their  horses.  If  not  themselves  too,  and  doe  serve  to  noe  other 
end  than  to  distress  their  freinds  &  undoe  themselves;  &  you 
have  so(^  managed  your  matters  in  such  a  separate  way  as  breeds 
such  animosities  as  will  be  (if  not  speedily  prevented)  much  to 
God's  dishonor  &  the  publick  prejudice;  we  thought  meet 
therefore,  to  advise  you  to  a  more  candid  complyance  &  con- 
sult with  our  officers.  In  whome  we  repose  great  trust,  that  if 
indeed  any  real  service  for  God  &  his  people  in  pursuit  of  the 
enimy  apears,  you  may  agree  to  attend  it,  and  Indeavor  ut- 
most amicalile  complyance  therin :  but  if  nothing,  or  little  else 
than  garrisoninge  those  Towns  be  ye  worke,  then  having  enough 
of  your  own  to  doe,  that  you  grant  your  loveinge  complyance 
for  their  return,  as  Judging  their  worke  as  necessary  at  home; 
but  if  you  refuse,  and  noe  further  order  from  the  Commissioners 
come  suddenly,  we  shall  take  ye  boldness  to  come  to  such  re- 
solves as  we  Judg  most  conduceable  to  common  safety,  &  that 
notwithstanding  your  strict  proclimations;  and  yet  shall  not 
doubt  but  to  show  ourselves  faithfull  as  to  our  confederation. 
We  shall  not  further  ad  at  present,  but  commending  you  to 
god,  remain 

Your  afTectionate  ffriends. 

ye  Councill  of  Connecticot, 
pr  their  order. 
Vera  copia.  John  Allyn,  Secy. 


These  ffor  Capt.  Sam^  Appleton.  at  his  head  quarters  in 

Major  Appleton  smarted  under  the  lash,  but  replied  in  a 
letter  of  extraordinary  calmness,  and  dignity,  answering  the 

KING  Philip's  war.  193 

charges  made  against  him  with  fairness  and  pleading  for  a  char- 
itable construction  of  his  acts.  Great  nobilitj^  of  character 
is  revealed  in  every  word  from  first  to  last. 

samuel  appleton  to  the  council  of  connecticut. ^ 

Hadley,  Novembj-;  17:  1675. 
Hon^d  S>-^: 

It  was  no  small  comfort  to  me  in  reading  your  Lines  of  Nov : 
15:  to  think  I  was  nothing  conscious  to  myself  of  any  wilfuU 
transgression  or  gross  error,  nor  doe  I  fear  that  any  will  be  able 
to  demonstrate  me  soe:  I  have  not  stood  uppon  punctilios 
&  honours,  nor  acted  with  a  studious  tendency  to  render  you 
contemptible;  and  therfore  to  represent  me  as  soe  doinge 
seemes  not  charitable:  I  profess  otherwise,  &  if  my  profession 
be  not  sincere,  I  am  soe  much  a  stranger  to  my  heart  &  actions : 
To  make  a  true  narrative  of  the  state  of  things  &  all  momentous 
occurrents,  is  soe  plain  a  duty  of  those  y*  are  betrusted  with 
publick  concerns,  that  I  doubt  not  you  expect  it  from  those 
to  whome  you  have  committed  y**  command  of  your  forces :  And 
therfore  for  soe  doinge.  I  hope  you  will  not  looke  at  me  as  Culpable : 
And  of  other  crimes,  I  know  not  that  you  can  justly  accuse  me: 
That  your  officers  are  not  worthy  to  be  of  my  counsell  but  re- 
jected, and  onely  to  waite  my  positive  Commands  &c.  is  far 
from  my  thoughts  or  Intentionall  actings.  I  desire  to  honour 
their  persons  &  worthy  Indowments  where  apearinge,  and  have 
given  testimony  thereto:  True,  where  y^  question  hath  been 
who  are  of  my  Councill,  I  have  with  due  respects  &  honor  to 
the  persons  of  men  of  worth,  asserted  my  orders;  yet  I  may 
say  there  hath  been  carriage  among  them  not  tending  to  their 
honour,  but  might  have  exposed  them  (if  not  tenderly  dealt  with) 
to  more  suffering  than  a  little :  My  studious  Indeavour  to  respect 
&  attend  y^  orders  of  y**  Commissioners,  is  my  special  duty, 
and  y*'  more  your  actions  are  consonant  heerto,  y^  more  com- 
mendations I  shall  Indeavour  to  give  them :  yet  to  my  plainess 
its  ever  more  acceptable  to  see  the  thing  done.  It  is  not  to  be 
expected  but  that  people,  where  y®  seat  of  war  is,  should  be 
distressed.  I  wish  none  of  yours  may  give  occasion  to  think 
that  they  are  willing  to  ad  to  distresses.  As  to  y^  return  of 
your  men,  I  should  gladly  comply  with  your  desire  therein, 
might  I  doe  it  with  discharge  of  my  trust ;  but  not  knowing  y * 
ye  enimy  is  gone  nor  whither,  and  haveing  aprehensions  from 
your  Information  &  our  own,  that  y^  enimy  is  Likely  to  be  at 

1  Mass.  Archives.,  book  68,  leaf  aS. 


Narragausett,  where  also  we  have  reason  to  think  the  warr  may 
sucUlenly  break  out,  I  may  not  (without  most  weighty  ground) 
doe  anything  that,  should  we  be  presentl}'  called  thither,  may 
render  us  more  unready  for  ye  speedy  answering  of  such  a  call, 
^'our  advice  to  a  more  candid  complyance  A:  consult  with  your 
officers,  I  am  willing  to  take  in  the  best  part,  and  trust  that  it 
will  apear  that  I  have  been  far  from  acting  in  a  separate  way, 
or  aproveing  any  such  acting:  whatever  is  represented  to  you 
otherwise,  I  hope,  when  you  have  heard  with  both  ears,  you 
will  perceive  to  be  misrepresented.  1  have  not  fixed  your  nor 
our  men  in  Garrisons.  I  called  them  forth  uppon  the  first  opper- 
tunity  to  field  service,  &  am  ready  soe  to  doe  as  occasion  shall 
present:  And  may  I  find  a  Htle  of  that  loveing  i^-  amicable  com- 
plyance you  speake  of:  I  am  willing  to  offer  any  of  my  procla- 
mations (tho  called  strict)  to  a  fair  and  o])en  examination  cV: 
judgment:  A  little  time  1  hope  will  show  us  plainly  our  way; 
meanwhile  let  us  rather  waite  than  stund)l('  in  y^  darke.  or  goe 
backward  when  it  is  not  soe  easy  to  return. 


I  am  not  without  feelinge  some  smart  in  your  Lines,  tho 
I  would  not  be  over  tender,  or  ready  to  complain:  I  beg  your 
charitable  construction  of  what  may  seem  to  your  wisdome 
to  apear  otherwise  than  I  have  been  able  to  discern,  professing 
myself  to  be  one  studious  of  action,  &  of  uniting  therin  for  y« 
common  good :  The  Lord  grant  us  all  (if  it  be  his  will)  to  think, 
speak,  &  doe  the  same  things  for  y^  advance  of  his  glory,  & 
ye  attainment  of  his  peoples  safety,  which  is  y^  serious  prayer 
&  endeavor  of  him  who  is,  with  due  respects  to  you  all, 

Your  assured  ffreind  &  servant, 

Samuel  Appleton. 
Honr*^'  S^'s: 

Some  of  yours  heer  have,  out  of  a  Letter,  acquainted 
me  with  some  reports  &  suspitions  of  Indian  enimyes  to  y^ 
westward :  but  its  not  of  soe  much  weight  to  me,  because  I 
understand  that  y^  Letter  hath  been  with  your^:  and  in  yours 
to  me,  I  perceive  not  that  you  take  any  notice  of  it. 

These  ffor  ye  Worpii  William  Leete,  Esq.,  Depy.  Gov. 
Or  to  ye  Worp"  John  Allyn,  Esqr. 

To  be  communicated  to  ye  Councill  at  Hartford. 
Vera  copia. 

Harassed  by  the  constant  imi)ortunities  of   the  Connecticut 
soldiers,  and  the  C'ouncil  of  that  Colony,  a  Council  of  War  was 

KING  Philip's  war.  195 

held  at  Northampton  on  the  very  day  he  wrote  this  letter. 
Major  Applcton  still  refused  to  give  permission  to  any  to  with- 
draw without  the  order  of  the  Council.  But  as  all  those  who 
met  in  Council  were  against  him,  he  was  obliged  to  yield,  and 
he  issued  a  reluctant  permission  to  Major  Treat  to  move  with 
his  forces  downward  on  the  next  Friday  morning,  as  the  enemy 
had  probably  moved  that  way. 

He  wrote  to  Governor  Leverett  on  November  19th,  that 
he  had  receivetl  no  instructions  since  November  1st.  He  nar- 
rated the  exigences  of  the  situation,  due  to  the  approach  of 
winter,  and  his  final  decision  to  dismiss  Major  Treat. 


Hadley,  Nov.  19:  1675. 
Right  Worpf": 

In  yo^  last  to  me  bearing  date  Nov.  l^*,  yo^  doubled  assurance 
of  speedy  ord'""  to  me  have  kept  me  in  a  constant  and  now  tedious 
and  thoughtful  expectation  thereof.  Full  fourteen  days  are 
now  past  since  the  arrival  of  our  last  Post,  and  yet  we  have  no 
word  nor  signification  from  you.  Winter  is  upon  us.  Necessity 
(w'^h  knows  no  law)  enforceth  us  to  dispose  of  ourselves.  If  we 
stay  here  and  our  horses  remain  in  y^  field,  they  will  be  fitt  for 
no^service,  yea,  I  fear  how  we  shall  gett  them  home.  If  we 
take  them  to  dry  meate,  we  undo  the  inhabitants,  hay  being 
so  very  scarce,  their  cattell  will  perish.  And  we  have  in  expec- 
tation of  ord^'s,  already  stayd  to  extremity.  Since  o""  last  we  can 
discover  no  enemy,  nor  hear  whither  he  is  gone.  Connecticute 
men  have  been  beyond  measure  impatient  of  being  stayed  here 
sometimes  pleading  for  liberty  to  be  gone,  sometimes  seeming 
as  if  they  would  be  gone  w'^out  it.  Nothing  but  unquietness 
and  discontent  at  their  stay,  striving  by  all  means  to  gain  my 
consent  for  their  removall  which  I  still  withhold  expecting  to 
hear  from  yo^s:  About  y^  12th  instant  they  informed  me  yt  they 
had  intelligence  from  Owenequo,  Uncas  his  son,  y<  Philip  boast- 
ed he  was  a  lOOOd  strong,  intended  to  send  600  against  the 
Massachusetts,  and  400  against  those  in  Connecticute,  but  w^^ 
all  signifying  yt  if  I  should  desire  them  to  move  toward  Mendon, 
they  were  expressly  forbidden  to  goe  w*i»  me,  except  we  had 
certain  intelligence  that  the  whole  body  of  the  enemy  was  there, 
and  except  I  would  march  w^h  my  full  300.    I  told  their  Major 

1  A)>iJleton  Memorial,  p.  132. 


they  did  but  instruct  me  how  to  answer  them,  should  they  call 
me  to  their  parts.  There  is  talk  of  a  great  festival  meetine;  of 
Indians  at  a  place  neer  Stratford.  What  they  are,  or  whether 
they  may  be  counted  or  pursued  as  enemies,  we  know  not.  The 
people  in  these  Towns,  especially  y^  younger  sort,  have  showed 
themselves  soe  ready  to  desert  the  Towns,  some  already  gone 
others  talking  of  and  ))''paring  for  it,  so  as  I  counted  mys:  ne- 
cessitated to  ])rohibit  them  by  a  proclimation,  till  I  might  hear 
from  vol's :  i  t  being  so  cross  to  the  safety  and  good  of  the  whole, 
yt  ye  i)lantations  should  have  their  own  inhabitants  desert  them, 
and  y  Country  be  necessitated  to  send  men  to  guard  them,  o'" 
else  expose  them  to  ruine.  I  therein  ventured  to  the  utmost 
extent  of  your  order.  I  beseech  your  pardon  in,  and  orders 
about  it,  as  also  how  to  behave  ourselves;  whom  to  leave  here 
and  under  what  command. 

Together  with  the  proclimation  I  thought  mete,  ace:  to 
your  orders,  to  declare  to  Major  Treat  that  his  drawing  off  his 
forces  was  against  the  articles  of  confederation.  A  copy  of  this 
and  their  declaration  upon  it,  I  send  you  here  inclosed.  I  de- 
layed them  as  long  as  possibly  I  could;  But,  at  aCouncill  Nov. 
17th,  they  pressed  so  hard  andTthe  oeople  complaining  so  sadly 
of  the  burthen  of  their  stay.*"and  those  I  had  with  me  to  Counsel 
being  all:  against  me,  I  was  forced  to  permit  their  going,  except 
some  orders  from  y"  Coiiiission''s  or  yo's:  came  by  the  19th 
in  the  morning:  so  y*  tomorrow  morning  they  are  preparing 
to  goe  homeward  by  permission,  on  the  terms  expressed  in  y^ 
writing  here  inclosed.  As  also  I  herewith  send  a  copy  of  the 
letter  I  received  from  the  Council  of  Connecticute,  w^^  the  an- 
swer I  returned  thereto.  However  they  are  pleased  to  expresse, 
my  great  trouble  hath  bin  their  acting  in  a  separate  way,  con- 
cerning w<^h  I  have  much  more  to  say  than  I  can  now  write.  I 
humbly  intreate  yo""  speeding  away  a  post  to  us  without  any 
delay;  we  are  wholly  at  a  losse  till  then.  I  have  not  further  to 
adde,  but  p^snt  of  humble  service  to  yo*"  Worp:  and  the  rest 
respectively,  and  so  to  remain 

Yo''  Worps:  ever  to  be  commanded 

Samuel  Appleton. 

The  posts  sent  down  are  Thomas  Hovey  and  Robert  Simson. 

On  the  same  day  that  he  wrote,  he  began  the  distribution 
of  the  Massachusetts  troops  among  the  exposed  towns.  Twenty- 
nine  soldiers  under  Captain  Aaron  Cooke  were  stationed  at 
West  field.  Twenty-nine  were  sent  to  Springfield  under  com- 
mand   of  Major  Pynchon.^     Leift.  Clarke  and  twenty-six  men 

'  Mass.  Archives,  book  68,  leaf  66. 

KING  Philip's  war.  197 

were  left  at  Northampton,  thirty  at  Hadley  commanded  by 
Captain  Jonathan  Poole,  and  thirty-six  at  Hatfield,  with 
Leift.  Allice. 

Having  made  this  provision  for  the  defence  of  the  frontier 
towns,  Major  Appleton  marched  home,  probably  about  No- 
vember 24th.  A  feeling  of  comfortable  security  filled  the 
town,  when  the  Major  and  his  soldiers  returned.  A  few  weeks 
before,  the  Indians  had  appeared  at  Salisbury,  and  General 
Denison  marched  thither  with  his  troops.  The  outposts  at  Tops- 
field  and  Andover  were  greatly  alarmed  at  seeing  Indians,  as 
they  supposed.  "It  is  hardly  imaginable,"  Denison  wrote  from 
Ipswich  on  the  28th  of  October, "the  panick  fear  that  is  upon 
our  upland  plantations,  and  scattered  places,  respecting  their 
habitations."*  The  General  Court  on  October  13th  had  ordered 
a  guard  of  two  men,  appointed  by  General  Denison  or  the  chief 
commander  of  the  town  of  Ipswich,  to  keep  watch  at  Deputy 
Governor  Symonds's  Argilla  farm,  as  it  was  "so  remote  from 
neighbours,  and  he  so  much  necessitated  to  be  on  the  country's 

No  doubt  the  distracted  people  slept  more  soundly,  and 
gathered  hope  and  strength.  But  the  interval  of  calm  was 
short.  Scarcely  had  Appleton  and  his  men  returned  from  their 
campaign,  when  they  were  summoned  into  the  field  for  a  united 
assault  upon  the  Narragansett  Indians  in  their  stronghold. 
Though  his  distinguished  services  would  seem  to  us  sufficient 
reason  for  his  appointment  to  the  chief  command  of  the  army 
of  a  thousand  men,  that  was  now  raised  from  the  colonies  of 
Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  and  Connecticut,  he  readily  accepted 
a  subordinate  position. 

The  Massachusetts  complement  of  soldiers  was  527,  and 
Major  Appleton  was  appointed  to  command  this  regiment,  as 
well  as  his  own  company.'^  A  fresh  impressment  was  necessary, 
and  it  is  not  strange  that  the  hardships  of  military  service  in 
mid-winter  and  the  peculiar  dangers  and  horrors  of  the  war 
with  the  Indians,  should  have  terrified  many  of  the  colonists. 
Many,  who  were  impressed,  hid  away  and  it  was  with  no  small 
difficulty  that  the  full  quota  was  secured.     Especial  interest 

>  Mass.  Archives,  book  68,  leaf  30. 
"  Mass.  Archives,  book  68,  leaf  91. 


attaches  to  the  following  letter,  written  by  General  Denison, 
which  reveals  the  strain  put  u])on  our  own  Town  to  meet  the 
heavy  demands  of  the  War. 


In  obedience  to  your  late  order  for  the  imj^ressinc;  of  185 
souldiers  wee  have  listed  the  persons  underwritten  who  are  fitted 
with  arms,  ammunition  &  cloaths  as  the  order  directs  only  you 
may  please  to  understand  y*  some  of  the  persons  now  returned 
have  withdrawn  themselves,  Although  warning  hath  been  left 
at  the  places  of  their  abode  &  their  parents  required  to  be  ready 
to  go  in  their  steads  if  their  sons  should  faile.  Wee  have  also 
(lest  the  services  should  be  neglected)  warned  other  men  to  up  the  number  of  28  which  is  our  town's  proportion,  if 
any  of  these  now  retiu-n(Ml  should  faile. 

Moses  Pengry  Jonathan   Fantum 

John   Denison  Sami'  Hmit  Jun^ 

John  Perkins  John   Thomas 

Sam^i  Perkins  Abram  Fitz 

Abrain  Knolton  Richard  Bidford 

Thomas  Faussee  Thomas   Killom 

Lewis  Zachariah  Isaac  Cuinins 

John   Ijovel  Richard  Pasmore 

Sami'  Peirce  Richard  Prior 

Sam'i  Smith  George  Timpson 

Andrew  Burle,y  Peter  Lurvey 

Thomas    Dow  Benjamin  Newman     1 

Thomas   French  Wi"m  Hodgskin  I 

John  Knolton  Samuel  Taylor  j 

These  thi-ee  last  very  Lusty  young  men  were  under  a  late  press 
c^'  not  discharged  but  required  to  attend  when  called,  have  by  the 
artifice  of  their  parents  absconded  for  the  present  though  their 
parents  have  beene  required  to  bring  them  foorth  or  be  ready 
themselves  to  march.  Wee  have  not  3  abler,  lustier  young 
fellows  in  ourtowne  and  few  exceeding  them  in  the  country  nor 
may  be  better  spared.  I  have  not  further  to  trouble  you  but 
presenting  my  services  to  yourselves  &  the  rest  of  the  magis- 


V''   humble   servant 
Salem,    Novem.    30:   1G75.  Daniel   Denison. 

These  three  eventually  appeared  and  acquitted  themselves 
with    honor,    and    one    of    them,  Samuel   Taylor,    fell   in  the 

'Mass.  Archives,  book  68:  leaf  71. 



assault_^upon  the  Indian  stronghold.  Many  a  home  must  have 
been  saddened  by  the  voluntary  enlistment  or  the  impressment 
of  the  young  men,  and  great  honor  is  due  to  the  parents,  who 
willingly  gave  up  their  sons,  and  to  the  seasoned  veterans,  and 
the  new  soldiers,  who  went  with  them  to  receive  their  baptism 
of  fire. 

Major  Appleton  marched  away  on  the  eighth  of  December 
probably,  as  the  whole  Massachusetts  force  mustered  on  Ded- 
ham  Plain  on  the  ninth.  There  were  five  companies,  commanded 
by  Captains  Mosely,  Gardner,  Davenport,  Oliver  and  Johnson, 
beside  the  company  of   which  Major   Appleton  was    Captain. 

A  list  of  Major  Appletoii's  company,  of  which  Jeremiah 
Swain  was  Lieutenant,  is  preserved  in  the  state  Archives,  and 
is  transcribed  in  fulL^  It  included  soldiers  from  many  towns, 
but  the  place  of  residence  is  not  given. 

Sergt  Ezek.  Woodward 
Sergt  John  Whitcher 
Sergt  Francis  Young 
Sergt  Daniel  Ringe 
Corp,  John  Pengillie 
Corp.  James  Brarley 
Clark  Philemon  Deane 
Trump.  John  Wheeler 
Josiah  Bridges 
Thomas  Wayte 
Thomas  Sparks 
Abiell  Saddler 
Gershom  Browne 
Israel  Henricks 
Thomas  Tennie 
Thomas  Hazon 
Robert  Dounes 
Richard  Briar 
Joseph  Richardson 
Thomas  Chase 
William  Williams 
Thomas  Abbey 
John  Rayment 

Robert  Leach 
Samuel  Hubbart 
Anthonie  Williams 
Steven  Buttler 
Samuel  Verry 
William  Wainwright 
Samuel  Foster 
Robert  Simson 
Israeli  Thorne 
Samuel  Person 
John  Newhall 
Timothie  Breed 
Samuel  Pipin 
Phillip  Matoon 
Nath  Wood 
Robert  Sibbly 
Will  Webb 
Joseph  Eaton 
Roger  Vicar 
Arthur  Neale 
Isaack  Ellirie 
Ben  Chadwell 
John  Davis 

1  Mass.  Archives,  book  68,  leaf  97. 



Samuel  Brabrook 
Isaach  Ilsley 
Roger  Markes 
Ben  Leingdon 
John  Reylie 
Steven  Gulliver 
Daniel]  Hall 
Solomon  Watts 
Eliezer  Flagg 
John  Warner 
Thomas  Firman 
Will  Knowlton 
Nath  Masters 
Michale  Parrich 
Thomas  Davis 
Caleb  Richardson 
John  Boyenton 
Seth  Story 
Ben  Webbster 
Edward  Ardaway 
Samuel   Russ 
Silvester  Haz 
Will  Russel 
Sam  Peirce 
Sam  Buttrick 
Ephraim  Cutter 
George  Stedman 
Edmond  Sheffeild 
Roger  Joans 

Those  yt  are  wanting 

John  Ford 
Thomas  Parloe 
John  Davis 
Robert  Peas 

The  men  y*  are  now  listed 

Moses  Pengrie 
John  Denison 
John  Perkins 
Abraham  Knowlton 
Lewis  Zachriah 
John  Lovwell 
Sam  Peirce^ 
George  Stimson 
Thomas  Dow 
Thomas  French 
Sam  Hunt 
John  Thomas 
Abraham  Fitts 
Richard  Bedford 
Thomas  Killam 
Isaach  Cummins 
Richard  Partsmore 
Richard  Priar 
Ben  Newman 
Will  Hodgkins 
Sam  Taylor 
Amos  Goddin 
Samuel  Perkins 
Peter  Emons 

Nath  Emerson 


Zacheus  Newmarsh 

John  Hobkins 

John  Sticknie 

Joseph  Jewet 

Joshua  Boyenton 

John  Leyton 

John  Jackson 

Will  Browne 

1  Occurs  in  list  of  old  soldiers. 

KING  Philip's  war. 


Caleb  Jackson 

Sam  Tyler 
Thomas  Palmer 
Joseph  Bigsby 
Symond  Go  win 
Daniel  Somersby 
Samuell  Lovewell 
Steven  Sweet 
Israh  Ross 
Sam  Poore 
Henry  Poore 
Christopher  Bartlet 
Edmond  Browne 
Jonathan  Emerie 

Christopher  Kenniston 
Christopher  Cole 

John  Straton 

John  Harvey 

George  Maier 

Nicolaz  Rollings 

Thomas  Roggers 

Cornelius  Davis 

Jonathan  Clarke 

Will  Sayward 

William  Warrin 

John  Shepard 

John  Guylie 

Morgain  Joanes 

61   new  men 
75  old  souldiers 


Many  Ipswich  men  were  in  that  little  army  beside  the  group 
of  newly  impressed,  whose  names  have  been  given.  Moses 
Pengry,  son  of  the  salt-maker,  whose  house  still  stands  at  the 
foot  of  Summer  street,  John  Denison,  John  Andrews  and  Abiel 
Saddler  had  been  with  Lathrop  in  the  slaughter  at  Bloody 
Brook.  Sergt.  Daniel  Ringe  was  a  survivor  of  that  fatal  day. 
Philemon  Deane,  Clerk  of  the  Company,  had  been  in  the  fall 
campaign,  and  many  familiar  names  appear  in  the  roll  of  the 
"old  soldiers." 

Major  Appleton  led  his  force  on  that  winter's  day,  Decem- 
ber 9th,  a  long  march  of  twenty-seven  miles  to  "Woodcoks", 
now  Attleboro,  and  another  day  brought  them  to  Seaconck. 
On  December  14th,  as  his  scouts  had  brought  in  some  Indians, 
he  led  his  troops,  foot  and  horse,  on  a  detour  into  the  Indian 
country,  and  burned  a  hundred  and  fifty  wigwams,  killed  seven 
of  the  enemy  and  brought  in  eight  prisoners.' 

As  the  army  advanced,  several  of  the  soldiers,  straggling 
from  their  companies,  were  slain  by  roving  bands  of  Indians. 
To  prevent  this,  Major  Appleton  stationed  some  of  the  compa- 
nies three  miles  from  headquarters,  to  guard  all   approaches. 

1  Capt.  Oliver's  Narrative. 


The  Ipswich  company  was  located  tlius,  on  the  15th  of  Decem- 
ber, when  an  attack  was  made  and  several  of  the  soldiers  killed.' 

By  the  18*''  of  December,  the  Connecticut  and  Plymouth 
soldiers  had  joined  the  Massachusetts  regiment,  and  as  provi- 
sions were  scarce  and  the  cold  was  sharp,  an  advance  was  made 
at  once.  A  heavy  snowstorm  cam(!  on.  There  was  no  shelter 
for  officers  or  common  soldiers,  and  after  a  long  and  trying 
march,  they  lay  down  in  the  snow,  "finding  no  other  Defense 
all  that  Night,  save  the  open  Air,  nor  other  covering  than  a 
cold  and  moist  fleece  of  snow."  At  daylight  the  march  was 
resumed,  and  Rev.  Mr.  Hubl:)ard,  recording  the  substance  of 
many  conversations  no  doubt,  with  the  Major  and  his  men,  in- 
forms us  that  "they  marched  from  the  break  of  the  next  day, 
December  19*'^,  till  one  of  the  Clock  in  the  Afternoon,  without 
either  Fire  to  warm  them,  or  Respite  to  take  any  Food  save 
what  they  could  chew  on  their  March."  They  wallowed  through 
snow,  two  or  three  feet  deep,  with  many  frostbitten  in  their 
hands  and  feet,  fourteen  or  fifteen  miles  to  the  edge  of  a 
swamp,  wliere  their  Indian  guides  affirmed  the  Narragansetts 
had  their  stronghold.  Captain  Mosely  and  Captain  Davenport 
led  the  van,  Captain  Gardner  and  Captain  Johnson  followed, 
Major  Appleton  and  Captain  Oliver  brought  up  the  rear  of  the 
Massachusetts  force.  The  Plymouth  soldiers  with  General 
Winslow  marched  in  the  centre,  and  the  Connecticut  men  under 
Major  Treat  formed  the  rear  guard  of  the  little  army. 

Notwithstanding  the  hardshi]is  of  theii' march,  the  soldiers 
rushed  impetuously  into  the  swamp,  without  waiting  the  word 
of  command,  and  pursued  the  Indians,  who  had  shown  them- 
selves, to  the  fort,  which  had  been  built  on  an  island,  and  strong- 
ly defended  with  an  impassable  palisado  of  logs,  stuck  upright, 
and  a  dense  hedge.  At  one  corner  only  there  was  a  gap,  where 
a  single  tree,  placed  horizontally  formed  the  only  defence,  but 
a  kind  of  l)lockhouse  had  been  built  over  against  this,  for  its 
defence.  A  rush  was  made  at  this  point,  but  it  was  met  with 
a  deadly  fire  from  the  block-house.  Captain  Johnson  fell  dead  at 
the  entrance,  and  Captain  Davenport,  a  few  steps  within.  Re- 
treating a  little,  all  fell  on  their  faces  that  the  hot  fire  might 

1  Ciipt.  Oliver's  Narrative. 

KING  Philip's  war.  203 

spend  itself  a  little.  Our  Ipswich  historian,  Mr.  Hubbard,  says 
that  at  this  crisis,  "two  companies  Ijeing  brought  up  besides 
the  four  that  first  marched  up,  they  animated  one  another  to 
make  another  assault,  one  of  the  Commanders  crying  out,  'They 
run !  they  run !'  which  did  so  encourage  the  Soldiers  that  they 
presently  entered  a  main."  These  two  companies,  undoubtedly , 
were  those  led  by  Major  Appleton  and  Caj^tain  Oliver,  and  an  old 
record  remains  that  John  Raymond  of  Middleborough,  who  is 
credited  to  Major  Appleton 's  company,  was  the  first  to  enter 
the  fort.  The  Indians  held  their  ground  with  great  determi- 
nation, but  after  several  hours  of  sharp  fighting,  their  wigwams 
were  set  on  fire,  anil  they  were  put  to  rout  with  great  slaughter. 

It  was  a  dearly  bought  victory.  Three  of  the  six  Massa- 
chusetts Captains,  Davenport,  Gardner  and  Johnson,  and  three 
Connecticut  captains  lay  dead,  and  many  officers  and  men  were 
wounded.  All  had  behaved  with  the  greatest  gallantry,  but 
Hubbard  singles  out  the  Major  of  the  Massachusetts  regiment 
and  Captain  Mosely  for  special  commendation.  The  short  win- 
ter day  was  spent  before  the  battle  was  done,  and  as  the  In- 
dian fort  was  deemed  an  unsafe  camp,  the  desperate  alterna- 
tive remained  of  marching  back  to  the  nearest  settlement,  full 
fifteen  or  sixteen  miles,  after  night  had  fallen.  Bearing  thei 
dead,  and  helping  the  wounded,  the  survivors  struggled  back. 
The  horrors  of  that  night  march  pass  imagination.  Many  of 
the  wounded  perished  by  the  way,  and  the  strongest  were  com- 
pletely spent  before  a  safe  shelter  was  reached.  Four  of  Major 
Appleton 's  soldiers  were  killed,  vSamuel  Taylor  of  Ipswich, 
Isaac  Ellery  of  Gloucester,  Daniel  Rolfe  of  Newbury  and  Samuel 
Tyler  of  Rowley.  Eighteen  were  wounded,  including  John 
Denison,  George    Timson,  and  Thomas  Dow   of  Ipswich.' 

Providentially  the  battle  was  fought  and  the  retreat  made 
on  the  19th  of  December.  A  great  snowstorm  set  in  on  the  day 
following,  succeeded  by  a  great  thaw.  While  they  remained  in 
camp,  fresh  impressments  of  troops  were  made,  and  on  Jan- 
uary 10*'',  "Fresh  Supplies  of  Soldiers  came  up  from  Boston, 
wading  through  a  sharp  Storm  of  Snow  that  bit  some  of  them 
by  the  Heels  with  the  Frost."     A  contemporary  writer  records 

1   Mase.  Archives  book  68,  leaf  1(4. 


that  eleven  were  frozen  to  death.  ^  A  second  body  of  recruits 
was  sent  to  Major  Appleton  a  little  later,  and  among  them  was 
James  Foord  of  Ipswich,  a  soldici'  in  tlie  company  of  Captain 
Samuel  Brocklebank  of  Ro\vl(\y  who  had  taken  the  field  early 
in  Januaiy.  ^  By  the  hitter  part  of  the  month,  the  weather  grew 
milder  and  the  ))ursuit  of  the  Indians  began.  It  continued  as 
far  as  Quabaug,  but  no  decisive  action  was  possible  with  the 
wily  foe.  Provisions  were  scant,  and  men  and  horses  were 
sorely  pinched  with  himger.  Many  of  the  horses  were  killed 
and  eaten  and  the  campaign  was  long  remembered  as  the  Hun- 
gry March.  The  soldiers  arrived  honu^  early  in  February,  and 
Major  Appleton  seems  to  have  retired  from  active  service. 

Within  a  week  after  their  return,  the  weary  soldiers,  scarcely 
recruited  from  the  exhausting  ordeal  of  the  Hungry  March,  were 
again  in  the  field.  Alarming  reports  had  come  of  the  disaster 
at  Lancaster.  The  minister  of  the  town,  Jose]3h  Rowlandson, 
was  an  Ipswich  man,  whose  father's  house  was  near  the  meet- 
ing house  on  Meeting  House  Hill.  The  older  folk  of  Ipswich 
remembered  him  well,  and  the  tale  of  the  assault  upon  his 
home  in  his  absence,  the  massacre  of  many  gathered  there,  and 
the  capture  of  his  wife  and  children,  added  fresh  horror  to  the 
war.  Mrs.  Rowlandson  was  finally  released,  and  her  Narrative 
of  her  captivity  reveals  a  most  pathetic  and  dreadful  experi- 

Medfield  was  soon  burned,  and  on  February  25th,  Wey- 
mouth was  partly  destroyed.  In  March,  Groton  was  surprised 
and  burnt,  and  the  inhabitants  fled  in  terror,  abandoning  the 
settlement.  Wrentham  was  abandoned  in  similar  fashion.  The 
Indians  moved  rapidly  from  point  to  point;  small  parties 
appeared  suddenly  in  the  most  unexpected  localities,  killing 
a  man  or  two,  and  then  disappearing,  "skulking  up  and  down 
in  swamps  and  Holes,  to  assault  any  that  occasionally  looked 
never  so  little  into  the  woods. "^  The  towns  in  the  Connecticut 
valley  were  panic-struck. 

A  new  army  was  immediately  ordered,  and  fresh  levies  of 
foot  and  horse  soldiers  were  ordered  by  the  General  Court  on 
the  21st  of  February.    Cornet  John  Whipple  of  Ipswich,  who 

1  Uodge,  SoIdiL'iB  of  Kinjf  Pliilip's  War,  p.  201. 

2  Hubbard,  ludian  Wars. 

KING  Philip's  war.  205 

had  already  served  with  honor  in  the  earlier  campaigns,  was 
made  Captain  of  the  new  troop  of  horse,  and  Major  General 
Denison  was  ordered  to  Marlborough  to  dispose  the  soldiers 
gathered  there  under  the  several  captains,  and  take  charge  of 
the  campaign.'  Captain  Brocklebank,  of  Rowley,  was  placed 
in  command  of  the  Marlborough  garrison. 

Alarming  reports  were  soon  brought  to  Ipswich  of  the  ap- 
proach of  marauding  bands.  General  Denison  was  at  home, 
and  his  letter  of  the  19th  of  March  to  Secretary  Rawson,  reveals 
a  time  of  alarm  and  nervous  apprehension  of  an  attack,  in 
which  his  presence  must  have  been  a  source  of  great  comfort 
to  the  community.  2 

Mr.    Secretary : — 

I  received  your  intelligence,  the  substance  whereof  I  had  2 
hours  before  by  y^  way  of  Billerica  and  Andover  together  with 
certaine  intelligence,  that  the  eneni}^  is  passed  Merrimack,  their 
tracks  found  yesterday  at  Wamesit  and  2  of  their  scouts,  this 
morning  at  Andover,  whojby  2  posts  one  in  the  night  <k  again 
this  day  about  2  of  the  clocke  importune  for  help,  as  doth  Hav- 
eril  &  Major  Pike  for  Norfolk.  I  am  w^h  great  difficulty  sending 
up  60  men  this  night  under  Capt.  Appleton  to  Andover,  who 
will  also  take  this  opportunity  if  not  prevented,  to  attend  the 
Council  order  for  survay  of  the  townes  of  this  county  who  are 
sufficiently  alarmed.  Did  not  I  judge  my  presence  here  more 
necessary  than  anything  I  could  contribute  there,  I  would  most 
willingly  embrace  the  opportunity,  were  it  but  for  ease. 

I  suppose  this  will  excuse  me  to  the  Council,  whatever  it 
will  to  ye  people.  I  hope  my  brother  Bradstreet  will  publish 
my  excuse,  had  he  writ  I  might  have  ordered  some  of  his  best 
things  to  have  been  brought  of  from  Andover.  I  am  in  extrem- 
ity of  hast  at  sun-sett  despatching  the  souldiers  to  the  great 
dissatisfaction  of  the  towne.  Let  God  arise  and  our  enemies 
shall  be  scattered. 

Yr  Humble  Servant,  Daniel  Denison. 

Ips.  March  19,  at  six  at  night,  1675. 

if  Capt.  Appleton  returne  w^^ 

good  news,  &  it  be  necessary  for 

me  to  come,  if  I  understand 

it  I  shall  attend,  tho:  our  Court 

should  be  next  weeke. 

1  Mass.  Records,  voL  v,  p.  75. 

2  Mass.  Archives,  Book  68,  Leaf  1C5. 


pray  ray  Brother  Bradstreet  to  coniend  to  tlie  Council 
that  many  of  our  towne  souljcr.s  that  are  now  under  Capt.  Cook, 
intended  for  Capt.  Sill  to  be  a  fiuard  for  myself  &  the  Commission- 
ers will  be  extremely  wronged  if  they  l)e  kept  out,  hoping  they 
should  have  had  favor  for  a  speedy  r(>turne,  some  of  their 
occasions  &  familyes  will  extreainely  suffer,  as  Samuel  Ingols 
a  farmer  with  a  great  family,  Mr.  Tli"  Wade  cV:  div(n'S  others 
indeed  the  most  of  Ipswich  and  one  of  Rowle\',  l.eifteiiant 

The  arrival  of  the  two  galloping  post  riders,  the  hasty  as- 
sembling of  troops,  their  march  at  sunset,  the  discontent  of 
the  town  in  being  left  defenceless,  made  the  day  memorable. 
Ca])tain  John  Ajjpleton  is  un(loul)tedly  the  Captain  A])pleton 
mentioned,  as  he  had  been  apjiointed  Chairman  of  the  Commit- 
tee on  Defence^  for  the  County.  His  sixty  men  were  proba- 
bly the  train  band  of  the  Town,  and  there  must  have  been  great 
distress  through  that  long  March  night  in  numy  homes.  The 
regular  night  watch  was  kept  with  redouliled  diligence,  and  at 
early  dawn  the  scouts  and  pickets  were  sent  out.  A  few  hours 
would  suffice  to  bring  the  dreaded  foe  from  Andover  or  Haver- 
hill, and  at  any  moment  the  war  whoop  might  sound  and  the 
assault  be  made.  But  the  hours  wore  on,  no  alarm  was  given, 
and  gradually  confidence  returned  to  the  distressed  town. 

Instant  care  was  now  given  to  fortifying  the  eastern  towns. 
The  Quixotic  scheme  of  building  a  line  of  fence  or  stockado  or 
stone  fort  was  seriously  proposed.  It  was  to  be  eight  feet  high 
and  extend  from  Charles  River,  where  it  was  navigable,  to  Con- 
cord RiA^er  in  Billerica,  about  twelve  miles,  reaching  from  pond 
to  pond,  and  ending  at  Merrimack  River.  It  was  ordered  by  the 
Council  that  "the  several  towns  that  fall  within  this  tract,  viz., 
Salem,  Charlestown,  Cambridge,  Watertown,  Ipswich,  Newbury, 
Wooburne,  Maldon,  Billerekey,  Gloster,  Beverly,  Wenhani, 
Manchester,  Bradford,  Meadford  .  .  .  each  choose  one  able  &  fitt 
man  to  meet  at  Cambridge  on  last  day  of  March  at  8  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  «fe  thence  proceed  to  siu'vey  the  line  &  how  it 
should  be  built,  maintained  &  defended."  ^ 

The  men  of  Topsfield  questioned  the  wisdom  of  this  order 
and  recommended  that  as  they  were  already  divided  into  four 
garrisons  and  four  companies,  it  would  be  best  for  some  man 

»  Mass.  Archives,  hook  68,  leaf  ]72. 

KING  Phillip's  war.  207 

or  men  to  be  assigned  to  order  each  company.  The  citizens 
of  Rowley  apprehended  that  the  cost  would  be  very  great,  and 
hoped  that  they  would  not  be  compelled  to  send  out  men  to 
garrison  towns  beyond  the  line.^  The  action  of  Ipswich  coin- 
cided in  spirit,  but  is  expressed  curiously  and  wonderfully. 2 

Ipswich,  March  23,  1675/6 
At  a  meeting  of    the  Selekt  men  of   Ipswich  March  23'' 

We  having  taken  Into  Considderation  what  the  Honored 
C<Hmsell  dede  propounde  unto  us  as  to  the  fortyfing  from 
Meramacke  River  and  so  to  Charles  River  our  answer  is  this 
thing  being  alltogether  darke  to  us  (as  to  the  feasableness  of 
it  for  the  end  propounded)  wee  leave  it  to  the  Consideration  of 
thoos  that  are  wiser  then  ourselves  and  also  we  thinke  the 
dificullty  of  ataning  it  to  be  doune  at  such  a  time  as  this  is  to 
be  soo  great  and  as  to  fensing  or  fortinge  doe  thinke  it  will 
moste  conduce  to  our  publike  saftye  to  have  a  sufficent  com- 
pany that  may  Range  backward  and  forward  as  the  Honered 
Counsill  shall  think  meatte. 

George  Giddings 
John  Dane 
John  Denison 
Nathaniel  Wells 
Simon  Stage 

Beverly  had  already  planned  four  fortifications,  three  of 
which  were  built,  "at  or  near  all  which  fortifications  we  have 
watches  kept  and  have  apointed  to  each  garrison  o^"  fortifica- 
tion a  competent  number  of  our  inhabitants,  into  w^hich  in  case 
of  alarm  or  invasion  they  are  to  repair  for  the  security  of  them- 
selves and  families. "3  Salem  had  established  general  garrisons  in 
exposed  places,  and  had  begun  a  substantial  wall  to  reach  from 
river  to  river.'* 

The  Committee  for  Essex  County  to  view  the  towns  and 
report  their  measures  for  defence,  included  many  interesting 
items  in  their  report.-^ 

1  Mass.  Arcliives,  book  68,  leaf  17.5. 

2  Mass.  Archives,  book  6S,  leaf  176. 

3  Mass.  Archives,  book  6i^,  leaf  178. 
*Mas8.  Archives,  book  68,  leaf  182. 

^  Mass.  Archives,  book  68,  leaf  184. 


"At  Newberry  wee  find  seavrall  of  y^  rcmoat  houses  fort- 
ified &  y  towne  In  a  way  of  fortification  as  appears  from  their 

"Att  Rowley,  Wee  finde  soo  many  Garrisons  aUroddy  made 
w'l  w"i  o'  they  have  farther  ordc  will  bee  sufficient  for  y^  Secure- 
ing  of  all  ye  Inhabitants" 

"Att  Ipswich  Wee  find  y^  there  are  8oe  many  (larrisons 
as  may  Secure  all  y<^  out  houses,  and  for  y^  1'owne  a  Generall 
fortification  w^h  is  allmost  compleated." 

Signed.     Salem  John  Appleton 

29tii  March  1675-6.  John  Putnam 

Thomas  Chandler 

The  fortification,  we  know,  was  around  the  meeting  house, 
and  a  family  tradition  locates  one  of  the  garrison  houses  near 
the  River  not  far  from  the  residence  of  Mr.  George  E.  Barnard. 
The  same  provision  for  keeping  watch  and  ward,  and  for  de- 
fence in  case  of  attack,  was  doubtless  made  as  in  other  towns. 
Every  able-bodied  man  was  trained  and  disciplined.  Every 
family  was  anxious.  Meanwhile  the  men  at  the  front  were  eager 
for  release.  Captain  Brocklebank  had  written  from  Marlbor- 
ough to  General  Denison,  and  the  General's  letter  to  the  Sec- 
retary, under  the  date  of  March  27th,  reveals  the  reasonable 
complaint  of  the  excellent  Captain.  He  had  written  that  he 
and  his  company  had  been  in  the  country's  service  ever  since 
the  first  of  January  at  Narragansett,  and  "within  one  weeke 
after  their  return  were  sent  out  againe  having  neither  time  nor 
money  (save  a  fortnights  pay  upon  their  march)  to  recruite  them- 
selves." "I  am  therefore  sollicitous,"  the  General  concludes, 
"for  many  of  them  that  out  of  a  respect  to  myself  went  willing- 
ly hoping  for  a  speedy  returne  to  their  families."  Spring  was 
at  hand  and  the  planting  of  their  fields  required  their  presence.  ^ 

On  the  28th  of  March,  Captain  Brocklebank  wrote  again, 
reporting  an  attack  on  Marlborough,  and  the  burning  of  many 
houses  and  barns. ^  He  was  not  relieved,  however,  and  re- 
main(>d   at  his  post  in  command  of  the  garrison. 

( )n  the  first  of  April,  Major  Savage,  in  a  letter  of  instructions, 
remarked,  "touching  that  rebuke  of  God  upon  Captain  Whipple 
&   y«  poore  people  at  Si)ringfield,  it  is  matter  of  great  shame 

1  Mass.  Archives,  book  (i.i,  leaf  179. 

2  Mass.  Archives,  book  68,  leaf  180. 

KING  Philip's  war.  209 

and  humbling  to  us."i  Evidently  our  trooper  was  held  respon- 
sible for  the  reverse  in  that  quarter.  Soon  after,  he  began 
the  homeward  march.  At  Quabaug  (Brookfield),  the  order 
from  the  Council  to  make  an  attack  upon  the  Indians  at  Wachu- 
set  was  discussed  in  a  council  of  war.  It  was  decided  to  be  im- 
possible under  the  circumstances,  and  Captain  Whipple  seems 
justified  in  his  stand  against  it,  as  he  reported  that  half  of  his 
troop  was  not  able  to  march,  and  the  other  half  had  but  one 
day's  provision  for  six  days'  march. 2  Sixteen  men  under  Lieu- 
tenant Flood  petitioned  for  leave  to  go  home  and  plant  for 
the  support  of  their  families,  as  their  poor  horses  were  nearly 
worn  out.  Two  of  the  Ipswich  troopers,  Thomas  Numan  and 
Nathaniell  Adams,  were  of  this  group. 3 

Captain  J^rocklebank  remained  at  Marlborough,  which  was 
assailed  and  set  on  fire  a  second  time,  and  on  April  21st,  the 
neighboring  town  of  Sudbury  was  surprised.  Captain  Wads- 
worth  was  sent  from  Boston  with  "fifty  soldiers  to  relieve  the 
Marlborough  garrison.  They  made  a  hurried  march  of  twenty- 
five  miles,  reaching  Marlborough  at  night.  Finding  that  the 
enemy  was  at  Sudbury  ten  miles  away,  without  allowing  them- 
selves time  for  rest,  they  hastened  thither,  Captain  Brockle- 
bank  and  some  of  the  garrison,  accompanying  them.  Near 
Sudbury,  they  met  a  small  body  of  Indians,  who  withdrew  at 
their  approach  and  lured  them  into  the  woods.  There  a  great 
body  assailed  them.  The  weary  soldiers  made  a  brave  defence, 
but  they  were  hopelessly  outnumbered.  Captain  Wadsworth 
fell,  and  Captain  Brocklebank,  whom  Mr.  Hubbard  characterizes 
as  "a  choice  spirited  Man,  much  lamented  by  the  Town  of  Row- 
ley, to  which  he  belonged."  More  than  thirty  soldiers,  it  is 
believed,  were  slain,  as  they  were  making  their  retreat  from  the 
hilltop,  where  they  had  made  a  brave  stand  for  four  hours. 
This  was  the  last  great  tragedy  of  the  War.  Later  operations 
against  the  Indians  were  uniformly  successful.  On  August  12, 
1676,  Philip  was  slain  at  Mount  Hope. 

Exultation  over  the  death  of  the  dreaded  chief  had  hardly 

1  Mass.  Archives,  book  68,  leaf  192. 
-  Mass.  Archives,  book  68,  leaf  23.5. 
=  Mass.  Archives,  book  68,  leaf  246. 


spent  itsolf  when  hostilities  began  at  the  Eastward.  Many  of 
the  Indians,  who  had  been  scattered  by  the  successful  tactics 
on  the  Connecticut,  made  their  way  to  the  Indian  tribo^s  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Casco  Bay,  and  incited  them  to  rise  against 
the  white  men.  Hostilities  began  there  in  September,  1676,  and 
atta(;ks  were  soon  made  on  Oyster  River  and  J)urham,  N.  H., 
and  Exeter.  An  old  man  was  shot  down  on  the  road  to  Hamp- 
ton. York  suffered  on  the  26th  of  Sept(Mnber,  and  the  whole 
country  about  the  Piscataqua  was  in  alarm.  Men,  women  and 
little  children  were  killed  and  scalped,  houses  and  barns  burned, 
and  cattle  driven  away. 

(leneral  Denison  was  commander-in-chief,  and  Major  Ha- 
thorne  led  the  forces  in  the  field.  Again  Ipswich  became  the  cen- 
tre of  activity.  One  of  Denison 's  letters,  directed  to  some  offi- 
cer at  the  front,  indicates  the  constant  alarms,  which  disturbed 
the  Town. 


Yours  of  the  27  instant  came  to  my  hands  about  10  at 
night  being  then  in  Bed  &  very  ill  yet  notwithstanding  by 
l)rcak  of  day  I  got  up,  though  then  in  a  feverish  distemper  to 
.  .  .  the  contents  thereof  to  the  deputy  &  Major  Hathorne, 
but  by  reason  of  their  distant  lodgings  could  not  understand 
their  minds  till  they  judged  it  impossible  for  them  to  reach 
Boston  till  late  at  night. 

Ipswich,  Sept.  28  at  9  mor. 

Mr.  Hubbard  gives  a  distressing  account  of  the  outrages 
committed  by  the  Indians  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Kenne- 
beck  river.  The  whole  country  was  a  scene  of  desolation,  houses 
burned,  crops  destroyed,  and  many  lives  lost.  Early  in  Octo- 
ber, the  alarming  tidings  came  that  the  settlement  at  Cape 
Neddick  had  been  burned.  The  smoke  from  the  burning  might 
have  been  seen  perhaps  from  our  Town  Hill  or  Castle  Hill. 
The  hearts  of  our  Ipswich  people  might  well  have  failed  them. 

Major  Hathorne  had  hurried  away  from  Ipswich  to  defend 
the  settlements  at  York  and  further  Eastward.  His  letter  of 
Oct.  2,  1676,  brought  word  of  the  disaster  at  Cape  Neddick, 
and,  on  the  next  day.  General  Denison  wrote  that  he  was  send- 

KING  Philip's  war.  211 

'ng  forward  aniniuiiition  and  supplies  for  his  troops.'  The 
trains  of  creaking  wagons,  laden  with  these  supplies,  guarded 
by  soldiery,  dragging  through  our  Town,  the  arrival  and  depart- 
ure of  troops,  the  galloping  haste  of  post-riders  with  dispatches 
to  the  commander-in-chief,  nuist  have  disturbed  the  peace  of 
the  community  constantly.  Major  Appleton  was  drawn  once 
more  into  the  public  service  and  dispatched  to  the  Eastward 
under  orders,  dated  October  19th,  to  take  charge  of  all  the 
forces.^  He  seems  to  have  declined  this  responsibility  how- 
ever, as  the  order  was  rescinded. 

A  vigorous  march  was  made  to  Ossipee,  where  it  was  reported 
there  was  a  great  gathering  of  Indians.  It  was  a  fruitless  move 
in  its  direct  result,  but  indirectly  it  may  have  been  the  im-. 
polling  cause  that  led  Mugg,  one  of  the  Indian  chiefs,  to  desire 
peace.  He  demanded  and  received  a  "Letter  of  safe  conduct" 
from  Governor  Leverett,  and  started  for  Boston.  General  Deni- 
son  was  at  Portsmouth  and  met  the  Indian,  but  declined  the  re- 
sponsibility of  making  terms  with  him  and  sent  him  on  by  land 
to  Boston.  He  stopped  in  Ipswich  and  paid  his  respects  to  the 
minister,  Mr.  Thomas  Gobbet,  whose  son  was  then  in  captivity 
among  the  Indians  at  the  Eastward.  Mr.  Hubbard,  who  was 
associated  with  Mr.  Gobbet  in  the  ministry,  very  likely  saw  the 
famous  chief,  and  perhaps  conversed  with  him  for  he  had  been 
much  with  the  English  and  was  well  acquainted  with  the  lan- 

The  monotonous  chronicles  of  his  History  might  have  been 
marvelously  enlivened,  if  he  had  but  recorded  in  detail  that 
picturesque  event,  when  the  Indian,  who  was  held  responsible 
for  the  horrors  of  the  Eastern  war,  whose  name  was  a  watch- 
word of  fear  and  hate,  appeared  in  the  Town,  and  went  his 
way  down  High  street,  to  Mr.  Gobbet's  homo.  No  visitor  to 
Ipswich,  we  may  well  believe,  was  ever  the  object  of  greater  cu- 
riosity and  awe.  To  Mr.  Gobbet,  it  was  an  occasion  of  tragic  in- 
terest. His  son,  Thomas,  had  been  captured  by  the  Indians,  in 
October,  but  had  not  been  injured,  and  tidings  of  his  capture 
had  been  sent  his  friends,  with  demand  for  a  ransom.     Not 

'  Mass.  Arcliives,  book  6',),  leaves  6G,  f>7. 
2  Mass.  Archives,  book  6U,  leaf  70. 

212         IPSWICH,    IN    THE    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY    COLONY. 

relying  upon  schemes  for' release,  the  Pastor,  "all  the  Time  of 
his  Son's  Captivity,  together  with  his  Friends,  wrestled  with 
God,  in  their  daily  Prayers  for  his  Release." >  The  coming  of 
Mugg  must  lijive  seemed  providential,  and  great  pressure  must 
have  been  brought  to  bear  upon  the  chief  to  secure  his  release. 

He  made  fair  promises  and  went  his  way  to  Boston,  where 
ho  ma(h'  a  formal  Covenant  and  Agreement  with  the  Governor 
in  the  name  of  Madockawando  and  Chebartina.  Sachems  of 
Penobscot.  He  bound  himself,  in  return  for  favoi's  promised 
by  the  (iovernor,  tos(>cure  the  release  of  all  the  English  captives, 
and  pledged  that  he  would  remain  as  a  hostage  until  the  captives 
were  delivered. 

Having  been  sent  to  the  Maine  coast  on  a  vessel,  he  arrived 
at  the  Penobscot  early  in  Deceml)er.  There,  l)y  a  happy  circum- 
stance, he  met  Tliomas  Col)l)et.  Taking  the  young  num  l)y  his 
hand  and  calling  him  by  name,  Mugg  told  him  he  had  been  at 
his  father's  house  ("which  was  November  the  first  or  second  b(!- 
fore,  as  he  passed  through  Ipswitch  to  Boston")  and  had  prom- 
ised to  send  liim  home  as  soon  as  he  returned.  The  Sachem  de- 
manded a  ransom,  "not  imderstanding  before  that  his  Father 
was  a  great  Preachman  as  they  used  to  call  it."  Whereupon 
he  was  shown  a  fine  coat,  and  he  then  consented  to  his  release. 
He  arrived  in  Boston  on  Christmas  Day,  and  was  soon  at  home. 

Mr.  Hubbard  heard  from  his  own  lips  undoubtedly  the  stir- 
ring narrative  which  his  History  preserves.  "Amongst  all  the 
Prisoners  at  that  Time  taken,"  he  observes,  "the  said  Thomas 
Cobbit  seemed  to  have  had  the  hardest  Portion:  For  besides 
the  desperate  Dangers  that  he  escaped  before  he  was  taken, 
First,  by  a  Bullet,  shot  through  his  Wast-coat,  Secondly,  by  a 
drunken  Indian,  who  had  a  knife  at  his  Throat  to  cut  it,  when 
his  hands  were  bound:  When  the  Indians  came  to  share  the 
Prisoners  amongst  them,  he  fell  into  the  Hands  of  one  of  the 
ruggedest  Fellows,  by  whom  within  a  few  days  after  his  sur- 
prizal,  he  was  carryed  first  from  Black-point  to  Shipscot  River 
in  the  Ketch,  which  the  Indians  made  them  to  sayl  for  them 
into  the  said  River,  from  thence  he  was  forced  to  travel  with 
his  Pateroon  four   or  five    Miles    overland  to    Damariscotta, 

'    Hubbard,  Indian  Wars. 

KING  Philip's  war.  213 

where  he  was  compelled  to  row,  or  paddle  in  a  Caiioo  about 
fifty-five  Miles  farther  to  Penobscot,  and  there  taking  leave 
of  all  his  English  Friends  and  Acquaintance  at  least  for  the  Win- 
ter, he  was  put  to  paddle  a  Canoo  up  fifty  or  sixty  Miles  farther 
Eastward  to  an  Island  called  Mount  Desart,  where  his  Pater- 
oon  used  to  keep  his  Winter  Station,  and  to  appoint  his  hunt- 
ing Voyages:  and  in  that  Desart-like  Condition  was  the  poor 
young  Man  forced  to  continue  nine  Weeks  in  the  service  of  a 
Salvage  Miscreant,  who  sometimes  would  tyranize  over  him, 
because  he  could  not  understand  his  Language  and,  for  Want 
thereof,  might  occasion  him  to  miss  of  his  Game,  or  the  like. 
Whatever  Sickness  he  was  obnoxious  unto,  by  Change  of  Dyet, 
or  other  Account,  he  could  expect  no  other  Allowance  than 
the  wigwam  will  afford.  If  Joseph  be  in  the  Prison  so  long  as 
God  is  with  him  there,  he  shall  be  preserved,  and  in  due  time 

At  the  end  of  the  nine  weeks  the  Indian  had  spent  all  his 
ammunition,  and  sent  young  Cobbet  down  the  Penobscot  to  get 
a  fresh  supply,  and  he  happened  there  just  in  time  to  meet  Mugg. 
Once  while  traveling  in  Mount  Desert,  Mr.  Cobbet's  senses  had 
been  suddenly  benumbed  and  he  fell  helpless  upon  the  snow, 
but  the  Indians  fortunately  missed  him  in  time,  and  went 
back  and  carried  him  to  a  wigwam.  "At  another  Time,  the 
Salvage  Villain,  whose  Prisoner  he  was  so  long  as  he  had  strong 
Liquor,  for  five  Days  together  was  so  drimk  that  he  was  like 
a  furious  mad  Beast,  so  as  none  durst  come  near  him,  his 
Squaws  he  almost  brained  in  one  of  those  drunken  Fits." 

"  The  said  Thomas  was  forced  to  get  out  of  his  Sight  into 
the  Woods  all  that  Night  for  Fear  of  being  mischiefed  by  him : 
where  making  a  Fire  he  kept  himself  alive.  The  Squaws  being 
by  God's  special  Providence  so  inclined  to  Pity  that  they  came 
to  him  daily  with  Victuals,  by  which  Means  he  was  at  that  Time 
also  preserved.  All  which  put  together  makes  his  Deliverance 
the  more  remarkable,  as  an  Answer  of  Prayer." 

Rev.  Mr.  Cobbet  was  so  impressed  with  the  evident  answer 
to  his  prayers,  that  he  wrote  a  Narrative,  detailing  the  dangers 
and  deliverances  of  his  son,^  and  many  a  pious  heart  in  the 

iNew  England  Hist,  and  Gen.  Register  vil,  pp.  216,  217. 


Ipswich  C'liur(^li  was  strengthened  to  new  faith  in  God  in  those 
dark  and  troublous  times,  by  the  sight  of  the  young  man,  safe 
an-i  sound  among  them. 

Notwithstanding  this  Covenant  between  Mugg  and  the  Gov- 
ernor, signed  on  November  6,  1676,  the  war  was  not  ended.  No 
further  active  operations  were  undertaken  however,  as  the 
winter  was  close  at  hand.  This  policy  of  delay  was  very  irri- 
tating to  the  worthy  Deputy  Governor,  Mr.  Samuel  8ymonds, 
and  a  vigorous  letter  of  his,  written  to  some  official,  dated  at 
Ips\vi(!h,  January  22,  1670,  sununoned  to  instant  action.  He 
urged  immediate  operations  at  the  East  before  spring  came, 
when  tile  leaves  would  render  ambuscades  easy,  and  the  canoes 
could  move  readily  with  the  Indians.  "If  it  cost  £1000  now,  it 
would  cost  £10,000  in  the  end  to  repair  damages,"  he  declared. 

"The  desire  and  expectation  of  the  Townes  hereabout  is 
for  it,  for  some  of  Rowley,  Haverhill,  Newbury,  having  had 
occasion  to  be  with  me  have  expressed  as  much,  <k  scarce  a 
man  of  another  mind  (that  I  can  pi'ceive)" 

"From  Salem  to  the  East  will  count  themselves  unsafe  (at 
present)  if  they  be  left  alone  till  the  Spring.  "^ 

The  Deputy  Governor  seems  to  have  voiced  the  public  senti- 
ment. An  expedition  was  dispatched  to  the  East  under  Major 
Walderne  early  in  February,  but  it  accomplished  little  and 
arrived  back  in  Boston  on  the  11th  of  March.  The  Indians 
resumed  hostilities  in  April.  Again  came  the  call  for  soldiers 
and  again  the  dauntless  men  of  Ipswich  had  their  place  in  the 
little  army  that  was  hurried  to  the  front.  The  enemy  was 
close  at  hand  in  Wells,  York,  and  Portsmouth,  but  the  decisive 
event  of  the  campaign  happened  at  Black  Point,  where  Cap- 
tain Lovett's  company  was  led  into  an  ambuscade  and  he  and 
about  forty  of  his  command  were  slain.  Dr.  Barton  of  Salem, 
th(^  surgeon,  reported  among  the  casualties  of  this  engagement 
probably,  Israel  Hunewell  of  Ipswich  wounded  in  the  leg  and 
shoulder,  and  among  the  slain  were  four  Ipswich  men,  James 
Burbee,  Sam"  J'ooler,  In''  Poland  and  Thomas  Burns. ^ 

Major  Robert  Pike  of  Salisbury  wrote  on  the  8th  of  July, 
1677,  that  Simon  a  notorious  Indian  leader  in  many  cruel  at- 

>  Mass.  ArcliiveH,  book  (i!),  leaf  9i». 
»  Mass.  Arcliives,  book  (!9,  leaf  137. 

KING  Philip's    war.  215 

tacks  was  in  the  neighborhood.  Captain  Garish  had  come 
over  with  Captain  Appleton,  and  "  Captain  Whiple  showed  me 
a  commition  in  Captain  Apleton's  hand  to  bring  over  a  parte 
of  horse  &  foott  to  join  with  ours."  "Captain  Apleton  mad 
som  dout  how  the  whole  party  would  comodiously  pceed  in 
our  woods  the  foot  not  able  to  keep  to  the  pace  of  the  horse, 
nor  ye  horse  wilHng  to  y^  slow  motion  of  y^  foott." 

The  danger  Hne  came  no  nearer,  however.  Peace  settled 
gradually  upon  the  community  wearied  and  worn  with  so 
many  alarms.  The  strain  upon  the  life  of  the  Colony  had  been 
intense.  The  financial  burden  of  equipping  tro(jps,  maintaining 
them  in  the  field,  and  meeting  losses  occasioned  by  the  burn- 
ing of  houses  and  of  whole  towns  was  most  oppressive.  The 
drain  upon  the  young  life  was  exhausting.  Scarcely  a  family 
could  have  escaped  the  anxiety  due  to  the  presence  of  some 
member  in  the  field,  or  the  grief  over  his  death.  In  New- 
bury, the  first  impressment  was  made  on  August  5,  1675,  of  nine 
men  and  fourteen  days'  provisions.  On  August  6th,  seven 
more  were  impressed  and  fourteen  days'  provisions,  and  an 
equal  number  on  August  27th,  with  fourteen  days'  provisions 
and  twenty  three  horses,  saddles  and  bridles.  Two  men  and 
two  days'  provisions,  on  September  23rd,  five  men,  ten  days' 
provisions,  and  twenty-three  horses,  saddles  and  bridles,  on 
September  27th,  and  a  single  man  on  September  29th,  completed 
another  month's  impressments.  In  December,  for  the  Nar- 
ragansett  campaign,  twenty-four  men  were  impressed,  making  a 
total  of  forty-eight  men  and  forty-six  horses i  for  the  year. 
Ipswich  was  obliged  to  bear  an  equal  burden  at  least.  The  ex- 
pectation of  assault  was  constant  and  distressing. 

The  tone  of  moral  sentiment  became  morbid  and  abnormal. 
Recognizing  in  the  calamities  that  were  heaped  upon  them,  the 
chastisement  of  a  wise  and  holy  God,  the  General  Court,  assem- 
bled in  November,  1675,  enacted  a  series  of  laws,  full  of  minute 
and  painful  requisitions. 

Children  were  to  be  watched  over  and  catechised  more  care- 
fully by  the  elders.  The  wearing  of  long  hair  by  men,  and  wo- 
men's  vain  habit  of  cutting  and  curling  their  hair  were  forbid- 
den.    Excessive  elegance  of  male  and  female  apparel  was  put 

I  Coffin:  Hist,  of  Newbury,  p.  117. 


imdor  the  ban.  Quakers  were  jvisited  with  fresh  restrictions 
Th(^  turning  of  the  l^acks  of  wor8hi])pers  u])oii  the  minister  be- 
fore the  service  was  fully  (Mided  was  condemned,  and  more 
strict  watch  was  to  be  kept  ovei-  children  and  youth  in  the 
meeting  house.  The  sin  of  idleness  was  dealt  with  and  exces- 
sive prices  for  merchandise  or  for  labor  were  restrained.  All 
the  freshness  and  playfulness  of  childhood  and  youth  were 
view(Ml  with  abhorrence  by  these  Furitan  legislators.  The  Sab- 
bath day  and  every  day  was  made  irksome.  Even  the  camp 
of  the  soldiers  was  put  under  minute  supervision.  We  have 
already  recalled  the  extraordinary  regulations  issued  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  war.  They  were  rigorously  observed.  Jonathan 
AthcM'ton,  a  soldier  under  Captain  Henchman,  was  sentenced 
to  lose  a  fortnight's  pay  for  profanation  of  the  Sabbath  at 
Concord.  He  testified  that  as  his  shoes  were  too  big  from 
constantly  being  in  water  and  dew,  he  cut  a  piece  out  of  an  old 
hat  to  put  in  them;  and  as  the  cartridges  in  his  bag  had  be- 
come worn  with  travel  so  that  they  lost  their  powder,  he  emp- 
tied them.i  This  was  the  whole  offence  for  which  he  was  fined 
so  heavily. 

But  in  the  treatment  of  the  Indians,  there  was  an  excess  of 
virulent  hate  that  is  painful,  though  not  surprising.  Allowance 
must  be  made  for  the  natural  hatred  roused  by  the  craft  and 
cruelties  of  the  Indians,  and  their  ingratitude  for  kind  treat- 
ment, yet  a  fair  minded  man  like  Major  Ciookin  found  much 
to  blame  in  the  unrighteous  dealings  of  the  English  with  this 
inferior  race.  Two  hundred  were  captured  by  craft  at  Dover, 
though  no  crime  was  proved  against  them,  and  sold  into  slav- 
ery. King  Philip's  son,  a  lad  of  tender  years  was  sent  to  Bar- 
badoes  as  a  slave.  Twenty  shillings  bounty  was  offered  for 
every  Indian  scalp  and  forty  shillings  for  every  prisoner,  in  the 
Eastern  campaign-. 

Captain  Mosely  captured  an  Indian  woman  early  in  the  war, 
and  in  the  postscript  of  his  letter  to  the  Governor,  he  wrote: 
"This  aforesaid  Indian  was  ordered  to  be  torn  in  peeces  by  Doggs 
and  she  was  soe  dealt  withall.^     Mr.  Drake,    in    his  Notes  to 

•  Mass.  Archives,  book  6it,  leaf  29. 

*  Mass.  Archives,  l)ook  (!9,  leaf  l'2',l. 

'  Uodge:  Soldiers  iu  Kiug  Philip's  War,  p.  69. 

KING  Philip's  war.  217 

Hubbard 's  History,  quotes  from  a  deposition  of  Robert  Roules 
of  Marblehead,  that  some  Indians  captured  a  ketch  near  Cape 
Sable  and  obliged  the  crew  to  sail  it  for  them.  Rising  sud- 
denly against  their  captors  they  bound  them  and  sailed  for 
Marblehead.  On  taking  their  prisoners  on  shore  the  whole 
Town  flocked  about  them,  especially  the  women.  They  soon 
overpowered  their  keepers,  "got  the  Indians  into  their  own 
Hands,  and  with  Stones  and  Billets,  and  what  not  else,  made  an 
end  of  them."i 

Such  shocking  cruelties  were  probably  too  frequent  The 
Indian  captives  were  apportioned  among  the  soldiery  as  the 
spoils  of  war.  Captain  John  Whipple's  estate  was  inventoried 
in  1683,  and  among  the  items,  we  find  "LawTence  y^  Indian,  at 
£4."  He  was  undoubtedly  a  slave,  captured  in  this  campaign, 2 
and  it  is  likely  there  were  others,  brought  home  by  officers  from 
the  war.  Major  Appleton  bought  three  captives,  and  Samuel 
Symonds,  Esq,    paid  £5  for  an  Indian  boy  and  girl. 3 

The  contribution  of  Ipswich  to  the  army  was  notable.  Gen- 
eral Denison  was  th  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces  of  the 
Colony.  Major  Appleton  brought  the  first  campaign  to  a  vic- 
torious close,  and  by  his  decisive  repulse  of  the  Indians  at  Hat- 
field and  elsewhere  saved  not  only  the  Connecticut  towns  from 
destruction,  but  delivered  the  Colony  from  their  invasions. 
His  services  in  the  Narragansett  winter  campaign  were  of  great 
value.  Mr.  Bodge,  in  his  "Soldiers  in  King  Philip's  War" 
quotes  the  judgment  of  a  critic  whose  name  is  not  mentioned : 
"Of  all  the  military  commanders  of  this  war  I  must  consider 
Major  Appleton  the  ablest,  and  the  tide  of  warfare  in  the  west- 
ern towns  turned  towards  safe  and  successful  methods  from  the 
time  of  his  appointment  to  the  command.  I  should  place 
Major  Treat  of  Connecticut,  next  to  him,  and  perhaps  in  the 
same  position  he  would  have  been  equal."  Captain  John 
Whipple  was  a  prominent  officer  in  the  first  company  of  troopers 
that  took  the  field,  and  was  assigned  to  the  command  of  another 
company  in  the  following  spring.  Captain  John  Appleton, 
brother  of  Samuel,  while  not  in  the  army,  was  undoubtedly 

1  Hubbard,  Indian  Wars,  II,  p.  237. 

^  Publications  of  Ipswicli  Hist.  Soc,  x,  p.  29. 

3  Bodge,  Soldiers  of  King  Pliilip's  War,  p.  480. 


conspicuous  in  garrison  service  and  in  sliort  dashes  to  points 
of  danger. 

The  list  of  soldiers  cannot  he  determined  with  assurance 
of  perfect  accuracy.  No  enlistment  rolls  are  preserved  in  the 
Archives  of  the  State,  and  the  Town  Records  make  no  mention 
of  impressments  and  give  no  names  of  soldiers. 

In  the  Massachusetts  Archives,  the  Roll  of  Major  Appleton's 
Company  is  preserved  and  I  )(niison's  letter,  with  a  list  of  those 
impressed  on  Nov.  30,  1675.  Chief  reliance  is  placed, however, 
on  the  invaluable  work  of  Rev.  George  M.  Bodge,  entitled  "Sol- 
diers in  King  Philip's  War."  He  has  incorporated  in  this  work 
a  minute  and  admirable  comjiilation  of  the  account  books  of 
Mr.  John  Hull,  Treasurer-at-war  of  Massachusetts  Colony  from 
1675  to  1678.  The  record  of  payments  for  military  service 
here  preserved  has  made  it  possible  for  a  list  of  soldiers  to  be 
constructed,  and  this  great  work  has  been  accomplished  by 
Mr.  Bodge  with  painstaking  care. 

Careful  comparison  has  been  made  of  the  list  of  soldiers 
in  various  companies  with  the  list  of  the  men  of  Ipswich,  who 
took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Charles  the  Second  in  1678,  and 
the  following  list  of  names  has  been  compiled,  which  may  be 
presumed  to  be  sul)stantially  correct.  The  similarity  of  certain 
family  names  in  many  towns,  and  the  absence  of  middle  names 
render  absolute  identification  in  every  case,  impossible.  Rev. 
Joseph  B.  Felt^  in  his  History  of  Ipswich,  Essex,  and  Hamilton, 
published  in  1834,  and  hisappendixto  Edward  Everett's  oration 
at  Bloody  Brook,  claims  some  for  Ipswich,  who  cannot  be 
vouched  for  by  any  authority  now  known,  and  in  some  in- 
stances he  seems  to  have  been  in  error.  When  these  names  have 
been  inserted  they  have  been  credited  to  him. 

Natlumiel  Adanii*,  Trooper  under  Lieut.  Flood  or   Floyd.    Captain 

Henchman's  Company,  campaign  of  .spring 
of  1676,  near  Connecticut  river. 

Simon  Adam.s,  Major  Appleton's  Company,  Narragansett  winter 

campaign.     Captain  Brocklebank's  Company. 

Alexander  Alhor,  Assignment  of  wages  to  Ipswich.  Credited  at  gar- 

rison at  Quabaug,  July  24,    1676. 

John  Andrews,  Credited  in  Captain  Lathrop's  Company,  Feb.  29, 

1675-6.  Trooper,  in  Major  Appleton  's  Company. 
Narragansett  winter  campaign. 



Thomas  Andrews, 

Richard  Bidford, 

Job  Bishop, 

Samuel  Bishop, 

Christopher  BoUes, 
Thomas  Bray, 
Richard  Briar, 

Josiah  Briggs, 

John  Browne, 
James  Burbee, 
Andrew  Burley, 

James  Burnam, 

Thomas  Burns, 
Samuel  Chapman, 

John  Chub, 
Josiah  Clark, 

Isaac  Cumins, 

Philemon  Deane, 

John  Denison, 

Thomas  Dennis, 
Thomas  Dow, 

Robert  Dutch, 

John  Edwards, 

Trooper,  in  Captain  Whipple's  Company.  Credited 
Aug.  24:  1676. 

Impressed  Nov.  30,  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich  Feb.  24,  1676-7.  No 
service  specified. 

Trooper,  in  Captain  Willard's  Company.  Credited 
July  24;  1676. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.   No  service  specified. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.  No  service  specified. 

Captain  Appleton's  Company,  Narragansett  win- 
ter campaign. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.  Captain  Lathrop's 
Company,  at  Bloody  Brook. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.    No  service  specified. 

Killed  at  Black  Point. 

Impressed  Nov.  30,  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 

Trooper,  in  Major  Appleton's  Company,  Narra- 
gansett winter  campaign. 

Killed  at  Black  Point. 

Trooper,  in  Captain  Whipple's  Company.  Cred- 
ited June  24,  1676;  Aug.  24,  1676. 

Credited  at    garrison  at  Hadley,  June  24,  1676. 

Captain  Brocklebank's  Company.  Credited  at 
Marlboro  garrison,  June  24,   1676. 

Impressed  Nov.  30,  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 

Clerk,  Major  Appleton's  Company,  Narragansett 
winter   campaign. 

Captain  Lathrop's  Company  at  Bloody  Brook. 
Impressed  Nov.  30,  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 
Wounded  in  the  battle. 

Credited  at  Marlboro  garrison,  June  24,   1676. 

Impressed  Nov.  30,  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 
Wounded  in  the  battle. 

Captain  Lathrop's  Company  at  Bloody  Brook. 
Wounded  and  left  for  dead.  Major  Appleton's 
Company.  Credited   Dec.    10,  1675. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich,  Nov.  24,  1676.  No 
service  specified. 



Nathaniel  Emerson, 
Peter  Kinoiis, 

JonatliMii  Fantuiii, 

Thomas  Faussee, 
Ephraim  Felh)ws, 

Isaac  Fellows, 

Joseph  Fellows, 
Abram  Fitz  or  Fitts, 

James  Foord, 

Thomas  Frenoli, 
Samuel  Guldings, 

John  Gilbert, 

Aiyos  Gourdine, 

also  spelled  Gaudea, 
Goddin,  Gody. 

Simon  Grow, 
Thomas  Hobl)s, 

William  Hodgskin, 

Major  Appleton's  Company,  Narragansett  win- 
ter campaign. 
Major  Appleton  's  Company,  Narragansett  winter 

campaign.  Captain  Gardiner's  Company.  Cred- 
ited Feb.   16,  1675-6. 
Impressed    Nov.    30,    1675.       Major   Appleton '.s 

Company,     Narragansett     winter     campaign. 

(Japtain  lirocklebank's  Company. 
Impressed    Nov.    30,    1675.      Major  Appleton's 

Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 
Trooper,  in  Captain  Paige's  Company;    credited 

Sept.   3,    1675.    Captain  Whipple's  Company ; 

credited  Aug.  24,   1676. 
Captain  Willard's    Company.  Credited,  July  24, 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.  No  service  specified. 
Impressed      Nov.    30    1675.     Major  Appleton's 

Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 
Trooper,  in  Captain  Paige's  Company,  Mt.  Hope 

campaign.     Credited    Sept.    3,    1675.       Major 

Appleton's  Company,    ('aptain  Brocklebank 's 

Impressed    Nov.   30,     1675.     Major   Appleton's 

C'ompany,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 
Trooper,    in    Captain    Paige's     Company,    Mt. 

Hope    campaign;      credited     Sept.     3,     1675. 

Captain    Whipple's  Company;     credited  Aug. 

24,  1676 
Wage-;  assigned  to  Ipswich.     No  service  specified. 

I  Major  Appleton's  Company,  Narragansett    win- 
ter campaign.      Captain  Gardner's   Company 
I      Credited  Feb.  29,  1675-6,  and  July  24,  1676. 

Captain  Brocklebank 's  Company.  Credited  at 
Marlboro  garrison,  June  24,  1676. 

Captain  Lathrop's  Company;  killed  at  Bloody 
Brook,  Sept.  18,  1675.  Felt  (Appendix  to  Ed- 
ward Everett's  Address  at  Bloody  Brook)  says 
he  belonged  in  Ipswich.  He  also  credits  John 
Hobs  to  Ipswich  but  he  was  impressed  in  New- 
bury, Aug.  5,  1675  (Coffin's  History  of  New- 
bury, page  117). 

Impressed  Nov,  30,  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 



Israeli  Hunewell, 
Samuel  Hunt,  Jr. 

Samuel  Itigols, 

Joseph  Jacobs, 
Richard  Jacobs, 

Thomas  Jaques, 
Jeremiah  Jewett, 
Joseph  Jewett, 

Thomas  Killom, 

Caleb  Kimball, 

Abraham  Knowlton, 

John  Knowlton, 

John  Lambert, 
Nathaniel  Lampson, 
Richard  Lewis, 
John  Leyton, 

John  Line  or  Lind, 

Lead  in  allegiance  list. 
John  Littlehale, 

Nathaniel  Lord, 
Jolin  Lovel, 

Jonathan  Lummus, 
Peter  Lurvey, 

Thomas  Manning, 

Joseph  Marshall, 

Wounded  in  leg  and  shoulder  at  Black  Point. 

Impressed  Nov.  30,  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,    Narragansett  winter  campaign. 

Major  Appleton's  Company,  Narragansett  winter 
campaign.  Major  Willard's  Company.  Credited 
July  24,  1676. 

Captain  Poole's  Company.  Credited  Aug.  24, 

Lieutenant  and  Captain,  probably  of  Ipswich. 
Captain  Brocklebank 's  Company.  Credited 
Aug.  24,  1676. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.     No  service  specified. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.     No  service  specified. 

Major  Appleton  's  Company,  Narragansett  winter 
campaign,  ('aptain  Gardner's  Company.  Cred- 
ited Feb.  29,  1675-6. 

Impressed  Nov.  30,  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 

Captain  Lathrop's  Company.  Killed  at  Bloody 

Impressed  Nov.  30, 1675.  Major  Appleton's  Com- 
pany, Narragansett  winter  campaign. 

Impressed  Nov.  30,  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.  No  service  specified. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.     No  service  specified. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.   No  service  specified. 

Major  Appleton 's  Company,  Narragansett  winter 

Captain  Willard's  Company.  Credited  Aug.  24 

Captain  Lathrop's  Company.  Killed  at  Bloody 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.     No  service  specified. 

Impressed  Nov.  30,  1675.  Major  Appleton's  Com- 
pany,    Narragansett  winter  campaign. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.     No  service  specified 

Impressed  Nov.  30,  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 

Captain  Lathrop's  Company.  Killed  at  Bloody 
Brook.     Felt  credits  to  Ipswich. 

Captain  Prentice's  Company,  Mt.  Hope  campaign. 


Thomas  Meritor, 
Edward  Ncland, 

Hciijainiii  Newman, 
Tliomas  Newman, 

Zacchcus  Newmarsh 

Richard  Pasmore, 
or  Partsmore 

Samuel  Peirce, 

John  Pengilly, 

Aaron  Pengry, 
John  Pengry, 
Moses  Pengry, 

Isaac  Perkins, 
John  Perkins, 

Samuel  Perkins, 

Andrew  Peters, 
Tiiomas  Philips, 
Samuel  Pipin, 
Pipper,  in  alle- 
giance list 
Increase  Poland, 
Samuell  Pooler, 
Edmond  Potter, 

Ca))tain  Lathrop's  ('ompany.  Killed  at  Bloody 
Brook.     Felt  credits  to  Ipswi(;h. 

Major  Applct.on's  Company,  Narragansett  winter 
campaign.  Trooper,  in  (Captain  Whipple's 
Company;  credited  Aug.  24,  1676. 

Impressed  Nov.  30,  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
(Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 

Caj)tain  Paige's  Company,  Mt.  Hope  campaign 
Septeml)er,  167.5.  Trooper  under  Lieutenant 
Flood  or  Floyd.  Capt.  Henchman's  Co.  Cam- 
paign of  spring  of  1676  near  the  Connecticut 

Major  Appleton's  Company,  Narragansett  winter 

Impressed  Nov.  30,  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign.  Cap- 
tain Wheeler's  Co. ;  credited  at  Groton  garrison 
June  24:  1676. 

Impressed  Nov.  30,  1675.  Major  .4ppleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 
Captain  Brocklebank  's  Company. 

Corporal,  Major  Appleton's  Company,  Narragan- 
sett winter  campaign.  Captain  Poole's  Com- 
pany.    Credited,  Aug.    24.   1676. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.     No  service  specified. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.    No  service  specified. 

Impressed  Nov.  30:  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 

Credited  at  Quabaug  garrison,  July  24:  1676. 

Impressed  Nov.  30:  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 

Captain  Sill's  Company;  credited  Nov.  1675. 
Impressed  Nov.  30:  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 
Captain  Brocldebank 's  Company. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich    No  service  specified. 

Credited  at  Quabaug  garrison,  Aug.  24.  1676. 

Major  Appleton's  Company,  Narragansett  winter 

Killed  at  Black  Point. 
Killed  at  Black  Point. 

Trooper,   in  Major  Appleton's  Company,  Narra 
gansett  winter  campaign. 

KING  Philip's  war. 


Jolm  Potter, 
Richard  Prior, 
Joseph  Proctor, 

William  Quarles, 
Daniel  Hinge, 

Nathaniel  Rogers, 

Tsrah  Ross, 

Era  Rost,  in  alle- 
giance list. 

Abiel  Saddler, 

Joseph  Safford, 

Thomas  Scott, 
Samuel  Smith, 

Thomas  Smith, 
Thomas  Sparks, 

Samuel  Stevens, 

George  Stimson, 

Seth  Story, 

William  Story, 
Samuel  Taylor, 

John  Thomas, 
Jonathan  Wade, 

Captain  Wheeler's  Company.  Credited  at  Gro- 
ton  garrison,  June  24:  167G. 

Impressed  Nov.  30:  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 

Trooper,  in  Captain  Paige's  Company,  Mt.  Hope 
campaign;  credited  Sept.  3-  1()75.  Captain 
Henchman's  Company;  credited  July  24:  1676. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.     No  service  specified- 

Captain  Lathrop's  Company  at  Bloody  Brook. 
Sergeant,  Major  Appleton's  Company,  Narra- 
gansett winter  campaign. 

Made  a  verbal  will,  when  going  in  a  troop  against 
the  Indians  in  1676.     See  Felt,  page  164. 

Major  Appleton's  Company,  Narragansett  winter 

Captain  Lathrop's  Company  at  Bloody  Brook. 

Major  Appleton's  Company,  Narragansett  win- 
ter campaign. 

Trooper,  in  Captain  Paige's  Company,  Mt.  Hope 
campaign.     Credited  Sept.  31 :  1675. 

Killed  at  Northfield. 

Impressed  Nov.  30.  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter   campaign. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.    No  service  specified. 

Major  Appleton  's  Company,  Narragansett  winter 
campaign.  Captain  Poole's  Company.  Credited 
June   1676 

Captain  Lathrop's  Company.  Killed  at  Bloody 
Brook.  Felt  credits  to  Ipswich,  but  Coffin(His- 
tory  of  Newbury,  page  389)  says  he  was  a  resi- 
dent of  Newbury. 

Impressed  Nov.  30:  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign 
Wounded  in  the  Fort  fight. 

Major  Appleton's  Company,  Narragansett  winter 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.    No  service  specified. 

Impressed  Nov.  30,  1675.  Major  Appleton 's  Com- 
pany, Narragansett  winter  campaign.  Killed 
at  the  Fort  fight. 

Impressed  Nov.  30,  1675.  Major  Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 

Wages  assigned  to  Ipswich.  No  service  specified 

224  ll'SWK'H,    IN    THK    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY    COLONY 

Tlioiiia.s  Wade 

Izall  Warden. 

Francis  Wainwriiilit. 

Jacol)   \\'aiiiwriglit. 

Thomas  Wayte. 

Beiijainiii  Webster. 
John  Whipple. 

Nathaniel  Wood. 
Francis  Young 

Lewis  Zacliariah 

Marched  to  Ando\er  with  Capt.  Appleton,  Aug 

19:  1675. 
Trooper,  Capt.  Paige's  Company,  Mt.  Hope  cam- 
paign.   Credited  Sept.  S:  1675.  Sergeant,  .Major 

Appleton's  Company,  iXarragansett  winter  cam- 

Credited  at   Billerica  garri.son.    April    21:   1670. 

Sept  23:  1676. 
Capt.Iiathrop's  Co.  Killed  at  Bloodv  Hmok  Sei)t- 

18:  1675. 
Major  Appleton's  Company,  Narragansett  winter 

Capt.  Gardiner's  Co.     Credited  Feb.  29:   1675-6. 
Lieut.  Capt.   Paige's    Co.     Mt.   Hope  campaign. 

Credited  Sept.  3:  1675.   Captain   of    a  Special 

Troop.     Feb.   1675-6. 
Major  Appleton's  Company,   Narragansett  winter 

('apt.  Lathrop's  Company,  August,  1675.  Trooper, 
in  Captain  Paige's  Company,  Mt.  Hope  cam- 
paign. Credited  Sept.  3:  1675.  Sergeant,  in 
Major  Appleton's  Company,  Narragansett  winter 

Impressed    Nov.    30:    1675.        Major   Appleton's 
Company,  Narragansett  winter  campaign. 

i\v^2    ^. 



Before  the  Indian  war  was  over,  another  attack  on  the  civil 
liberties  of  the  Colony  began  to  be  evident.  Its  mercantile  condi- 
tion was  prosperous.  Ships  were  built,  the  products  of  the 
forests  and  fisheries  were  sent  to  many  foreign  ports,  and  large 
imports  were  returned.  The  Navigation  Laws  were  not  enforced, 
it  was  claimed,  and  natural  irritation  was  aroused  among  the 
merchants  and  manufacturers  of  England,  whose  goods  were 
not  purchased  by  the  Colonies.  Massachusetts  was  "the  most 
prejudicial  plantation  to  the  kingdom"  it  was  affirmed,  because 
of  its  sharp  competition  in  exports  with  the  mother  countr}'. 

The  sturdy  independence  of  the  Colony  was  a  constant 
affront  to  the  King.  Gov.  Leverett  had  been  a  captain  of  horse 
under  Cromwell,  and  his  dislike  of  royalty  was  not  concealed. 
The  neglect  of  the  General  Court  to  reply  to  the  King's  letter 
in  1666  was  still  remembered. 

The  King  and  Court  naturally  resented  the  disrespect  of  the 
Colony.  The  merchants  clamored  for  repressive  action.  The 
Mason  and  Gorges  faction  was  always  ready  to  press  its  claims. 
This  grievance  reached  back  over  many  years. 

Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  had  secured  a  charter  in  1639,  consti- 
tuting him  Lord  Proprietary  of  the  Province  of  Maine,  bounded 
by  the  Piscataqua,  the  Kennebec  and  the  Ocean.  A  few  towns 
were  settled,  and  a  show  was  made  of  settling  a  colony.  His 
eldest  son,  John,  made  no  attempt  to  establish  his  supposed 
rights,  but  John's  son,  Ferdinando,  claimed  authority.  The 
Province  of  Maine,  however,  was  annexed  to  Massachusetts  by 
the  choice  of  the  various  settlements  between  the  years  1652 
and  1658.  The  Attorney  General  of  England  declared  in  1675 
that  Gorges  had  a  good  title  to  the  Province,  and  the  same  offi- 
cial confirmed  the  title  of  Robert  Mason  to  New  Hampshire. 



As  early  as  Maroh,  1622,  Capt.  John  Mason  had  ol)taino(l  a 
jirant  of  tlic  lands  lying  between  the  little  river,  which  flows  into 
the  ocean  at  Naunikeaj^,  now  Salem,  and  the  Merrimac.  When 
Sir  Henry  Rosewell,  John  Endicott  and  others  obtained  their 
grant  in  1628,  it  extended  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Western 
Ocean,  and  from  a  line  three  miles  north  of  the  Merrimac  to  a 
line  three  miles  south  of  the  Charles.  It  was  evident  that  the 
lattM-  charter,  under  which  the  Massachusetts  Colony  was  set- 
tled, included  the  territory,  which  had  been  already  ceded  to 
Mason.  Mason's  son,  John,  was  a  principal  member  and  Sec- 
retary of  the  Council  for  New  England,  and  he  used  all  his  in- 
fluence until  his  death  to  secure  the  annulling  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Bay  Charter.  The  decision  of  the  Attorney  General,  that 
his  son,  Robert,  had  a  valid  title  was  a  decisive  victory  for  the 
persistent    claimant. 

On  the  tenth  of  June,  1676,  a  ship  arrived  in  Boston,  bring- 
ing Edward  Randolph,  who  had  come  as  a  special  messenger 
from  the  King  with  a  letter  to  the  turbulent  Colony.  The  fact 
that  he  was  a  relative  of  Robert  Mason  was  ominous  of  impend- 
ing harm.  This  letter  accjuainted  the  magistrates  with  the 
charges  made  by  Gorges  and  Mason,  of  "the  wTongs  and  usur- 
pations of  Massachusetts,"  and  the  ill-respect  they  showed  His 
Majesty,  and  demanded  that  agents  should  be  sent  over  to 
answer  these  charges.  Randolph  was  dealt  with  very  cava- 
lierly by  the  bluff  old  Governor,  and  soon  returned  to  England, 
but  Bulkeley  and  Stoughton  followed  him  at  once  as  agents 
from  the  Colony. 

Upon  his  arrival,  Randolph  published  a  report  of  his  two 
months'  observations  in  New  England,  entitled,  "An  Answer 
to  several  Heads  of  Inquiry  concerning  the  Present  State  of  New 
England."  1  Though  he  was  a  prejudiced  observer, his  remarks 
on  the  civil-laws,  the  small  number  of  the  freemen  (only  about 
one  sixth  of  the  adult  male  population),  the  military  force,  the 
economical  resources  and  employments,  are  of  great  interest. 
But  chief  interest  attaches  to  his  declaration  concerning  the 
government.  "Among  the  Magistrates,"  he  WTote  "some  are 
good  men  and  well  affected  to  his  Majesty,  and  would  be  well 

'  Hutchinson  Collection,  p.  477  et  seq. 


satisfied  to  have  his  Majesty's  authority  in  a  better  manner 
estabhshed;  but  the  major  part  are  of  different  principles,  hav- 
ing been  in  the  government  from  the  time  they  formed  them- 
selves into  a  commonwealth.  These  direct  and  manage  all 
affairs  as  they  please;  of  which  number  are  Mr.  Leverett,  Gov- 
ernor; Mr.  Symonds,  Deputy  Governor;  Mr.  Danforth,Mr.  Tyng, 
Major  Clarke,  and  Major  Hathorne  .  .  .  The  most  popular  and 
well  principled  men  are  Major  Denison,  Mr.  Hradstrcet  and 
Mr.  Dudley  in  the  Magistracy;  and  of  military  men  Major  Sav- 
age, Captains  Curwin,  Saltonstall,  Brattle,  Richards,  Gillam, 
Mosely,  Majory,  Champernoon,  Shapleigh,  l^hillips,  with  many 
others  who  only  wait  for  an  opportunity  to  express  their  duty 
to  his  Majesty."! 

Randolph's  characterization  of  Denison,  J^radstreet  and 
Dudley,  as  "i'"]"iJ'"'  ^"<1  ^^'^11  princii^led  men,"  marks  them  as 
royalists,  who  had  little  sympathy  with  the  sturdy  colonials, 
who  stood  for  their  independence  of  King  and  mother  land. 
Denison 's  attitude  in  the  critical  moments  of  the  year  1666,  it 
will  be  remembered,  was  conspicuously  at  variance  with  the 
dominant  feeling,  and  his  aristocratic  tendencies  became  more 
and  more  pronounced  as  the  conflict  grew  more  evident.  Dep- 
uty Governor  tSynjonds  was  equally  stiuxly  and  uncompromis- 
ing as  the  advocate  of  liberty  and  independence.  Around  these 
as  leaders,  two  distinct  political  parties,  we  may  believe,  grew 
up  in  our  Town  of  Ipswich. 

The  omission  of  one  name  among  the  military  men  is  of  more 
than  passing  moment,  that  of  Major  Appleton.  His  brilliant 
military  record,  far  above  that  of  any  of  those  whom  Randolph 
mentions,  had  not  been  forgotten  in  the  few  months  that  had 
elapsed,  since  the  eventful  conflicts  at  Hatfield  and  Hadley  and 
the  Narragansett  fort.  Randolph's  silence  with  reference  to  him 
is  more  than  suggestive  that  Major  Appleton  stood  with  his 
townsman,  the  Deputy  Governor,  in  pronounced  and  fearless 
opposition  to  the  Crown,  and  that  he  was  already  an  object  of 
suspicion  and  prejudice. 

The  agents  replied  to  Randolph's  charges,  l)ut  it  was  not 
easy  to  allay  the  irritation  of  the  King  and  his  Councillors.     An 

I  Hutchinson  Collection,  pp.  477-501. 


imjiorativc  order  was  issued  that  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
King  should  be  taken  at  once,  and  the  (General  Court  issued 
orders  that  every  man  sixteen  years  old  and  upwards  should 
take  tlu*  oath.  This  was  accomplished  in  October  of  the  year 
1678.  As  a  further  rebuke  of  the  pretensions  of  the  Colonists 
in  disregarding  the  Navigation  Laws,  Randolph  was  appointed 
('ollector  of  the  Port  of  Boston.  He  arrived  in  New  York 
December  7,   1679. 

The  time  seemed  auspicious  for  the  advancement  of  the 
errand  on  which  he  came.  Samuel  Symonds,  the  Deputy  (iov- 
ernor,  had  died  in  October,  1678,  and  the  General  Court  had 
voted  twenty  pounds  "to  take  care  for  an  honno''ble  &  decent  in- 
terment." ^  (Governor  Leverett  survived  a  few  months  and 
died  on  March  16,  1679.  Simon  Bradstreet,  then  seventy-six 
years  old,  succeeded  in  the  governorship,  a  man  of  far  less  force 
than  Leverett,  and  always  inclined  to  pacific  measiu-es,  and 
Thomas  Danforth  became  Deputy  Governor.  Randolph  pro- 
ceeded at  once  to  enforce  the  Navigation  Laws,  and  was  met 
with  resistance  and  even  personal  abuse.  He  wrote  the  King 
particularly  of  the  disloyal  sentiments  that  prevailed,  recom- 
mended a  writ  of  quo  warranto  against  the  Charter,  and  em- 
barked again  for  England  on  March  15,  1681. 

Upon  his  arrival,  he  attacked  the  Colonists  bitterly,  and 
advised  that  a  writ  of  quo  warranto  be  issued  against  the  Charter, 
and  that  a  Governor  General  be  appointed  over  the  Colonies. 
He  returned  again  in  October,  1681,  with  enlarged  powers, 
bearing  another  letter  from  the  King,  very  vehement  in  its 
tone,  upbraiding  the  Colonists  with  many  misdeeds. 

He  reverted  to  the  independent  spirit  manifest  in  the  Colony 
from  the  beginning,  blamed  them  for  the  shelter  afforded  the 
regicide  judges,  for  the  persecution  of  Quakers, for  their  course 
in  refusing  the  Mason  and  Gorges  claim,  for  their  conduct  to- 
ward the  Clarendon  Commissioners,  their  evasion  of  the  Naiv- 
gation  Laws,  and  their  obstruction  of  his  own  work.  He  declared 
his  intention  to  proceed  at  an  early  date  to  annul  the  Charter. 

This  letter  created  a  profound  impression,  and  the  General 

^ '  I ul"The3 Ancestry  of  Priscilla  Baker"  by  W.  S.  Appleton,  there  is  a  full  account  of 
Symonds's  ancestry  and  his  posterity,  i  He  left  a  large  estate  valued  at  £'2103  6s.  lOd. 


Court  chose  two  agents,  Joseph  Dudley  and  John  Richards,  to 
proceed  to  England  and  present  their  acts  in  a  more  favorable 
light.  The  laws  were  revised,  naval  officers  appointed,  and 
assurance  was  given  that  henceforth  the  Acts  of  Navigation 
should  be  enforced  to  the  letter.  The  agents  were  instructed 
to  expose  the  injustice  of  Robert  Mason's  exorbitant  claim,  and 
to  consent  to  nothing  that  would  infringe  the  liberties  and  priv- 
ileges granted  by  their  Charter. 

The  Mason  claim  was  of  vital  concern  to  IpswichJ^and  the 
other  towns  included  in  the  original  grant.  John  Mason  had 
presented  his  letter  to  the  General  Coiu't  on  the  4th  of  January, 
1680-81,  and  it  was  read  in  full.  On  the  11*^  of  January,  the 
Court  voted  that  a  copy  of  this  letter  be  delivered  to  Major  Gen- 
eral Denison  and  the  magistrates  of  Essex  County,  and  that  all 
tertenants  (terre  -  tenants,  i.e.  land  tenants)  within  the  precinct 
of  the  claim  be  convened  at  Ipswich  or  Newbury  as  speedily 
as  possible. 

This  convention  was  held  at  Ipswich  on  the  second  Wed- 
nesday in  February,  1680-81.  i  The  inhabitants  of  Beverly 
drew  up  a  petition  at  once  which  was  presented  at  the  adjourned 
session  of  the  General  Court  on  February  22,  1680-81,  which 
declared  they  had  owned  their  lands  for  fifty  years,  and  defend- 
ed them  against  the  Indians  in  the  late  war  at  a  cost  of  twelve 
English  lives  and  hundreds  of  pounds  in  money.  Robert  Mason 
had  never  expended  a  penny,  and  they  made  their  plea  that  the 
trial  of  his  claims  should  be  in  the  Massachusetts  Courts  and  not 
in   England. 2 

In  May,  a  letter  was  dispatched  by  the  General  Court  to  Sir 
Lionel  Jenkins,  one  of  the  King's  Secretaries  of  State,  which 
recited  the  action  taken  }jy  the  Court,  and  added  that  neither 
they  nor  those  that  owned  lands  within  Mr.  Mason's  claim 
knew  his  bounds  or  limits. 

Another  petition  addressed  to  the  King  was  drawn  up  by 
the  "Inhabitants  of  Glocester,  alias  Cape  Ann,  and  other 
places  adjacent,"  and  presented  to  the  General  Court  on  the 
16th  of  February,   1681-82.3     They  claimed  rightful  title  to 

'  Records  of  Beverly. 

-  Mass.  Archives,  book  .3,  leaves  28,  29.    Recoriis  of  Beverlj'. 

3  Mass.  Records,  book  5.  pp.  335-337. 


their  lands  upon  the  grant  of  the  General  Court,  under  the  Char- 
ter of  the  Massachusetts  Hay  Colony,  and  their  purchase  from 
the  natives.  If  Mr.  Mason  should  persist  in  his  claims,  they 
begged  the  King  to  direct  him  to  make  his  claim  in  the  Courts 
of  justice  hei-e  (established.  This  was  signed  by  representatives 
from  (iloucc^ster,  Rowley,  Newbury  and  other  towns,  and  by 
fifteen  Ijjswich  men : 

Jn"  Perkins  The:  Burnam 

Dani:  Kpps  Moses  Pengrey,  Sen. 

Jonath:  Wade,  Sen.  Jn^  Whipple 

Willjam  Coodhue  Samuel  Appleton 

Samuel  Rogers  Tho  :  Cobbet,  Sen. 

Symon  Stacje  Willjam  Hubbard 

Tho:  Knoulton  John  Rogers 
Jn"  Appleton 

The  Court  ordered  on  the  17«h  of  March,  "that  Mr.  Jonathan 
Wade,  S:  Mr.  Daniel  Epps,  both  of  Ipswich,  doe  take  speedy 
care  that  the  addresse  framed  to  his  majt'^  in  the  name  &  on 
the  behalf e  of  the  inhabitants  &  proprietors  of  Cape  Ann,  and 
places  adjacent,  be  imparted  vnto  the  sayd  inhabitants  by  call- 
ing them  together  and  taking  the  su1)scriptions  therevnto  of  such 
(k  so  many  as  may  be  convenient  to  signify  their  generall  consent 
to  the  sayd  addresse,  w^^  being  done,  the  above  sajd  gent"  are 
desired  cV'  ordered  to  remitt  the  sajd  address  to  the  Govno^"  & 
Council,  to  be  coiiiitted  to  our  messengers  for  England." i 

It  was  a  matter  of  intense  moment  to  Ipswich.  If  this 
claim  should  be  maintained,  everv  man's  title  to  the  lands  he 
had  imjirove(l,  and  the  houses  and  barns  he  had  erected,  would 
be  worthless  and  he  would  be  at  the  mercy  of  the  new  posses- 
sor. At  this  juncture,  one  of  the  selectmen,  Thomas  Lovell, 
had  a  personal  conference  with  Mr.  Mason,  and  recommended 
that  his  demands  be  recognized.  The  action  of  the  Town  was 
spirited,  and  the  Record  speaks  no  uncertain  sound. 

At  a  generall  Towne  meeting    this    27  of  November  1682. 
Upon  information  that  Thomas  Lovell  hath  beene  with  Mr. 

1  Mass.  Records,  l>ook  ■'),  p.  340. 


Masson  about  compliance being  one  of  the  Selectmen  a 

it  hath  beene  made  appears  that  he  hath  sugested  to  some  as 
if  it  were  best  to  comply  with  him,  w"^  is  as  hath  been  de- 
clared to  betray  the  trust  comitted  to  him.  The  Towne  gen- 
erally voted  to  lay  the  sd.  Thomas  Lovell  asyd  &  exclud  him 
for  being  a  Selectman  and  Capt.  John  Appleton  was  chosen  to 
be  a  Selectman  his  roome  for  the  rest  of  the  year.i 

A  committee  seems  to  have  met  in  January,  1682-3  to  de- 
liberate on  this  vexed  cjuestion,  as  the  committee  expenses  are 
mentioned  in  the  Town  Record. 

A  letter  from  Governor  Bradstreet  to  Sir  Tjionel  Jenkins, 
dated  March  24, 1682-3, acknowledged  the  receipt  of  the  King's 
letter  with  reference  to  the  Mason  claims,  and  of  another  letter 
from  Mr.  Mason  in  which  he  abated  his  original  claims,  and  de- 
manded the  possession  of  all  the  common  and  unimproved  lands 
within  the  bounds  specified ;  and  also  demanded  to  be  admitted 
to  the  Courts  to  prosecute  his  rights.  To  this  the  Coiu't  had 
replied  that  every  acre  of  land  was  occupied  and  improved, 
and  that  the  privilege  of  the  Courts  had  always  been  open  to 
him.  2 

Mason's  claim  for  admission  to  the  Courts  of  law  was  hon- 
ored forthwith,  and  on  March  30,  1683.  it  was  ordered  "that 
Wn™  Stoiighton  Esq.  Peter  Bulkley  Esq.  Jn"  Hall  P]sq.,  together 
w^^  such  other  magistrates  in  Essex  as  are  vnconcernetl  in  M^" 
Mason's  case,  be  the  persons  to  keepe  the  County  Court  there 
for  the  tryall  of  those  cases  that  referr  to  the  clajme,  of  M^" 
Mason  in  that  county." 

Another  convention,  preparatory  to  this  Court  met  in  Ips- 
wich on  the  last  Tuesday  of  March. ^  Repeated  search  has  been 
made  for  the  records  of  this  Court,  but  no  trace  of  them  has 
been  found,  and  it  is  hardly  possible  that  they  exist.  Indeed 
there  is  no  positive  knowledge  that  the  case  was  ever  called  for 
trial.  Mr.  Felt  in  his  History  of  Ipswich,  Page  127,  cites  the 
vote  of  the  General  Court  on  May  16,  1683,  as  evidence  in  point, 
in  which  "John  Wales  &  Content  Mason,  his  daughter,  relict 

1  Town  Records. 

2  Mass.  Records,  book  5,  pp.  388,  389. 
^  Beverly  Records. 


of  John  Mason"  are  empowered  to  make  sale  and  confirm  deeds 
as  her  husband  had  been  authorized  to  do.  But  this  John 
Mason,  was  of  Dorchester,  and  the  Court  had  empowered  him, 
May  27,  1682,  to  make  sale  as  an  executor  of  the  estate  of 
Jane  Burg,  some  time  wife  of  John  Gurnell.i 

He  affirms  as  well,  though  he  gives  no  authority  for  the 
stat(Mnent,  that  the  Mason  claim  was  cstal)lished,  and  that 
some  paid  a  quit-rent  of  two  shillings  a  year  for  every  house 
built  on  the  land  included  in  this  grant.  The  eminent  anti- 
quarian, Mr.  John  Ward  Dean,  in  his  work  on  Capt.  John  Mason, 
in  the  Publications  of  the  Prince  Society,  concludes  his  study  of 
this  episode,  "It  is  probable  that  the  people  were  never  dis- 
tur])ed  in  the  possession  of  their  lands." 

But  the  Mason  claim  was  not  the  only  matter  that  troubled 
the  citizens  of  Ipswich  in  these  stirring  years.  Randolph  was 
tireless  in  his  attacks  on  the  Charter  of  the  Colony.  He  drew 
up  "Articles  of  high  Misdemeanor,  exhibited  against  a  faction 
in  the  generall  court,  sitting  in  Boston,  15  Feb.  1681, viz.  against 
Tho.  Danforth,  Dan.  Gookin,  Mr.  Saltonstall,  Sam.  Nowell, 
Mr.  Richards,  Mr.  Davy,  Mr.  Gidney,  Mr.  Appleton,  magistrates, 
and  against  John  Fisher,"  and  some  fourteen  other  deputies. ^ 
He  chai'ged  them  with  refusal  to  admit  the  royal  letters  patent 
erecting  the  office  of  elector,  with  refusal  to  repeal  laws,  con- 
trary to  the  laws  of  England,  with  continuing  to  coin  money,  etc. 

This  was  the  third  session  of  the  General  Court,  that  was 
elected  in  May,  1081.  Major  Samuel  Appleton  had  been  chosen 
an  Assistant  for  the  first  time  at  this  election,  after  several 
consecutive  years  in  the  House  of  Deputies.  His  name  occurs 
last  in  the  list,  as  the  new  member  of  that  body  was  always 
enrolled  at  the  foot. 

The  full  Court  of  Assistants,  at  this  time,  included  the  Gov- 
ernor, Simon  Bradstreet,  the  Deputy  Governor,  Thomas  Dan- 
forth and  eighteen  Assistants.  The  lower  House  numbered 

Randolph  specified  eight  magistrates,  including  the  Deputy 
Governor,  and  fifteen  deputies  as  factious  and  seditious.  It 
would  seem  that  the  popular  party,  as  we  may  call  it,  the  party 

1  Mane.  Hccords,  liook  .5,  p.  35i). 
-  Hutcliiusou  I'apei'B,  Vol.  II,  Prince  Society  Pub.  p.  '266. 



that  was  most  strenuous  in  its  demands  for  the  largest  liberty 
and  fullest  independence  of  Great  Britain,  so  far  as  these  names 
indicate,  had  a  numerical  minority  both  in  the  Court  of  Assis- 
tants and  the  House  of  Deputies.  The  venerable  Governor,  and 
General  Denison,  were  conspicuous  in  their  devotion  to  the  con- 
servative party.  The  Ipswich  deputies,  Mr.  William  Goodhue, 
Senior,  and  Mr.  Jonathan  Wade,  were  not  named  by  Randolph, 
and  were  presumably  in  sympathy  with  the  same  party.  In- 
deed, unless  the  political  complection  of  our  Town  had  changed 
materially,  since  Capt.  John  Appleton  headed  the  long  list  of 
seventy  three  loyal  petitioners  in  1664,  Ipswich  was  still  a 
stronghold  of  loyalty,  and  the  aristocratic  Denison  voiced  the 
sentiment  of  the  Town. 

For  many  years,  the  second  Assistant  from  Ipswich,  Deputy 
Governor  Symonds,  had  been  a  pronounced  liberal,  and  when 
Major  Appleton  became  a  magistrate,  it  is  evident  that  he  ident- 
ified himself  from  the  first  with  that  wing. 

The  long  contention  between  the  King  and  the  Colony,  in 
which  Randolph  was  always  the  aggressive  antagonist  of  the 
liberals,  culminated  in  a  decree  of  the  Court  of  Chancery,  June 
21,  1684,  which  vacated  the  Charter. 

"Massachusetts,  as  a  body  politic,  was  now  no  more.  The 
elaborate  fabric,  that  had  been  fifty-four  years  in  building  was 
levelled  with  the  dust.  The  hopes  of  the  fathers  were  found 
to  have  been  merely  dreams.  It  seemed  that  their  brave  strug- 
gles had  brought  no  result.  The  honored  ally  of  the  Protector 
of  England  lay  under  the  feet  of  King  Charles  the  Second.  It 
was  on  the  Charter  granted  to  Roswell  and  his  associates,  Gov- 
ernor and  Company  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  that  the  structure 
of  the  cherished  institutions  of  Massachusetts,  religious  and 
civil,  had  been  reared.  The  abrogation  of  that  charter  swept 
the  whole  away.  Massachusetts,  in  English  law,  was  again 
what  it  had  been  before  James  the  First  made  a  grant  of  it  to 
the  Council  for  New  England.  It  belonged  to  the  King  of  Eng- 
land, by  virtue  of  the  discovery  of  the  Cabots."i 

A  private  letter  to  Joseph  Dudley  brought  the  fatal  tidings 
on  September  tenth,  but  official  news  did  not  arrive  until  Jan. 

1  Palfray,  History  of  New  England,  vol.  ill,  p.  394. 


28,  1684-5.  On  that  date,  the  Governor  announced  the  fact 
to  the  General  Court,  which  at  once  a])pointed  the  twelfth  of 
March,  as  a  day  of  sohMun  humiliation  throughout  the  Colony, 
"in  view  of  our  present  sad  and  awfull  circumstances,  i^  the 
increasing  tokens  of  the  Lord's  tlispleasure  against  us." 

A  request  was  sent  to  the  Towns  to  express  their  minds  with 
reference  to  giving  up  the  Charter,  as  Randolph  had  represented 
that  they  were  willing  to  do  this.  A  Town-meeting  was  held 
in  Ipswich  to  take  action  on  this  request.  The  record  is  as 
follows : — 

1685:  Feb.  11"^ 

The  Deputies  desiring  to  know  the  town 's  mind  w"'  Respect 
to  the  papers,  that  Mr.  Randolph  left,  whether  they  weare  will- 
ing to  make  a  free  resignation,  as  in  the  Declaration; 

There  was  not  one  person  that  voted  when  tryed  if  they 
were  willing. 

It  was  also  voted  that  all  those  that  are  desirous  to  retaine 
the  priviledges  granted  in  the  Charter  ik  confermed  by  his  Royall 
Majesty  now  reigneing  should  manifest  the  same  by  holding 
up  their  hands,  which  vote  was  unanimous  on  the  affirmative. 
None  when  tryed  appeared  in  the  Negative. 

The  other  Towns  voted  in  similar  fashion. 

An  humble  address  to  the  King's  most  excellent  Majesty 
was  also  drawn  up  and  adopted.  There  was  no  talk  of  resist- 
ance. Many  years  before,  in  the  Colony's  infancy,  an  a])peal 
to  arms  was  at  once  proposed,  wh(Mi  the  Charter  seemed  in  dan- 
ger. In  1664,  the  Colony  dared  the  King's  displeasure,  well 
knowing  what  it  might  cost.  But  now  its  spirit  seemed  broken. 
The  exhausting  war  with  the  Indians  had  left  a  depleted  treas- 
ury and  sorrowful  memories  of  j)i-ecious  lives  lost.  There  was 
no  longer  a  powerful  party  in  England,  whose  help  could  be 
relied  on.  The  King  was  supreme.  "In  1683,  the  Constitutional 
ojiposition  which  had  held  Charles  so  long  in  check  lay  crushed 
at  his  feet."  "The  strength  of  the  Country  party  had  been 
broken  by  the  reaction  against  Shaftsbury's  projects,  and  by 
the  flight  and  death  of  its  more  prominent  leaders.  What- 
ever strength  it  retained  lay  chiefly  in  the  towns,  and  these  were 
now  attacked  by  writs  of  'quo  warranto,'   which  called  on  them 


to  show  cause  why  their  charters  should  not  be  declared  forfeited 
on  the  ground  of  the  abuse  of  their  privileges.  A  few  verdicts 
on  the  side  of  the  Crown  brought  about  a  general  surrender  of 
municipal  liberties,  and  the  grant  of  fresh  charters,  in  which 
all  but  ultraloyalists  were  carefully  excluded  from  their  corpo- 
rations, placed  the  representations  of  the  boroughs  in  the  hands 
of  the  Crown."  1 

Resistance  to  the  King,  under  such  circumstances,  in  a  feeble 
colony,  was  inconceivable.  The  only  hope  lay  in  securing  some 
abatement  of  these  extreme  measures,  by  such  an  humble 
appeal.  Charles  the  Second  died  before  he  had  decided  on  any 
plan  of  action  against  the  Colony,  and  was  succeeded  on  Feb. 
6,  1684-5  by  James  the  Second.  In  obedience  to  the  royal 
Proclamation,  he  was  proclaimed  King  on  the  20'^  of  April  in 
"the  high  street  in  Boston,"  —  "the  hono'"ble  Govno"",  Dep*. 
Govno'',  &  Assistants,  on  horseback,  w*^  thousands  of  people,  a 
troope  of  horse,  eight  foote  companys,  drums  beating,  trumpets 
sounding,"  ....  "by  Edward  Rawson,  secret,  on  horseback, 
&  Jno  Greene,  marshall  gene^l,  taking  it  from  him,  to  the  great 
joy  &  loud  aclamations  of  the  people,  and  a  seventy  peec  of 
ordinanc  next  after  the  volleys  of  horse  &  foote. "- 

These  effusive  demonstrations  of  loyalty,  so  striking  in 
their  contrast  with  the  phlegmatic  indifference  of  the  General 
Court  at  the  Restoration,  were  followed  by  an  humble  petition 
to  the  new  King,  adopted  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  July,  which 
implored  pardon  for  their  faults,  and  a  gracious  continuance 
of  their  liberties  according  to  their  Charter.  Nothing  was  ac- 
complished, however,  and  in  May,  by  royal  conuuission,  Joseph 
Dudley,  son  of  Governor  Thomas  Dudley,  was  appointed  Presi- 
dent of  the  Council  of  eighteen,  which  supplanted  the  General 
Court.  Its  members  were  all  appointed  by  the  Crown,  and 
popular  election  of  a  governing  body  was  at  an  end.  Governor 
Bradstreet,  Nathaniel  Saltonstall  of  the  Magistrates,  and  Dudley 
Bradstreet,  son  of  the  Governor,  lately  a  Deputy,  declined  mem- 
bership in  the  new  Council.  Four  onl}^  of  the  former  Assistants 
accepted  places  in  the  new  government.  All  the  other  mem- 
bers of  the  General  Court  were  reduced  at  once  to  jjrivate  life. 

The  Council  proceeded  at  once  to  appoint  Justices  of  the 

1  Green,  Short  History  of  the  English  people. 

2  Mass.  Records,  vol.  5,  p.  474. 


Peace  in  the  various  Counties >  and  it  is  presumable  that  the 
Justices  were  all  men  in  favor  with  Dudley  and  Randolph. 
The  Essex  justices  were  William  Brown,  Jun.  John  Hathorne, 
John  Woodbridge,  John  Appleton,  Sen.,  Richard  Dummer  and 
Daniel  Epps.  On  June  14,  1686,  Mr.  John  Appleton  was  ap- 
pointed Clerk  of  the  Court  of  Pleas  for  the  County  of  Essex 
holden  at  Ipswich. i 

The  administration  of  justice  was  provided  for,  petition  was 
made  to  the  King  for  authority  to  establish  a  mint,  and  the 
President  took  oath  to  observe  the  Navigation  Laws.  The 
Records  of  the  Council  show  that  few  of  the  members  of  the 
Council  took  pains  to  attend  its  sessions.  Dudley,  Randolph 
and  half  a  dozen  others  transacted  the  public  business,  and 
very  shortly,  Randolph  began  to  complain  that  he  was  ill-treated 
by  the  President. 

Evidences  of  popular  discontent  soon  appeared.  The  first 
intimation  of  a  rebellious  spirit  arose  in  connection  with  a  pub- 
lic Fast  day,  proclaimed  by  the  President  and  Council.  The 
entry  in  the  Council  Record,  under  the  date  July  21,  1686, 
mentions  that  a  letter  has  been  sent  to  Bartholomew  Gedney, 
Esq.,  "with  orders  for  his  repairing  to  Rowley  or  Ipswich  to 
covent  before  him  and  the  Justices  of  the  County,  such  persons 
there  as  refused  to  observe  the  late  publique  Fast  appointed 
by  the  President  &  Councill."  On  July  30th,  several  depositions 
against  John  Gold  of  Topsfield  for  speaking  seditious  words 
against  the  Government,  were  presented  by  Major  Gedney.  He 
entered  into  £200  bond  to  appear  on  the  next  Thursday  after- 
noon. He  was  brought  before  the  President  and  Council  on 
the  fifth  of  August,  "and  witnesses  proved  that  he  had  spoken 
treasonable  words  on  or  about  the  11th  of  July".  He  was  com- 
mitted to  jail  in  Boston,  and  Thursday,  the  19th,  was  set  for  the 
trial  of  Gold  and  other  prisoners.  He  was  found  guilty  on  Aug- 
ust 25'i»,  when,  "considering  the  poverty  of  his  family,"  he 
was  fined  £50  and  the  charges  of  prosecution,  "the  remainder 
of  the  fine  to  be  respitted."  He  was  ordered  released  on  giving 
bond  for  good  behavior.  He  seems  to  have  found  it  impossible 
to  pay  his  fine,  and  probably  remained  in  jail.     On  Sept.  25th, 

1  Records  of  the  Council,  pp.C,  41. 


it  was  reduced  to  £20,  and  on  Nov.  9,  he  was  discharged  of  his 
bond  for  good  behavior,  i 

This  was  the  prelude  to  the  more  serious  pohtical  upheaval 
of  the  Andros  period,  and  it  possesses  a  singular  and  prophetic 
interest.  Topsfield,  Rowley  and  Ipswich  were  recognized  as 
hostile  to  the  new  government,  at  its  very  beginning.  Their 
jealousy  of  the  new  authority  that  commanded  them  to  keep 
a  public  Fast  day,  which  led  them  to  break  from  their  pious 
habits  of  many  years,  was  a  fit  forerunner  of  the  more  deter- 
mined refusal  to  pay  a  tax,  in  the  levying  of  which  they  had  no 

Dudley's  government  lasted  only  until  December,  1686.  On 
the  twelfth  of  that  month,  the  frigate.  Rose,  dropped  anchor 
in  Boston  harbor,  and  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  attended  by  sixty 
red-coats  landed.  He  was  escorted  to  the  Town  House,  at  the 
head  of  King,  now  State  Street,  where  he  caused  his  commis- 
sion to  be  read,  and  at  once  assumed  the  functions  of  Governor. 
The  oath  of  office  was  administered  to  eight  Councillors.  In 
January,  a  tax  of  a  penny  on  a  pound  was  ordered,  to  afford  a 
revenue.  This  edict  revealed  the  arbitrary  character  of 
Andres's  regime.  From  its  settlement,  the  Colony  had  always 
apportioned  its  own  taxes,  according  to  the  necessities  of  the 
time.  The  representatives  of  the  Towns  had  debated  all  finan- 
cial measures  in  General  Court,  and  the  Town  meetings  had 
decided  the  local  rate.  By  "An  Act  for  the  Continuing  and 
Establishing  of  several  Rates,  Duties  and  Imposts,"  which  was 
passed  by  the  Council  early  in  March,  1686-7,  this  ancient 
and  orderly  method  was  summarily  abrogated. 

This  Act  "provided  that  every  year,  beginning  four  months 
after  its  enactment,  the  Treasurer  should  send  his  warrant  to 
the  Constable  and  Selectmen  of  every  town,  requiring  the  in- 
habitants to  choose  a  taxing  commissioner;  that  the  Commis- 
sioner and  the  Selectmen  should  in  the  next  following  month 
make  a  list  of  persons  and  a  valuation  of  estates  within  their 
respective  towns ;  that  in  the  next  month  after  this,  the  Com- 
missioners for  the  towns  in  each  County  should  meet  at  their 
respective  county-towns  and  compare  and  correct  their  respec- 

1  Council  Records. 


tive  lists  to  be  forwardcMl  to  the  Treasurer,  and  that  he  should 
thereupon  issue  his  warrant  to  the  Constables  to  collect  the 
taxes,  so  assessed,  within  t{>n  weeks.  And  eveiy  Connnissioner 
or  Selectman  neglecting  to  perform  this  duty  was  punishable 
by  a  fine."i 

Nothing  could  have  been  more  exasperating  to  theColonists, 
yet  the  hopelessness  of  resistance  led  to  submission  in  some  of 
the  Towns.  Boston  chose  the  Tax  Commissioner  at  a  Town 
meeting  held  on  July  25th.  Salem,  Manchester,  Newbury,  and 
Marblehead  obeyed  the  warrant.  But  other  towns  of  Essex 
County  refused,  and  there  was  resistance  elsewhere.  The  An- 
dres government  took  action  at  once.  The  first  to  feel  the  weight 
of  the  Council's  displeasure  was  the  Town  Clerk  of  Taunton. 
At  a  session  of  the  Governor  and  Council  on  the  31st  of  August, 
1687,  "Shadrack  Wilbore,  Clerk  of  the  Towne  of  Taunton,  being 
by  the  M(\sseriger  brought  before^  the  Board  and  Examined  about 
a  scandalous,  factious  and  seditious  writeing  sent  from  the 
said  Town  to  the  sd.  Treasurer  in  answer  to  his  warr*  for  the 
publique  rate  signed  by  him  as  Clerk,  he  owned  the  same  and 
declared  it  to  be  the  act  of  the  Town." 

"Ordered  that  the  said  Shadrach  Wilbore  be  bound  over 
to  answer  for  the  same  att  the  next  Superior  Court  to  be 
holden  in  Bristoll."2  Justice  Thomas  Leonard  was  suspended 
from  his  office  because  he  was  present  at  the  Town  meeting  and 
did  not  hinder  the  same.  The  constables  were  bound  over  for 
neglect  of  their  duty  in  not  obeying  the  Treasurer's  warrant. 

The  Ipswich  Town  meeting  was  held  on  August  23,  1687. 
But  on  the  night  before,  there  was  a  meeting  of  the  Selectmen 
and  other  leading  citizens  at  the  house  of  Mr.  John  Applcton, 
Junior,  the  Town  Clerk,  at  which  the  course  of  action  that  they 
would  advise  the  Town  to  adopt,  was  discussed.  The  Selectmen 
were  Lieut.  John  Andrews,  Moderator,  Lieut.  Thomas  Burnam, 
Mr.  John  Whipple,  Quar*  Robert  Kinsman,  Serg*  Thos.  Harte, 
Mr.  John  Appleton,  Jun.  and  Nath^  Treadwell.3  These  were 
all  present,  it  is  likely,  and  beside  them,  there  were  two  of  the 
reverend  Pastors,     William   Hubbard,  Pastor  of  the  Ipswich 

1  raUray,  Hist,  of  Xew  England,  vol.  Ill,  p.  5-20.    Footnote. 

2  Council  Record,  p.  137. 

3  Town  Records. 


church,  and  John  Wise,  Pastor  of  the  church  at  Chebacco,  now 
Essex,  Constable  Thomas  French,  Nehemiah  Jewett,  Wilham 
Goodhue,  Jun., William  Howlett,  Simon  Stace,  and  others,  some 
twelve  or  fourteen  in  all.^ 

Constable  French  read  the  warrant.  They  all  agreed  that 
this  "warrant-act"  for  raising  a  revenue,  abridged  their  liberties 
as  EngHshmen.  They  "did  Discourse  &  Conclude  y*  it  was 
not  y**  town 's  Dutie  any  wayes  to  Assist  y*  ill  Methode  of  Raising 
mony  w*out  a  Generall  Assembly,  w^^  was  apparently  intended 
by  above  said  S^  Edmund  &  his  Councill."2 

The  next  day  in  Town  meeting,  Mr.  Wise  spoke  vigorously 
against  taxation  without  a  vote  of  their  representative  assembly. 
He  said,  "we  had  a  good  God  tt  a  good  king  and  Should  Do 
well  to  stand  for  o""  previledges."  William  Howlett  spoke  in 
the  same  fashion,  Mr.  Andrews  and  Mr.  Appleton.  The  citizens 
responded  to  these  appeals,  and  by  a  seemingly  unanimous  vote 
declined  to  choose  a  Commissioner.  The  record  of  this  meeting 
is  brief.  Apparently  no  other  business  was  transacted.  But  the 
few  sentences  are  remarkable  for  their  clear  and  heroic  utter- 
ance of  the  principle  that  they  would  not  consent  to  taxation 
without  representation. 

At  a  Legall  Towne  Meeting  August  23''  1687  Assembled  by 
vertue  of  an  order  from  John  Usher  Esq.  Treas^r  for  choosing 
a  Commissi'"  to  join  w^^  y^  Selectmen  to  assess  y^  Inhabitants 
according  to  an  act  of  his  Excellency,  y^  Governor  &  Counsell, 
for  Levying  rates. 

Then  considering  that  the  s''  act  doth  infringe  their  Liberty 
as  Free  borne  English  subjects  of  his  Majest'^  by  interf earing 
wth  ye  statutory  Laws  of  the  Land,  By  wh  it  is  enacted,  that 
no  taxes  shall  be  Levied  on  y®  Subjects  wt^out  consent  of  an 
assembly  chosen  by  y^  Freeholders  for  assessing  y^  same. 

They  do  therefore  vote,  that  they  are  not  willing  to  choose 
a  Conmiisser  for  such  an  end,  w^^out  s''  priviledges. 

And  morover  consent  not  that  the  Selectmen  do  proseed  to 
lay  out  any  such  rate,  until  it  be  appointed  by  a  Generall  As- 
sembly, concurring  w^^  ye  Governer^  and  Counsell,  Voted  by  the 
whole  assembly  twisse. 

1  See  Depositions  of  Appleton,  French  and  otliers.    Mass.  Archives,  book  127 
leaf  102. 

2  Complaints  of  Great  Wrongs.    Mass.  Archives,  tjook  35^1eaf  139. 


The  vot(^  of  the  iiu^etiiig  was  forwarded  by  the  Clerk,  John 
Api)letoii,  Junior,  to  Mr.  Usher,  and  then  a  vigorous  effort  was 
made  by  certain  citizens  of  the  Town  to  influence  th(^  vote;  of 
the  neigldioring  towns.  The  Topsfield  ine(>ting  was  hehJ  on 
the  80"'  of  August.  A  document  in  the  State  Archives,'  gives 
th(^  names  of  those  that  were  prescuit.  Nineteen  names  are 
recorded.  Against  the  name  of  Sanuiel  Howlett,  the  (comment 
is  made  in  parenthesis"(p  moted  y^ paper)."  One  Ipswich  man 
is  included  in  the  list. 

sup])osed     to  be    the  p'son   that 

braught  a  Seditious  paper  into 

ye  meeting,  w^'i   was  read  A:  l)y 
him  p  moted." 

"William   Howlett^ 

The  Rowley  meeting  was  held  on  Aug.  olst,  and  Caleb 
Boynton  seems  to  have  been  the  messenger  to  carry  the  tid- 
ings of  the  Ipswich  vote  to  that  town. 2 

The  determined  attitude  of  Ipswich  regarding  its  own  tax, 
and  its  evident  propagandism  of  its  obnoxious  tenets  in  other 
towns  roused  Andros  and  his  Council  to  instant  action.  Next 
to  Boston,  Ipswich  was,  perhaps,  the  most  important  town  in 
the  Colony. 3  Boston,  as  we  have  observed,  made  no  opposition 
to  the  oppressive  warrant.  Salem  yielded  to  its  demand.  The 
high-handed  course  of  this  influential  community  made  it  a 
target  for  official  wrath. 

"Att  a  generall  Sessions  of  ye  Peace  Held  att  Ipswich  Sept. 
14;  1687,"  Joseph  Dudley  and  Peter  Bulkeley,  members  of  the 
Council  sitting  as  Magistrates,  formal  proceedings  were  begun 
against  the  refractory  towns.  The  first  action  was  upon  the 
Ipswich  record.4 

On  complaint  of  John  Usher  Esq.  Treasurer  &  Capt.  Francis 
Nicholson  Esq.  both  of  y"  Councill  of  an  Entry  in  y^  Towne 
Booke  of  Ipswich  in  y^  Custody  of  Lieut.  John  Aplton  Towne 
Clarke,  who  gave  a  copy  of  y^  same. 

This  Court  ord'^  yt  ye  Orriginal  record  with  y^  Booke  where- 
in sd  entry  is  to  be  forthwith  Secured  &  ]:»ut  into  y^  hands  of 

'  Book  127,  leaf  105. 

"  Mass.  Archives,  book  35,  leaf  V17. 

3  Palfray,  Hist,  of  New  Eiislanfi,  in,  p.  .5-25. 

*  Mass.  Archives,  book  127,  leaf  92. 


Capt.  John  Aplton  &  Capt.  Daniel  Eppes  his  Majesties  Justices 
of  ye  Peace  till  further  order.     Copia  vera  of  ye  Court  Record 

attest.       S"-.  Sewall,  Clerk. 

On  the  16*^  of  September,  the  Selectmen  of  several  tov^^ns 
appeared  before  this  Court.  N.  Browne  and  J.  Bailey,  Selectmen 
ofSahsbury  appeared  before  Peter  Bulkeley  Arm.,  and  recog- 
nized to  appear  at  Boston  before  the  Governor  and  Council  on 
Sept.  21st;  and  on  the  same  day,  John  Bailey  and  Jacob  Bailey, 
Joseph  Jewett  and  Joseph  Chaplin  of  Rowley  appeared  before 
Joseph  Dudley,  and  recognized  in  £100  to  appear  before  the 
Governor  on  the  same  date.^ 

Robert  Kinsman,  Thomas  Hart,  Nathaniel  Treadwell,  and 
John  Whipple,  Selectmen,  Simon  Wood  and  John  Harris, 
Constables,  all  of  Ipswich  gave  similar  recognizances  and  the 
Town  gave  its  bond  that  they  should  appear  in  Boston  at  the 
specified  time. 3  John  Stevens  and  Benjamin  Stevens,  Select- 
men of  Salisbury,  were  also  bound  over. 

The  most  conspicuous  of  the  opponents  of  the  Governor's 
warrant  were  dealt  with  in  more  summary  fashion.  Warrants 
for  their  arrest  were  issued,  and  the  first  was  against  the  Con- 
stable, Moderator  and  Clerk  of  Ipswich.-^ 

Sir  Edmund  Andros  K^t  Capt.  General  &  Governor  in  Cheife 
of  his  Majtys  Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England.  To  Joseph 
Smith  messenger, 

Whereas  I  have  received  Information  that  Thomas  French 
Constal)le  of  Ipswich  in  y^  County  of  Essex  Jn"  Andrews  of  y^ 
same  i)lace  &  John  Appleton  of  ye  same  place Vt  clerk  with  divers 
others  Disaffected  &  evil  Desposed  persons  within  ye  sd  Town 
as  yett  unknown  on  ye  23'^  day  of  August  last  past  being  mett 
&  assembled  together  att  Ipswich  aforesd  Did  in  a  most  fac- 
tious &  Seditious  &  Contemptuous  manner  then  &  there  vote  & 
agree  that  they  were  not  willing  nor  would  not  Choose  a  Com- 
missioner as  by  a  Warrant  From  Jn^  Usher  Esq.  his  Majesties 
Treasurer  &  Receiver  General  in  p  suanco  of  ye  laws  of  this  his 
Majt'es  Dominion  to  ye  Constable  &  Selectmen  of  ye  sd  Town 
directed  was  required  to  be  Done  w*  the  vote  or  agreement  of 

^  Mass.  Archives,  book  127,  leaves  90,  97. 

2  Mass.  Archives,  ijouk  127,  leaf  98. 

3  Mass.  Archives,  book  127,  leaf  92. 
*  Mass.  Archives,  book  127,  leaf  93. 


them  the  sd  Thomas  French  Jii"  Andrews  &  .In"  Appleton  & 
others  as  aforesaid  was  then  &  their  by  their  Consent  &  dii-ection 
by  him  the  sd  Jn"  Appleton  as  Clerk  of  y^  sd  Town  putt  into 
vvritinfi  &  published  Contrary  to  &  in  high  Contempt  of  his  majties 
Laws  tt  Government  here  established,  these  are  therefore  in 
his  Majt'es  Name  to  Charge  &  Command  you  that  immediately 
you  take  into  you''  Custody  the  bodyes  of  y^  Thomas  French 
Jn"  Andrews  A:  Jn"  A]ipleton  &  them  safely  keep  &  bring  to  this 
place  soe  that  you  may  have  them  before  me  in  Council  to  An- 
swer ye  premises  &  what  else  shall  l)e  ( )bj(»cte(l  against  them  oi- 
either  of  them  on  his  Majt'^s  Beb.ahe. 

And  all  Justices  of  y^  I'eace  Sheriffs  Constables  t'(:  other 
officers  both  Millitary  &  Civill  &  all  other  persons  whatsoever  are 
hereby  strictly  Charged  &  Required  to  be  Ayding  &  Assisting 
to  you  therein  as  Occasion  A:  for  soe  doeing  this  will  be  unto  you 
ct  tliem  a  Sufficient  Warr't. 

Given  under  my  hand  A:  scale  att  Boston  the  lo*'^  day  of 
September  in  y^S'^  year  of  his  Maj''«''^  Reign  annocjue  Dom.  1GS7. 

On  the  following  day,  SepjL  16th,  a  warrant  was  issued  for  the 
arrest  of  John  Wise  of  Chebacco,  Clerk,  and  William  Hewlett 
of  Ipswich,  Husbandman,  which  specified^  "that  they  the  said 
John  Wise  and  William  Howlett  Did  particularly  Excite  and 
Stir  up  his  Majesties  Subjects  to  Refractory ness  and  Disobed- 
ience contrary  to  and  in  high  contempt  of  his  Majt^'^^  Laws  and 
Government  here  established." 

Rev.  John  Wise  was  the)i  in  his  thirty-sixth  year.  He  was 
the  son  of  Joseph  Wise  of  Roxbury,  was  graduated  at  Harvard 
College  in  1673,  and  in  1680,  began  preaching  in  Ipswich,  in  the 
Chebacco  parish.  He  was  ordained  on  August  12,  1683.  In 
his  young  manhood  he  was  a  famous  wrestler.  The  tradition 
still  abides  in  his  old  parish  of  one  of  his  deeds  of  prowess. 
Capt.  John  Chandler  of  Andover  had  vanquished  every  oppo- 
nent in  his  own  neighborhood  and  came  to  invite  atrial  of  strength 
with  the  worthy  pastor.  Mr.  Wise  finally  consented,  and  after 
a  brief  struggle,  pitched  his  antagonist  over  the  wall  into  the 
highway;  whereupon,  his  vancpiished  rival  looked  over  and  in 
a  good  natured  way,  invited  him  to  throw  his  horse  over  also. 
To  his  athletic  powers,  he  added  unusual  strength  of  intellect. 

He  was  a  natural  leader  of  men,  and  it  is  a  fine  tribute  to 

'  Mass.  Archives,  book  1'27,  leaf  103. 


his  personality,  that  two  of  his  parishioners  stood  with  him  in 
his  bold  protest.  Lieut.  John  Andrews  was  his  friend  and  near 
neighbor,  William  Goodhue,  Jr.  was  of  the  same  neighborhood. 

Mr.  Appleton  was  the  son  of  Capt.  John  Appleton,  the  signer 
of  the  petition  of  1664,  and  Deputy  in  the  General  Court.  The 
son  and  father  are  frequently  confounded.  Capt.  John  was 
one  of  the  Justices  of  Essex  Coimty  under  the  Dudley  Govern- 
ment, and  was  a  firm  loyalist.  His  son,  the  Lieutenant,  Se- 
lectman and  Town  Clerk,  was  the  sufferer. 

Thomas  French  was  one  of  the  Constables.  Official  con- 
nection with  the  town  meeting  involved  him  with  Mr.  Andrews, 
Mr.  Appleton  and  Mr.  Kinsman,  in  the  legal  prosecutions.  Mr. 
Wise  and  Mr.  Goodhue  were  not  office-bearers. 

Appleton,  Andrews  and  French  seem  to  have  been  examined 
at  once  by  Andros,  and  the  substance  of  their  testimony  is  em- 
bodied in  the  brief  notes,  preserved  in  the  Archives.  ^ 

John  Appleton  being  examined  before  y"  Gov.  owned  y^ 
paper  signed  by  him  as  y«  vote  of  y^  towne  of  Ipswich 

that  he  wrote  it  as  he  was  directed  by  y«  moderator  Jn"  An- 

that  att  a  meetint!;  of  ye  Selectmen  before  ye  Generall  meet- 
ing of  ye  Town  the  Warr^  was  read  eV:  tliere  was  ab*  12  or  14  psons 
present  amongst  which  Mr.  Hubbart  Mr.  Wise  Mr.  French  Con- 
stable Jn"  Andrews  Robt.  Kinsman  Nath.  Tredwell  Jn^  Whip- 
ple &  himselfe  selectmen  they  all  Declared  that  y  warrant 
act  for  ye  Revenue  which  they  then  likewise  read  did  abridge 
them  of  their  Libty  as  Enghshmen  that  Mr.  Wise  was  present 
at  the  towne  meeting  &  spoak  agt  receiving  money  without  an 

John  Andrews  Moderator  owned  y^  Paper  signed  by  Jn" 
Appleton  Ck.  to  be  ye  Vote  of  3^6  towne  but  sayd  y"  Clerk  was 
ordered  to  draw  up  a  writing  &  he  went  out  from  ye  meeting  & 
did  it  &  when  read  was  approved. 

Thomas  French  Constable  owned  ye  Paper  signed  by  Jn" 
Appleton  Ck.  to  be  y^  vote  of  ye  towne  when  he  was  present  & 
that  ye  Returned  a  Coppy  thereof  to  ye  Treasurer  &  voted  for 
it  in  ye  town  meeting. 

says  that  ye  Moderator  Mr  Appleton  &  Mr  Wise  spoak  in  ye 
meeting  that  ye  night  before  ye  town  Meeting  ye  Warr*  was 
read  by  him  in  y  presence  of  y"  Selectmen  Mr.  Hubbart  min- 
ister Mr.  Wise  Minister  Nehemiah  Jewett  &  others.  Know 
not  of  ye  drawing  up  of  ye  Vote  where  it  was  done  or  by  whom. 

*  MasB.  Archives,  book  127,  leaf  102. 


If  we  interpret  the  drift  of  this  testimony  aright,  the  spe- 
cial grievance  against  Ipswich  was,  not  the  simple  act  of  re- 
fusing to  elect  a  Tax-Commissioner,  but  the  drawing  up  of  the 
result  of  that  meeting  in  a  document,  which  was  published 
abroad,  and  used  as  an  incentive  to  similar  action  in  other 

We  may  presume  that  these  warrants  were  served  at  once, 
and  the  arrest  of  the  minister  of  Chebacco  and  his  associates 
was  sufficient  ground  for  the  panic  that  prevailed  at  this  time 
in  this  vicinity,  among  all,  who  were  concerned  in  resistance  to 
authority  and  the  increasing  boldness  of  the  public  prosecutors. 
The  Topsfield  Selectmen  were  moved  to  humble  and  profuse 
apology.  Indeed,  the  petition  of  Captain  How,  one  of  the 
Selectmen,  is  an  extraordinar}?-  specimen  of  terror-stricken  sup- 

To  his  Excilcncy  the  Governor^ 
Right  honered 

The  htuuble  Peticion  of  John  How  humbly  slieweth 
that  I  ^"^  acnolidging  that  I  have  grevously  transgressed  in 
having  anything  to  doe  in  that  act  or  ansers  maed  by  the  Towne 
of  Toixsficld  to  the  Treshurer's  warent  and  espachally  in  being 
perswaded  to  wright  anything  so  Contrary  to  my  Judgment  for 
which  I  am  hartely  sorry  acnolidging  that  I  have  justly  deserved 
Condigne  Punishment,  for  the  same.  I  fall  Downe  at  your 
feet  humbly  baiging  your  marcy  and  humbly  intreating  his 
excilancy  the  Governor  to  pardon  me  this  one:  Promising  for 
time  to  come  to  Approve  myselfe  faithfull  in  all  Respacts  to  his 
Excilancy  the  Governor  and  Government  baring  oppen  Testi- 
mony against  all  Rabbell  that  shall  anny  waies  oppose  the  same 
and  that  shall  not  welingly  submit  to  that  Good  and  Gracious 
Governer  that  his  Majeste  hath  here  settled  hoping  that  I  shall 
Radily  perswaed  the  gratest  part  of  the  Towne  of  Topsfield 
humbly  to  acnolidge  &  Radily  to  Reforme  what  they  have  done 

I  prostrate  my  selfc  and  Rcmaine  his  Excilancys  himibell 
peticinor  with  all  hinnbcll  submetion 

John  How 
Dat  ye  16th  Sept.  1687. 

Encouraged  by  the  arrest  of  Mr.  Wise,  perhaps,  Philip  Nell- 
son,  of  Rowley,  Justice  of  the  Peace,  proceeded  to  make  return 

•  M.nsri.  Archives,  V)ook  127,  leaf  109. 


to  the  Governor,  "that  the  Reverend  Mr.  Samuel  Philhps  pastor 
of  the  Church  of  Christ  in  Rowley  hath  some  time  in  the  month 
of  May  last  past  rased  an  evill  report  of  Squire  Randolph  one 
of  his  Majesties  Councell,  in  terming  him  or  calling  him  a  wicked 
man  and  did  blame  Ensigne  Plats  for  keeping  company  with 
wicked  men  and  did  nominate  Squire  Randolph  and  at  the  same 
time  say  that  he  was  a  wicked  man  and  that  he  had  got  an 
office  thereby,  and  other  words  to  like  efTect.' 

This  return  was  made  on  the  19th  of  September,  and  the 
Justice  explained  the  tardiness  of  his  accusation,  that  there  had 
been  differences  between  the  Pastor  and  himself,  but  that  in  the 
changed  condition  of  affairs  the  charges  against  the  minister 
had  been  revived  and  publicly  repeated.  Happily  the  attack 
upon  Mr.  Phillips  was  followed  by  no  criminal  proceedings,  but 
it  is  suggestive  of  the  disturbed  and  unnatural  tone  of  common 

But  the  greatest  shock  these  troublous  times  had  brought 
thus  far  to  the  people  of  Ipswich  and  of  Essex  County  was  the 
warrant,  that  was  signed  on  the  19th  of  September,  for  the  arrest 
of  three  of  the  Magistrates  of  the  government,  now  overthrown, 
Dudley  Bradstreet,  Samuel  Appleton  and  Nathaniel  Saltonstall . 
The  common  ground  of  comjilaint  was  voiced  in  the  charge 
against  Mr.  Bradstreet,  son  of  Governor  Bradstreet  &  Town 
Clerk  of  Andover,^  "a  person  factiously  and  seditiously  In- 
clyned  &  Disaffected  to  his  Majties  Government  as  one  who 
hath  Endeavored  to  ahenate  y^  harts  of  his  maties  Subjects 
from  ye  Same  Contrary  to  his  Duty  &  Allegiance  &  in  Contempt 
of  his  Maties  Laws  &  authority  her  published." 

"The  like  to  Thomas  Larkin  for  Samuel  Appleton  of  Ips- 
wich &  Wm.  Howlett,  to  Joshua  Brodbank  for  Nathaniel 
Saltingstall  of  Haverhill." 

These  dignitaries  were  arrested,  but  they  were  not  imprisoned. 
Mr.  Bradstreet  was  kept  in  custody  at  Capt.  Page's  house  in 
the  Garrison  at  Boston,  as  his  petition  offered  a  few  days  later 
informs  us.  Mr.  Appleton  was  in  charge  of  the  messenger, 
Thomas  Larkin.  He  had  taken  no  part  in  the  meetings  at 
Ipswich.  The  charges  against  him  were  of  a  general  nature,  as 
Randolph  had  previously  made. 

1  Mass.  Archives,  book  127,  leaf  117. 

2  Mass.  Archives,  book  127,  leaf  116. 


Public  indignation  must  have  been  at  fever  heat  on  Sept.  21st, 
when  the  Governor  and  Council  met  and  the  officers  of  the 
Towns  appeared  for  trial.  .Tac<^]j  Morrill  and  Joshua  Bayly, 
Constables  of  Salisbury,  William  Hutchins,  of  Bradford,  John 
Pierson  and  John  Dresser,  Selectmen  of  Rowley,  John  Wise, 
Robert  Kinsman,  John  Appleton,  John  Andrews,  John(Thomas) 
French,  Wm.  Rayment  and  Wm  Goodhue  were  arraigned. 

The  official  Record  of  the  Council  simply  states  that  these 
men  "committed  for  refusing  to  pay  their  rates  .  .  .  and 
making  and  publishing  factious  iV:  seditious  votes  &  writeings  — 
were  this  day  severally  examined  in  Council.  Ordered  that 
they  stand  Committed  untill  they  have  their  tryalls  at  Boston 
by  special  comicon,  which  his  Excell"  will  please  to  issue  forth  the 
next  week."  But  from  depositions,  made  at  a  later  date,  and 
other  documents,  we  gather  that  Mr.  Wise,  at  least,  did  not  sub- 
mit tamely  to  the  indignities  put  upon  him.  Mr.  Mason,  a 
member  of  the  Council,  declared  that  the  accused  had  no  more 
privileges  left  than  not  to  be  sold  as  slaves.  "Mr.  West,  the 
Deputy  Secretary  declared  to  some  of  us  that  we  were  a  factious 
People  &  had  no  Previlege  left  us.  The  Gov^nr  S""  E^'  Andros 
said  to  some  of  us  By  way  of  Ridicule,  Whether  we  thought  if  Jac 
&  Tom  should  tell  the  king  w*^  moneyes  he  must  have  for  y^  use 
of  his  Govmt  Implying  that  y^  People  of  the  Countree  were 
but  a  parcell  of  Ignorant  Jacks  &  Toms." 

To  these  officials,  Mr.  Wise  replied  that  they,  as  Englishmen, 
had  privileges  according  to  Magna  Charta,  and  he  reported 
afterwards  what  passed  between  the  members  of  the  Council 
and  himself,  though  they  seem  to  have  sat  with  closed  doors. 
The  officials  were  greatly  offended,  and  visited  their  displeasure 
upon  several,  including  one  of  the  most  prominent  citizens  of 
Ipswich,  Mr.  Francis  Wainwright.  His  "Humble  Petition"  af- 
fords surprising  evidence  of  the  tyrannous  denial  of  free  speech, 
which  the  Andros  governjiient  claimed  as  its  prerogative,  and 
the  spirit  of  abject  submission  that  ruled  the  hour. 

The  Humble  Petition  of  P'rancis  Wainwright. i 
Humbly  sheweth 

Whereas  y  Pef  hath  inconsiderately  rehearsed  &  repeated 
some  words  or  expressions  proceeding  from  M""  John  Wise  which 

1  Mass.  Arcliives,  l)ook  li",  leaf  lfi'2. 


he  declared  to  have  passed  from  John  West  Esq.  at  the  time  of 
sd  Wise  his  examination  befor(>  y'  Excellency  and  Councill,  upon 
his  asserting  the  priviledges  of  Englishmen  according  to  Magna 
Charta,  It  Vas  replyed  to  him  that  wee  had  no  further  priv- 
ilege reserved  saveing  to  be  exempted  from  being  sold  for  slaves 
or  to  that  effect. 

Yr  Pet'-  is  heartily  sorry  that  he  should  be  so  imprudent 
and  unadvised  a.s  to  receive  and  repeat  any  such  Report 
or  expressions,  not  considering  the  evill  consequence  or 
tendency  thereof:  being  farjrom  designing  any  harm 
th(M-eiu  or  causeing  any  comotion  or  disturbance  but 
would  judge  himself e  of  folly  and  rashness.  And  humbly 
prays  yo^  Ex^ys  and  Councills  favorable  construction  of 
his  weakness  &  rashness  therein.  And  prays  y'  forgive- 
ness, hopeing  it  will  caution  him  to  more  care  &  circum- 
spection for  future. 

And  as  in  duty  bound  shall  for  e\^er  pray. 

Francis  Wainwright 

Boston,  24  Sept.  1687. 

Nathaniel  Williams  and  Joshua  Winsor  also  stood  bound i  to 
answer  for  "rehearsing  &  divulging  some  words  reflecting  upon 
John  West,  Esq.  said  to  be  reported  by  Mr.  John  Wise,  as  pro- 
ceeding from  sd  West  at  the  time  of  sd.  Wise's  examination." 

From  the  deposition  of  Thomas  French,  it  appears  that  he, 
and  his  associates,  as  well,  we  may  suppose,  were  taken  to  Bos- 
ton when  arrested,  examined  by  the  Governor,  and  then  com- 
mitted to  the  stone  jail  in  Boston,  where  they  were  kept  until 
their  examination  before  the  Council,  and  then  returned  to  it, 
awaiting  their  trial.  Mr.  Wise  probably  suffered  the  same  lot. 
Two  days  after  he  had  shown  such  courageous  bearing  before 
the  Governor,  at  his  examination,  the  hardship  of  prison  life 
began  to  weigh  upon  his  spirits,  and  he  addressed  a  humorous, 
but  not 'wholly  intelligible  plea  to  the  Governor:— 2 

To  his  Excellencie  &  Counsell  now  sitting  I  do  Humbly  Begg 
your  Honours  Licenc  Being  very  much  Disadvantaged  on  the 
account  of  my  Naturall  Rest  Here  wher  I  a^"  I  have  had  But 
Little  Sleep  Sine  I  have  Been  your  Prisoner  Here  in  Towne  the 
place  Being  so  full  of  Company. 

I  dare  not  Be  prolix  at  this  time    I  shall  be  Ready  In  the 

>  Mass.  Archives,  book  127,  leaf  206. 
2  Mass.  Archives,  book  127,  leaf  158. 


Daytime  to  Attend  the  ])lcasur('  of  the  ('ouiiccU  this  is  the  ut- 
most that  your 

Hon'"'*  are  troubled  w<  from  Ilim 
who  is  for  (irace  &  favoui-  A 
retitiniier  Amongst  Royall   Dust 
A:  your  Prisoner 

John  Wise 
23  Sept.   1GS7. 

This  conununication  was  followed  by  another  a  few  days 
later,  which  was  drawn  up  by  Mr.  Wise  very  evidently,  pray- 
ing for  release  on  bail. 

Tile  liumble  Petition^  of  John  Wise  John  Appleton  William 
Raymond    .lolm  Andrews  Thomas    French    Jacob  Muzzill  (Mor- 
rill) Joshua  Hayley  William  Hutchins  John  Pearson  John  Dres- 
ser Robert  Kinsman  William  (ioodluie. 
Humbly  Sheweth 

That  its  no  less  afflictive  than  uncomfortable  unto  yo""  Pef« 
to  be  confined  and  detained  at  so  considerable  distance  from  their 
Familys  and  occasions  which  they  are  very  sensible  must  needs 
deeply  suffer  by  their  long  absence:  most  of  y^""  Pef^  Improve- 
ment &  livelihood  depending  u])()n  Husbandry  and  the  Season 
of  the  year  drawing  on  which  will  necessai'ily  require  their  at- 
tendance and  help  in  the  gathering  in  their  Indian  Harvest  & 
for  the  support  and  provision  for  their  Familys  in  the  ensueing 

Yr  Pefs  therefore  humbly  Pray  y°^  Excellencys  Favour 
in  admitting  them  to  bail  and  to  grant  their  Enlarge- 
ment upon  their  giveing  in  Security  to  appear  and  answer 
what  shall  be  objected  against  them  and  either  of  them 
respectively  at  such  time  ct  place  as  yo^  Excellency  shall 
please  to   direct  cV:   order  which   they  shall    acknowlege 
with  humble  thankfulness  and  as  in  duty  bound  for  ever 
From  His  Maj^ies                                                             John  Wise 
Prison  in  Boston                                                    John  Appleton 
27  Sept.  1687.  ^ 

The  Governor  was  not  disposed  to  grant  this  request,  and 
on  the  following  day,  Mr.  Wise  and  his  Ipswich  fellow-prisoners 
addressed  another  petition  for  favor.     It  is  a  surprising  and  a 

1  Mass.  Archives,  book  1'27,  leaf  1()4. 


disappointing  document,  and  indicates  a  complete  breaking 
down  of  the  fine  high  spirit,  which  had  characterized  these  ad- 
vocates of  liberty  and  democracy.  The  matter  that  chiefly 
surprises  us,  and  arouses  the  keenest  regret,  is  that  Mr.  Wise 
and  the  other  Ipswich  men  acted  in  this,  independently  of  the 
citizens  of  the  other  towns,  who  were  imprisoned  with  them. 

To  his  Excellency  the  Governour  and  Councill  of  his  Majesties 
Territory  &  Dominion  of  New  England.! 
The  humble  Petition  of  the  Selectmen  and  other  of  the  In- 
habitants of  the  Town  of  Ipswich 
May  it  Please  y^r  Excellency 

It  is  our  great  sorrow  That  for  want  of  due  consideration  and 
prudent  conduct  wee  have  by  any  of  our  inadvertent  and  rash 
actions  unhappily  precipitated  and  involved  our  Selves  in  so 
great  inconvenience  and  mischiefe  as  justly  to  fall  under  yo"" 
Exc^s  displeasure  and  give  any  occasion  to  be  represented  as  dis- 
loyall  or  in  the  least  disaffected  unto  his  Majesties  Government 
as  now  Established  amongst  us  by  his  Royal  Coiiiission  unto 
which  we  do  and  shall  yield  our  willing  Subjection  and  dutyfull 
Observance  and  upon  all  occasions  give  such  demonstration  and 
Testimony  of  our  Allegiance  and  duty  to  our  Sovereign  as  may 
bespeak  us  good  &  Loyal  Subjects. 

Wee  humbly  Pray  yor  Exc^^  and  Councills  favour  in  the 
pardon  and  passing  over  our  Offence  in  the  neglect  of  y°^ 
Comand  by  M^  Treasurer^  warrant  directed  unto  us  with- 
out any  severe  animadversion  thereupon  hopeing  you 
will  please  to  impute  it  rather  to  our  ignorance  than  Ob- 
stinacy in  neither  of  which  we  would  persist  And 
though  in  respect  of  time  being  now  elapsed  we  cannot 
precisely  comply  with  the  execution  and  performance 
of  the  sd  warrant  yet  may  we  obtein  y  Exc^^  and 
Councills  Favour  we  shall  in  our  respective  stations  & 
capacitys  to  our  utmost  endeavour  a  speedy  prosecution 
&  effecting  of  the  worke  &  service  therein  required  in  the 
makeing  a  List  &  Assessment  of  the  persons  &  Estate 
of  our  Town  and  transmit  the  same  unto  the  Treasurer 
And  as  in  duty  bound  Shall  forever  pray. 

/John  Appleton  Jno  Wise 

John  Andrews  Thomas  French 

J  Robert  Kinsman 
Selectmen       i  Nathaniel  Tredwell 
Thomas  Hart 
^JoHN  Whipple 
Boston,  28  September  1687 

1  MasB.  Archives,  book|127,'leaf  147. 


Humble  as  this  apology  was,  it  failed  of  its  end.  No  release 
was  p-anted  even  upon  bail.  J)iscouraged  by  the  hopelessness 
of  the  situation,  Capt.  John  Andrews  was  the  next  to  sue  for 
favor  in  an  individual  petition  of  the  fourth  of  October, i  which 
recites  tiiat  his  "long  confinement  and  the  hardshi]js  of  a  Prison 
have  very  sensible  Effects  upon  his  weake  and  crazey  l^ody, 
which  is  attended  with  many  Infirmities  of  old  Age,  etc.,"  and 
loss  in  his  business,  and  makes  appeal  for  the  privilege  of  visit- 
ing his  family  on  giving  bail.  There  is  no  evidence  that  this 
was  granted.  These  submissions  were  made  by  many  of  the 
accused.  John  Peirson  of  Rowley  made  his  on  the  29th  of  Sep- 
tember,- Christopher  Osgood  and  John  Osgood  of  Andover 
on  the  13th  of  October  and  again  on  the  15th  of  October.-^  Wil- 
liam Hutchins  of  Bradford  presented  his  apology  for  an  irreg- 
ular list  of  estates  made  in  ignorance  of  the  law.  ■* 

Meanwhile  a  warrant  was  issued  against  Samuel  Appleton  of 
I^yim,  son  of  Major  Samuel,  the  most  determined  in  tone  of  any 
that   remain: 

To  the  Sheriff  of  the  Co.  of  Essex^ 

Whereas  sevcrall  speciall  warrants  have  been  late- 
ly issued  forth  for  y^  apprehending  of  Samuel  Appleton  of  Lynn 
to  answer  to  severall  matters  of  High  Misde- 
meanor therein  mentioned  the  Execution  of  wh  hath  been  Hin- 
dred  by  his  y^  sd  Sam^i  Appletons  Hideing  &  absconding  him- 
self &  being  informed  that  he  now  privily  lurks  &  lyes  'hide 
within  ye  sd  County  these  are  therefore  in  His  Maj^^ys  name  to 
Charge  &  Command  yo"  to  make  dilligent  Search  &  Enquiry 
for  ye  sd  Sam.  Appleton  in  any  house  &  place  where  y^  shall  be 
informed  or  suspect  him  to  be  &  to  break  open  any  doore  or 
doores  where  ye  shall  suspect  him  to  lye  hide  or  be  concealed 

within  ye  sd  County 

Oct.  5:  1687 

No  record  remains  of  his  trial,  and  it  may  be  that  Mr.  Apple- 
ton  eluded  the  search  of  the  sheriff  altogether. 

Recurring  to  the  arrest  of  the  three  magistrates,  it  is  inter- 

1  Mass.  Archives,  book  127,  leaf  1S4. 

2  MasB.  Archives,  book  127,  leaf  170. 

3  Mass.  Archives  book  127,  leaf  208. 

*  Mass.  Archives,  book  127,  leaf  1S7. 
'  Mass.  Arcliives,  book  127,  leaf  148. 


esting  to  note  the  effect  of  their  mild  imprisonment.  A  few 
days  after  his  arrest,  Mr.  Dudley  Bradstreet  petitioned  the  Gov- 
ernor. 1 

Whereas  y'""  Excellency  hath  been  pleased  to  Command 
me  to  his  Majest'^  Garrison  heer  in  Boston  as  a  prisoner, 
....  suffer  me  to  come  speedily  to  trial  or  take  bond  for 
my  appearance." 

This  was  followed  by  an  humble  petition,  which  professed 
his  great  sorrow  for  his  misconduct,  and  as  this  was  not  received 
favorably,  he  addressed  another  appeal^,  as  he  understood  that 
his  former  submission  was  not  regarded  as  sufficient  by  Andros. 
He  declared: 

That  he  doth  from  his  heart  profess  liims(>lf  to  be  ready  to 
confess  the  error  and  Crime  in  its  largest  Circumstances  and 
Lattitude  into  which  his  inadvertency  and  Indiscretion  hath 
brought  him  with  all  the  Ingenuity  that  the  truth  of  the 
matter  will  permit  him.  And  that  he  most  humbly  Prayes  that 
yor  Excellf^y  will  soe  farr  favour  yo^  Poor  Petition""  and  his  occa- 
sions at  home  to  accept  such  vSufficient  Bayle  as  shall  be  offered 
for  his  good  abearance  and  appearance  att  what  Court  your 
Excellency  Shall  appoynt,  humbly  thanking  yof  E]xcellency  for 
the  favour  of  Capt.  Page's  house  hitherto  and  he  shall  ever 

Dudley  Bradstreet 

By  decree  of  the  Council,  he  was  released  on  October  5th, 
upon  giving  a  bond  of  a  thousand  pounds  for  good  behaviour. 

Mr.  Saltonstall  made  his  deposition, ^  when  the  Colony  made 
its  charges  against  Andros  and  his  associates,  that  he  was  arrest- 
ed on  the  21st  of  September,  and  that  he  was  put  under  £1000 
bond  for  good  behavior,  and  that  he  was  "damnified  in  all  7£ 
15s.  in  money."     "I  was  detained  in  all  fifteen  days." 

As  to  our  townsman.  Major  Samuel  Appleton,  most  fortu- 
nately we  have  explicit  record. 

1  Mass.  Archives,  book  127,  leaf  165. 

*  Mass.  Archives,  book  127,  leaves  160  and  181. 

*  Mass.  Archives,  book  127,  leaf  147. 


At  a  Council'  held  in  lioston  on  Wednesday  the  J 9"'  (A'  Oct- 
ober 1687.1 

His  I^jxcellency  S""  Edmund  Andros  Knight 
William  Stoughton  ^  Jlichard  Arnold  \ 

John  Usher  [■  ]vs(irs.         i^idward  Randolph      V  Escjrs 

Nathan  Clark  )  Francis  Nicholson        ) 

Major  Sanuiel  Api)leton  of  Ijiswich  being  comitted  to  ye 
Custody  of  a  Messenger  for  being  a  factious  and  seditious  per- 
son and  disaffected  to  y(;  GovernnuMit  eV  now  brought  before 
ye  Council  it  was  ordered 

That  hce  continue  committed  until  he  give  sufficient  surety 
by  Recognizance  in  the  sum  of  One  Thousand  Pounds  to  appear 
at  the  next  Superior  Court  to  be  holden  in  Salem  to  answer 
what  shall  be  objected  against  him  &  in  the  meane  tyme  to  be 
of  good  behavior 

Jjy  oi'dei-  in  Council 

John  West,  Sec. 
That  this  is  a  true  coppie  of 
the  order  of  Council  by  w^h 
M*"  Appleton  (now  under  my  custody 
as  messenger)  is  to  be  discharged, 

Thomas  JjARking. 

Major  Appleton  might  have  regained  his  freedom  by  giving 
bond,  as  his  fellow-magistrates.  But  he  scorned  even  the  ap- 
pearance of  submission.  He  had  made  no  petition  for  bail, 
and  he  refused  to  make  any  apology.  He  continued  in  the 
same  defiant  mood,  Wherevipon  he  was  brought  before  the 
Council  again  on  October  30th,  and  action  was  taken  as  follows,2 

Whereas  by  an  order  of  this  board  Dat  ye  19th  of  S^er  past 
it  was  ordered  y*  Majr  Samll  Appleton  y^  in  ye  Custody  of  ye 
Messinger  Should  Stand  Committed  untill  he  gives  sufficient 
security  to  appeare  at  y^  next  Superior  Court  to  be  holden  at 
Salem  in  the  County  of  Essex  and  in  the  meantime  to  be  of  good 
behavior  and  whereas  Intimations  hath  been  this  day  given  to 
this  board  by  Tho^  Larkin  Messinger  yt  ye  sd  SamU  Appleton 
hath  refused  to  comply  with  ye  sd  order  but  is  still  in  his  Custody 
and  that  he  is  and  hath  l)een  at  great  charge  &  trouble  to  looke 
after  &  provide  for  him  for  which  he  also  refuseth  to  pay  him 

'  Mass.  Archives,  hook  Vll,  leaf  213. 
2  Mass.  Archives,  hook  127,  leaf  266. 


any  fees  or  other  satisfaction  praying  y t  if  y^  board  thinck  fitt  he 
may  be  elsewhere  Secured.  It  is  therefore  ordered  y*'  y^  sd 
Sam"  Appleton  be  by  y©  sd  messinger  delivered  into  the  Custody 
of  y''  Sheriff  of  y«  County  of  Suffolk  where  by  warrant  from  this 
board  he  is  to  remaine  and  be  kept  in  ye  common  Goale  untill 
he  give  Sufficient  Security  in  a  thousand  Pounds  for  his  good 
behaviour  untill  y®  next  Superior  Court  to  be  holden  at  Salem 
aforesaid  &  for  his  appearance  at  ye  sd  Courte  A:  pay  ye  Mes- 
singer fees  &  charges  aforesaid. 

By  order  in  Councill 

John  West  D.  Sec^ 

However,  according  to  his  own  deposition, ^  he  was  not  im- 
prisoned at  this  time,  but  kept  under  a  guard  of  soldiers  until 
December  9th,  when,  still  continuing  obdurate,  he  was  sent  to 
the  common  jail,  where  he  was  kept  in  a  vile  cell  and  refused 
the  liberty  of  the  jail  yard  until  the  9th  of  March.  Then  he 
was  summoned  before  the  Superior  Court  in  Salem, and  released, 
upon  giving  his  bond  to  appear  at  the  next  session  of  the  Court. 
During  this  long  and  trying  imprisonment,  he  made  repeated 
demands  for  release  on  a  Writ  of  Habeas  Corpus,  which  were 
refused,  and  also  petitioned  for  larger  liberty  in  the  jail.  One  of 
these  petitions  remains,  and  it  bespeaks  a  bold  spirit,  which 
asks  for  clemency  but  acknowledges  no  guilt. 

The  humble  Peticon2  of  Sam^i  Appleton  humbly  sheweth 
that  whereas  y"r  humble  Peticon''  being  very  aged  and  weak  in 
body  and  Confined  in  a  Close  Prison  having  not  the  freedom 
to  Praye  himselfe  to  have  the  liberty  of  the  yard 

Therefore  humbly  prays  yourhono'"^  to  take  his  agedness  and 
weakness  into  Consideration  and  exact  an'Act  of  Clemency  and 
license  him  an  Enlargement  he  suffering  much  by  reason  of  the 
Season  of  the  year  in  his  health 

And  he  will  as  in  Duty  bound  for  ever  pray 
From  Boston  Goal 
Ja^iy  the  18th 

Sam^^  Appleton 

Some  fifteen  days  of  detention  were  sufficient  to  compel 
the    submission   of    Mr.    Bradstreet  and  Mr.  Saltonstall,  but 

iMass.  Archives,  book  35,  leai  148. 
2  Mass.  Archives,  booli  128,  leaf 'il. 


the  heroic  Appleton  refused  the  privilege  of  release  under  bond, 
and  for  more  than  five  months  in  all,  was  a  prisoner,  three  of 
which  were  spent  in  close  confinement  in  the  stone  jail  of  Boston, 
in  a  smoky  and  ill-odored  room,  treated  as  a  common  felon, 
although  no  definite  accusation  had  been  brought  against  him. 
In  the  old  town  of  York,  Maine,  the  ancient  stone  jail  still  stands. 
It  contains  a  few  rooms,  lighted  with  small  and  heavily  barred 
windows,  each  provided  with  a  small  fireplace.  The  bare  stone 
walls  and  floor  are  damp  and  forbidding.  In  some  such  dis- 
mal and  repellent  quarters,  shut  up  with  criminals  perchance, 
for  the  ])olitical  prisoners  were  released  before  he  was  imprisoned, 
the  brave  soldier  of  King  Philip's  War,  the  honored  Magistrate, 
for  Conscience  sake,  suffered  these  indignities  and  made  his  pro- 
test against  the  enormities  of  the  Usurpation. 

Mr.  Wise  and  the  other  Ipswich  men  were  arraigned  before 
a  special  session  of  the  Court  of  Oyer  and  Terminer  on  the  24"! 
of  October.  They  were  all  found  guilty,  and  returned  to  jail, 
where  they  lay  twenty  one  days  awaiting  sentence.  They  were 
then  fined  heavily,  deprived  of  civil  privileges,  and  released 
under  a  bond  of  good  behavior. 

After  the  Andros  government  fell,  they  signed  a  deposition, 
narrating  vividly  the  full  story  of  the  wantonness  of  this  mock 
trial  as  they  regarded  it,  and  the  heavy  penalties  passed  upon 
them.  This  and  other  documents  are  reserved  until  the  closing 
passages  of  the  Andros  Usurpation  are  considered  in  chronolog- 
ical order. 

Under  the  terms  of  his  sentence,  Mr.  Wise  was  unable  to 
preach  after  his  release.  By  an  act  of  Executive  clemency  he 
was  relieved  of  this  disability. 

By  his  Excellency.! 

Whereas  John  Wise,  Minister  of  Chebacco,  was  in  a  Sentence 
late  given  in  his  Maj.  Court  of  Oyer  &  Terminer  Holden  at  Boston 
ye  24f'»  day  of  ( )ctober  and  Susjiended  from  preaching  publiquely 
&  privately  dureing  my  displeasure  as  by  ye  Record  of  ye  sd 
Court  may  appear  these  are  to  Certifi(>  that  upon  ye  hvnnble 
petition  of  ye  sd  J^o  Wise  &  Application  of  severall  worthy 
persons  in  his  behalfe  I  Doe  hereby  forgive  &  enlarge  him  ye  sd 

1    Mass.  Arcliives.     Hutchinson  Papei'B,  book  •24'2  :  leaf  341. 


jno  Wise  from  that  part  of  ye  sd  sentence  Inhibiting  ye  Exercise 
of  his  Ministry  Given  luider  my  hand  att  Boston  ye  24'^^h  day  of 
November  1687. 

E.  H. 

Ipswich  submitted  to  the  warrant,  chose  her  tax  commis- 
sioner, and  on  November  24,  1687,  John  Harris  and  Simon 
Wood,  Constables,  received  a  receipt ^  for  £136  9s.  lid.  in  full 
for  the  country  rate  of  the  Town  for  the  use  of  John  Usher,Esq. 

Essex  County  bore  the  brunt  of  the  battle  with  Andros  on 
the  question  of  the  tax,  but  she  shared  with  the  other  towns 
of  the  Colony  the  distress  incident  to  the  vacating  of  all  land 
titles  by  the  loss  of  the  Charter.  The  title  of  any  property 
was  likely  to  be  called  in  question  by  the  representatives  of  the 
Crown.  The  people  of  Lynn  were  aggrieved  by  repeated  claims 
of  Randolph  to  the  peninsula  of  Nahant.  The  Council  ordered 
any  persons,  who  had  claims,  to  show  reason  why  Randolph's 
petition  should  not  be  granted.  The  Town  replied  that  it  had 
been  divided,  occupied  and  fenced  for  fifty  years,  and  protested 
against  Randolph's  demand. 2  Philip  Nelson,  Justice  of  Row- 
ley, the  pliant  tool  of  the  new  government,  petitioned  that  his 
title  might  be  confirmed  in  his  house,  barn,  fourteen  acres  of 
upland  and  other  property. ^  Any  landholder  might  be  called 
upon  to  take  a  patent  for  his  possessions. 

"Had  not  an  happy  Revolution  happened  in  England,  and 
so  in  New  England,  in  all  probability  those  few  ill  men  would 
have  squeezed  more  out  of  the  poorer  sort  of  people  there  than 
half  their  Estates  are  worth  by  forcing  them  to  take  patents. 
Major  Smith  can  tell  them  that  an  Estate  not  worth  2001.  had 
more  than  501.  demanded  for  a  patent  for  it."'*  Any  attempt 
to  maintain  a  title  was  likely  to  be  visited  with  insult  and  abuse. 
Excessive  fees  were  charged  for  probating  of  wills. 

Plymouth  yielded  her  independence  to  the  Usurper  and  the 
Charter  of  Connecticut  was  taken  away  in  October,  1687.  An- 
dros went  to  Maine  to  pacify  the  Indians  whose  attitude  was 

1  Town  Record. 

2  Mass.  Archives,  book  127,  leaves  172-174. 

3  Mass.  Arcliives,  book  127,  leaf  159. 

*    "The  Revolutiou  in  New  England  justified." 


unfriendly,  and  in  the  spring  of  1689,  he  led  an  expedition  against 
them  but  to  no  purpose.  His  unpopularity  was  increased  by 
evil  reports  that  he  had  furnished  the  Indians  with  ammunition, 
that  they  might  rise  against  the  English.  Bitter  resentment 
was  roused  by  his  leading  the  colonial  soldiers  into  the  Maine 
wilderness  in  a  winter  campaign.  When  he  passed  through 
Ipswich  in  March  on  his  way  to  Boston,  his  welcome  must  have 
been  cool  in  the  extreme. ^  Tidings  had  already  reached  our 
Town,  which  had  suffered  so  much  at  his  hands,  by  the  Proc- 
lamation which  Andros  had  issued  on  January  10**^  while  at 
Pemaquid,  that  Prince  William  of  Orange  was  planning  a  de- 
scent upon  England  to  wrest  the  throne  from  King  James.  Hope 
that  the  end  of  his  tyranny  was  at  hand  was  supplanting  the 
apathy  and  humiliation  of  the  early  months  of  his  rule.  A  ship 
arrived  in  Boston  on  April  4,  1689,  with  news  that  the  Prince 
had  landed  in  England.  The  result  was  unknown,  and  no  other 
arrival  brought  any  later  tidings.  But  the  people  could  not  be 
restrained.  For  two  weeks  they  waited  and  then  they  burst  all 
bounds.  On  the  morning  of  April  18th,  the  drums  beat  througli 
the  town  at  nine  o'clock.  Randolph  and  many  of  the  Andros 
set  were  seized  and  thrown  into  the  same  jail  that  had  held  so 
many  of  their  victims.  Andros,  himself,  would  have  been  taken 
if  he  had  not  taken  refuge  at  Fort  Hill.  The  military  marched 
up  King,  now  State  Street,  escorting  the  venerable  Bradstreet, 
Governor,  and  Danforth,  the  Deputy-Governor,  under  the  old 
Charter,  and  some  of  the  old  Assistants. 

About  noon,  the  gentlemen  who  had  been  conferring  to- 
gether in  the  Council-Chamber  appeared  in  the  eastern  gallery 
of  the  Town  House,  at  the  head  of  King  Street,  and  there  read  to 
the  assembled  people  what  was  entitled  a  "Declaration  of  the 
Gentlemen,  Merchants  and  Inhabitants  of  Boston  and  the 
Covmtry  adjacent. "2  Governor  Hutchinson,  in  his  History  (vol. 
I,  p.  339),  followed  by  Palfray,  attributes  this  document  to  Cot- 
ton Mather,  who  had  composed  it,  it  is  believed,  in  anticipation 
of  such  an  uprising.  This  Declaration  charged  Andros  and  his 
associates  with  malicious  oppression  of  the  people,  with  extor- 

1    "The  Revolution  in  New  England  justified."    Aftidiivit  of  Rev.  Mr.  HiRginson. 
'^    Palfray,  Hist,  of  NewEngland,  ill :  577,  ■'i7H.— Tlie  Dei-laration  is  printed  in  The 
Andros  Tracts,  Pub. by  the  Prince  Society,  Vol.  1,  p.  11  and  following. 


tioiiate  fees  for  probate,  "and  what  Laws  they  made  it  as  was 
impossible  for  us  to  know,  as  dangerous  for  us  to  break;  but 
we  shall  leave  the  Men  of  Ipswich  and  of  Plimouth  (among 
others)  to  tell  the  story  of  the  kindness  which  has  been  shown 
them  upon  this  account." 

Proceeding  then  to  the  language  used  toward  Mr.  Wise  and 
the  Ipswich  men,  in  their  examination,  the  Declaration  con- 
tinued : 

"It  was  now  plainly  affirmed,  both  by  some  in  open  Council, 
and  by  the  same  in  private  converse,  that  the  people  in  New 
England  were  all  slaves,  and  the  only  Difference  between  them 
and  slaves  is  their  not  being  boughtt  and  sold;  and  it  was  a 
maxim  delivered  in  open  Court  unto  us  by  one  of  the  Council!, 
that  we  must  not  think  the  Priviledges  of  English  men  would 
follow  us  to  the  end  of  the  world.  Accordingly  we  have  been 
treated  with  multiplied  contradictions  to  Magna  Charta,  the 
rights  of  which  we  laid  claims  unto.  Persons  who  did  butpeace- 
ably  object  against  the  raising  of  Taxes  without  an  assembly 
have  been  for  it  fined,  some  twenty,  some  thirty,  and  others 
fifty  Pounds." 

The  refusal  of  writs  of  Habeas  Corpus,  the  nullifying  of  land 
titles,  the  arousing  of  another  Indian  war  were  dwelt  upon,  and 
it  concluded: — 

"We  do  therefore  seize  upon  the  Persons  of  those  few  111  Men 
which  have  been  (next  to  our  Sins)  the  grand  authors  of  our 


Thus  in  the  earliest  moment  of  that  determined  uprising, 
the  sufferings  of  Ipswich  men  came  first  to  mind.  The  im- 
passioned words  of  the  minister  of  Chebacco  in  the  Ipswich 
Town  Meeting,  and  then  before  Andros,  as  he  proclaimed  the 
inalienable  rights  of  Englishmen  under  Magna  Charta,  his  noble 
reply  to  the  mocking  jeers  of  the  Coimcillors  that  they  were  all 
slaves,  that  they  did  have  privileges  of  which  none  could  defraud 
them,  had  sunk  deeply  into  the  hearts  of  the  people,  and  in  the 
first  moment  of  the  reassertion  of  popular  liberties,  they  afforded 
the  finest  and  highest  expression  of  the  motive  that  stirred  them 
to  revolution. 

Andros  surrendered  before  night,  and  Dudley  was  taken 
shortly  after.     A  provisional  government  with  Bradstreet  at 


its  head  was  oriianized  at  once.  A  convention  of  (lcl('s;ates 
from  tlu>  Towns  wassninmoncd,  which  mot  on  May 2"'', and  voted 
in  favor  of  resuming  tlie  o\d  o;ov(>rnment.  The  Council  of  Safety 
hesitat(Ml,  however,  and  waited  the  assendihng  of  a  new  conven- 
tion with  express  instructions  from  the  Towns.  In  conunon 
with  the  majority  of  Towns,  Ipswich  voted  in  favor  of  reassump- 
tion  of  th-e  Glrrri-ter,!  and  this  poHcy  was  acUiptcd  in  the  con- 
vention held  on  May  24*^.  The  (lovernor  and  Magistrates  de- 
posed at  the  accession  of  Dudley,  resumed  their  offices  and  they 
and  the  delegates  recently  elected  formed  the  (leneral  Court. 
It  was  a  bold  proceeding.  If  King  James  had  defeated  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  the  lives  of  the  leaders  in  this  violent  over- 
throw of  the  royal  government  woukl  have  been  forfeited,  be- 
yond a  doubt. 

Tidings  from  England  were  awaited  with  nervous  anxiety. 
At  last  a  ship  arrived  from  England  on  May  2G">,  with  an  order 
to  the  authorities  to  proclaim  William  and  Mary,  King  and 
Queen.  "Never,"  says  Palfrey, 2  ''since  the  Mayflower  groped 
her  way  into  Plymouth  Harbor,  had  a  message  froui  the  parent 
country  been  received  in  New  England  with  such  joy.  Never 
had  such  a  pageant  as,  three  days  after,  expressed  the  prevailing 
happiness,  been  seen  in  Massachusetts  .  From  far  and  near  the 
people  flocked  into  Boston;  the  government,  attended  by  the 
principal  gentlemen  of  the  capital  and  the  towns  around,  passed 
in  procession  on  horseback  through  the  thoroughfares ;  the  reg- 
iment of  the  town,  and  companies  of  horse  and  foot  from  the 
country,  lent  their  pomp  to  the  show;  there  was  a  great  tlinner 
at  the  Town  House  for  the  better  sort;  wine  was  served  out  in 
the  streets ;  and  the  evening  was  made  noisy  with  acclamations, 
till  the  bell  rang  at  nine  o'clock,  and  families  met  to  thank  God 
at  the  domestic  altar  for  causing  the  great  sorrow  to  pass  away, 
and  giving  a  Protestant  King  and  Queen  to  England." 

Action  was  taken  at  once  toward  the  formulating  of  Articles 
of  Impeachment  against  Andros  and  his  Government.  All  who 
were  aggrieved  by  their  ill-treatment  were  instructed  to  draw 
up  depositions,  making  a  full  statement  of  the  facts.  Major 
Appleton  was  desired  to  get  the  Ipswich  depositions  fairly  writ- 

1  Mass.  Archives,  book  107,  leaf  53. 
-  Hist,  of  New  England,  ill:  589. 


ten  and  signed  by  the  deponents,  and  to  administer  their  oaths 
to  them.  These  depositions  afford  a  clear  view  of  the  exaspera- 
ting chsregard  of  the  fvmdamental  principles  of  Law  and  Jnstice 
by  the  Andros  government  and  the  reign  of  Anarchy  and  Terror. 
The  men  of  Ipswich  were  quick  in  their  response.  Constable 
French  filed  his  statement  within  a  few  days  after  the  order  was 

An  accomiti  of  Thomas  French  of  Ipswich,  who  received 
injuries  under  late  government  undr  Sur  Edmon  Andrus  who 
sant  for  me  by  won  Joseph  Smith  bayly  with  a  warant  under 
8ur  admon  andrus  hand  who  brought  mo  to  bostan  to  the  gov- 
erners  hous  sum  time  in  Saptandier  87  whoo  examined  me  of 
many  things  and  if  I  was  not  at  M^  Appletons  &  the  meting  the 
which  I  owned  as  about  the  worant  sant  by  John  Usher  whether 
it  was  not  as  warents  w^or  ishewd  out  of  former  treasurers  Dad 
in  former  government  I  answered  no  with  other  discours  to  long 
here  to  tell  then  he  sant  for  too  files  of  red  cots  and  commited 
me  to  the  stone  haus  for  aleven  dayes  in  the  meanwhile  we  were 
examined  by  the  Counsell  and  after  that  I  was  sent  to  prison 
with  a  Commitment  for  high  misdemeanors  before  the  counsell 
and  not  aladged  in  won  partickular  what  and  there  I  remained 
til  a  court  of  eyr  and  termoni  was  eld  where  I  was  trid  upon  life 
and  death  for  high  treason  against  the  King  and  nothing  provid 
of  that  nature. 

and  then  I  was  fined  feftene  pound  and  the  Court  charge 
came  to  sixtene  more  with  other  charges  which  amounted  to 
fourty  pound  beside  twenty  weckes  imprisonment 

I  was  then  Constable  and 
to  borrow  the  munnies  and  pay  interest  the  same  I  hope  it  will 
be  considred. 

item  to  the  sherev  for  the  Hberty  of  the  yard   01 — 00 — 00 

to  my  fine  15—00—00 

court  charges  16 — 10 — 00 

to  the  bayley  02—10—00 

to  for  feese  01—05—00 

to  masy  for  hous  rant  03 — 00 — 00 

with  cost  for  my  03—00-00 

Thomas  French. 

27  May,  1689. 

1  Mass.  Archives,  book  107,  leaf  60. 


Mr.  Wise,  and  the  others  who  suffered  with  him,  presented 
two  statements.  The  first,  filed  in  May,  had  especial  reference 
to  the  allusions  to  them  in  the  Declaration,  which  was  read 
from  the  balcony  of  the  Town  House,  and  afterward  printed  and 

To  the  Councill  of  Essex  i 

This  may  serve  to  signifie  that  severall  of  the  towno  of  Ips- 
wich In  Essex  In  N-England  to  Geather  w^h  the  sul)scril)ers  liave 
(imdo''  y  Late  Governm*^^  of  S^"  E'^  Andros)  been  Damnified  In  o"" 
P^sons  <k  Estates  Severall  Hundred  yea  Thousand  Pounds  most 
wickedly  yea  w^^^out  ct  Contrary  to  All  I^aws  Reason  <k  Equitie 
as  we  hope  for  opportunity  unde^  the  Shelter  of  Law  to  Evinc 
more  publeqly  and  Sufficiently  Against  Severall  p^sons  of  the 
Late  Govmt  as  were  nextly  the  Authf^  of  Such  Mischief  to  us. 

And  Some  of  us  Can  Give  In  Testimonie  that  P'"sons  of  ye 
Late  GoVmt  Declare  us  to  be  not  much  happier  then  slaves 
viz  Mr  Mason  In  open  Councill  said  That  we  had  no  more  Previ- 
ledg  Left  us  then  not  to  be  Sould  f'"  Slaves  all  the  Council  mani- 
fested Concent  by  their  Silenc. 

^  Mr.  D.  S.2  West  Declared  to  some  of  us  that  we  .  .  .A  Fac- 
tious People  &  had  no  Previledge  Left  us. 

The  Govnr  gr  gd  Andros  said  to  Some  of  us  By  way  of 
Ridicule  whether  we  thought  if  Jac  &  Tom  sell  the  King  w* 
moneyes  he  must  have  for  y^  use  of  his  Govm*  Implying  that 
ye  People  of  the  Countrie  were  but  a  parcell  of  Ignorant  Jacks 
&  Toms  and  that  He  &  his  Crew  had  the  Imediate  dispose  of 
o^  fortunes  and  we  were  to  be  put  to  bedlam  for  mad-men  as 
not  knowing  how  to  use  our  estate  w"  we  had  Gotten  it  tho 
■vyth  never  so  much  Prudenc  pains  and  frugalitie. 

We  offer  to  Defend  Especially  ye  maine  parts  of  the  5*^  & 
6*h  parts  in  ye  Declaration  made  in  ord'"  to  ye  Apprehension  of 
S'"  Edmund  &  his  Creatures 

and  so  Subscribe 

Jxo  Wise 
Jn"  Appleton 
Jno  Andrews 
Datted  this  27*^  3^  1689  Rob*  Kinsman     ' 

William  Goodhew 
Thos  French 

This  was  followed  by  a  fuller  and  more  particular  "Com- 
plaint," which  is  of  great  value,  as  it  contains  a  summary  of 

»  Mass.  Archives,  book  242,  leaf  371. 
2  Deputy  Secretary. 


the  judicial  proceedings,  the  imprisonments  and  fines,  which 
are  known  only  through  this  document.  The  records  of  the 
Court  of  Oyer  and  Terminer,  before  which  they  were  tried,  have 
never  been  found. 

Complaints'  of  Great  wrongs  done  undk  ye  III  Governm'"  of 
S"  Edmond  Androsse  Govern''  in  N-England  in  y"  Year  1687. 

We^^John  Wise  John  Andrews  Sen.  Robt.  Kinsman  William 
Goodhew  Jun^  all  of  Ipswich  in  N-England  in  ye  Countie  of 
Essex  about  the  22"*^  Day  of  August  in  ye  year  above  Named 
were  w*-^  severall  principall  Inhabitants  of^the  towne  of  Ipswich 
Mett  at  Mr  John  Appletons  &  ther  did  Discourse  &  Conclude  yt 
it  was  not  ye  townes  Dutie  any  wayes  to  Assist  y^  ill  Methode 
of  Raising  money  w*  out  a  General!  Assembly  wh  was  appar- 
ently intended  by  above  said  S""  Edmund  &  his  Councill  as  wit- 
riesse  a  Late  Act  Issued  out  by  them  for  such  a  purpose. 
,  |The  next  day  in  a  Gen",  towne  meetting  of  ye  Inhabitants 
of  Ipswich  wee  ye  above  named  John  Wise  Jn"  Andrews  Robt 
Kinsman  William  Goodhew  w*  ye  rest  of  ye  Towne  y"  met 
(none  contradicting)  Gave  o^  assent  to  ye  vote  y"  made. 

Ye  Ground  of  o^  trouble  o^"  Crime  was  ye  Coppie  trans- 
mitted to  ye  Councill  viz.  At  a  Legall  Towne  meeting  Aug^t 
23  assembled  by  vertue  of  an  order  from  Jn^  Usher  Esq^  Treas- 
ure for  choosing  a  Comissionr  to  Joyn  w^  ye  Selectmen  to  Assese 
ye  Inhabitants  according  to  an  act  of  His  Excell'®  ye  Govn""  ct 
Councill  for  Laying  of  Rates  ye  Towne  y"  Consid'ing  yt  ye  s<^ 
act  doth  Infringe  yi^"  Libertie  as  free-borne  English  subjects  of 
his  Majestie  by  Interfeiring  w*^  ye  Statute  Lawe  of  ye  Land  by 
weh  it  was  Enacted  y^  no  taxes  Should  be  Levyed  on  ye  Subjects 
w*  out  Consent  of  an  Assembly  Choasen  by  ye  free-holders  for 
Assesing  of  ye  Same,  they  Do  therfore  Vote  y^  they  are  not 
willing  to  Choose  a  Comission  for  such  an  End  w*^  out  s<^  Previ- 
ledge :  &  more  over  Consent  not  y*^  ye  Selectmen  do  proceed  to 
Lay  any  Such  Rate  until  it  be  appointed  by  a  Gen'^  Assembly 
concurring  w*  ye  Govn^  &  Councill. 

We  ye  Complainants  w^  M^"  Jn"  Appleton  &  Tho^  French 
all  of  Ipswich  were  brought  to  Answer  for  sd  vote  out  of  o"" 
owne  Countie  30'e  or  40'e  miles  into  Suffolk  &  in  Boston  kept 
in  Goal  only  for  Contempt  &  high  misdemean""  as  o^"  Mittimus 
Specefies  and  upon  Demand  denyed  ye  previledge  of  j  an  habeas 
Corpus  and  from  prison  over-Ruled  to  Answer  at  a  Court  of 
oyer  &  Termini  in  Boston  afore  said. 

Our  Judges  were  M^  Joseph  Dudly  of  Roxbury  in  Suffolk 
in  N-England  Mr  Stoughton  of  Dorchester  John  Usher  of  Bos- 

1  Mass.  ArcUlves,  book  35,  leaf  139. 


ton  Treasure  He  y^  officiates  as  Clerk  &  Attorny  in  ye  Case 
is  GeorK  Farewell. 

The  Jurors  only  12^^  men,  and  most  of  them  as  is  Said  non- 
free  holders  of  any  J. and  in  y"  Colony,  some  of  y'"  strangers 
&  foreigners  (as  we  suppose)  Geathered  up  to  Serve  y"  present 

In  C  Defenc  was  peaded  ye  Repeal  of  ye  Law  of  Assesm^^: 
upon  also  ye  mag*  Charta  of  England  &  ye  Statute  Lawes  y* 
Secure  ye  Subjects  properties  &  Estate  &  c^  to  wh  was  Replyed 
by  one  of  ye  Judges  ye  Rest  by  Silenc  assenting ;  y t  we  must  not 
think  ye  Lawes  of  England  follow  us  to  ye  Ende  of  ye  Earth 
or  whether  we  went  and  ye  same  P^Son  (Jno  Wise  abovesaid 
testifies)  Declared  in  open  Councill  upon  Examination  of  said 
Wise  Mr.  Wise  you  have  no  more  previledges  Left  you  y" 
not  to  be  Sould  for  Slaves,  &  no  man  in  Councill  Contradicted. 
By  such  Lawes  o""  Try  all  &  troubles  began  &  Ended. 

Mr.  Uudly  afore  s^^  Cheif-Judge  to  Close  up  ye  Debate  *t 
Tryall  trimes  up  a  Speech  y*  pleased  himself  (we  Suppose)  more 
yn  ye  people  amongst  many  other  Remarkable  Passages  to  this 
purpose  he  bespeakes  ye  Juryes  obedience  who  (we  suppose) 
were  very  well  preinclined  viz.  I  am  Glad  (says  he)  ther  be  so 
many  worthie  Gentlemen  of  ye  Jury  so  capable  to  do  ye  king 
Service  and  we  Expect  a  good  verdict  from  you  Seeing  ye 
matter  hath  been  So  sufficiently  proved  against  ye  Criminalls. 

Note — The  Evidence  in  ye  Case  as  to  ye  Substanc  of  it  was 
yt  we  too  bouldly  Endaived  to  perswade  o'"selves  we  were 
Englishman  &  und""  Previledges;  and  y*  we  were  all  six  of  us 
afores'^  at  y*  towne  meeting  of  Ipswich  afore  s^;  and  as  ye  wit- 
nesse  Supposed  we  assented  to  the  fore  s''  vote;  and  also  y* 
Jn"  Wise  made  a  Speech  at  ye  Same  time  &  said  we  had  a 
good  God  &  a  Good  king,  and  Should  Do  well  to  stand  for  o"" 

previledges Jury  Returned  us  all  Six  Guiltie  being  all  in 

volved  in  the  same  Information. 

We  were  Remanded  from  verdict  to  prison  and  ther  kept 
one  &  twentie  Days  for  Judgt;  y^  to  Mr  Dudlyes  approbation 
as  Judge  Stoughton  Sd  this  Sentence  was  passed  viz, 

Jn'^  Wise:  Suspended  from  ye  ministeriall  function;  fine  50"^ 
mony,  &  pay  Cost;  1000'^  bontl  for  ye  good  behav  one  year. 

Jno  Appleton :  not  to  bear  office ;  fine  50^'^  mony ;  pay  ye  cost ; 
lOOO'b  bond  for  ye  Good  behav  one  year. 

Jno  Andrews:  not  to  bear  office,  fine  30'i^  "^ony,  pay  ye  Cost; 
500"^  Bond  for  ye  Good  Behav  one  year. 

Rob*  Kinsman:  not  to  bear  office:  fine  20"^  niony,  pay 
Cost ;  5001b  bond  for  ye  Good  Behav  one  year. 

William  Goodhcw:not  to  bear  office:  fine  20'^'  mony,  pay 
Cost;  500"J  Bond  for  Good  Behav  one  year. 


Tho^  French:  not  to  bear  office:  fine  15'^  mony,  pay  Cost: 
500"3  for  Good  behav  one  year. 

The  total  fees  of  this  Case  upon  one  Single  Information 
Demanded  by  Farewell  above  sd:  amounts  to  about  101"'.  17^-0. 
who  demanded  of  us  Singly  about  16"'  19"^  6*';  y*^  Cost  of  prose- 

The  fines  added  make  up  this  two  hundred  eightie  ct  six 
pounds,  seventeen  shillings  money. 

Sum  Total  is  286-17-0 

To  all  w^  we  may  ad  a  Large  acct;  of  other  fees  of  Messen- 
engers  prison  Charges  &  mony  for  Bonds  and  transcripts  of 

Exhausted  by  thos  111  men  one  way  and  another  to  ye  val- 
ine of  three  or  foure  Schoar  pounds  besides  our  Expense  of 
time  it  Imprisonmt. 

We  judge  the  Total  Charge  for  one  Case  &  Tryall  und"" 
one  Single  Information  Involving  us  Six  men  above  sd;  In 
Expense  of  time  &  monyes  of  us  and  or  Relations  for  our 
necessary  Succour  &  Support  to  Amount  to  more:  but  no  less 
then  four  hundred  pounds,  Mony. 

400'b-00«-00''  Mony— 

Too  Tedious  to  Illustrate  more  amply  at  this  time  &  So 
we  conclude 

John  Wise:  John  Andrews  Sen^:  William  Goodhew  Jun"": 
Tho*^  French  And  Robert  Kinsman 

These  fower  persons  first  named  apeared  y"  twentieth  of 
December  and  Robert  Kinsman  appeared  ye  one  and  twenty  of 
one  thousand  six  hundred  eighty  nine  a^"''  gave  in  their  testi- 
monies upon  oath  into  Mr  Sam"  Appleton  Assis*-  for  y^  Colony 
of  ye  Massachusetts  in  New  England. 

The  third  principal  deposition  filed  by  the  Ipswich  author- 
ities and  one  of  the  weightiest  of  all  was  that  of  Major  Apple- 
ton.     The  literary  style  indicates  the  work  of  Mr.  Wise. 

The  Information^  &  Deposition  of  Samuel  Appleton  Sev«  in 
y"  County  of  Essex  in  N.  Engl. 

That  our  late  Govern^  S""  Edmund  Andros  did  on  the  20'^* 
day  of  Septembe""  1687  Send  his  Warrant  by  Tho:  Larkin 
Messenger  for  ye  takeing  into  his  Custody  ye  body  of  him  ye 
said  Appleton  upon  a  pretended  information  of  his  factious  & 
seditious  inclinations  and  disaffection   to  his  Maj^'e^  lawes  & 

I  Mass.  Archives,  book  35,  leaf  148. 


authority  here  established  and  that  he  had  Endeavoured  to 
ahenate  the  harts  of  his  Maj*'^^  subjects  from  ye  Govern''  by 
virtue  of  which  he  was  Seized  and  brought  to  Boston  and 
had  before  S""  Edmond  in  Council  and  without  y^  appearance 
of  any  Informer  or  Information  yea  without  y^  Charge  of  any 
Crime  was  comitted  y^  hands  of  y"  s''  Larkin  and  afterward  to 
a  Guard  of  Souldiers  &  kept  prisoner  until  y^  9^^  day  of  De- 
cemb""  following  at  w^  time  S''  Edmond  was  pleased  to  Coinit 
him  sd  Appleton  to  the  Coinon  Goal  in  a  Stinkeing  Smoakey 
Room  to  the  Impareing  of  his  health  and  Indangcring  of  his 
life  and  this  notwithstanding  his  frequent  desire  of  such  en- 
largement as  is  seldom  or  never  denied  to  any  but  Traytors  & 
Felons  (their  Accustomed  Fees  being  by  him  offered)  yea  not 
withstanding  his  repeated  demands  of  ye  benefit  of  y^  act  of 
Habeas  Corpus  he  was  kept  under  Confinement  in  that  uncom- 
fortable place  to  his  great  cost  and  damage  untill  y"  Superior 
Court  houlden  at  Salem  March  ye  7^^  1687  when  &]  whereupon 
Entring  into  Bond  of  one  thousand  pounds  for  appearance  at 
ye  next  Superior  Court  to  be  held  at  Salem  aforesd  to  answer 
&c  and  in  ye  meane  time  to  be  of  good  behaviou''  with  ye  pay- 
ment of  unreasonable  fees  Extorted  from  him  (which  were  ye 
hard  &  only  conditions  offered  by  the  Judges)  he  was  dismissed 
till  ye  next  Court  and  to  have  his  bond  continued  for  about  six 
months  longer  although  there  did  never  appear  anything 
against  him. 

The  Records  of  the  Superior  Court,  which  was  held  in 
Salem  for  the  trjdng  of  this  and  other  cases,  have  never  been 
found.  It  seems  probable  that  no  further  action  was  taken, 
as  no  allusion  was  ever  made  to  other  proceedings. 

From  the  mass  of  evidence  thus  accumulated,  a  Com- 
mittee of  Seven,  appointed  in  December,  1689,  formulated 
charges!  against  Andros  and  the  other  members  of  his  govern- 

The  first  in  the  long  series  of  charges  against  Gov.  Andros, 
against  Dudley  and  against  Randolph  was 

"Mr.  John  Wise,  minister,  John  Andrews  Sen.,  Robt.  Kins- 
man, W"^  Goodhew  Junr.  Tho.  French.  These  prove  their 
damage  for  their  being  unwilling  for  Sir  Edmond  Andros 
rayseing  money  on  the  people  without  the  consent  of  the 
people,  but  Improved  upon  Contrary  to  Magna  Carta. " 

'  Mas8.  Archives,  book  35,  leaves  264,  et  setj.  reprinted  in  The  Andros  Tracts  of  tlie 
Prince  Society  Pub.Vol.  I,  pp.  149-172. 


The  fifty-first  charge  against  Andros  was 

"His  warrant  in  Coimcill  to  Confine  Major  Appleton  to  the 

common  prison  and  that  without  any  crime  done    by  him, 

a  most  hellish  way  to  undoe  men." 

John  Appleton  Junior's  name  does  not  appear,  but  his  sen- 
tence and  fine  were  included  in  the  general  complaint  of  the 
seventy-fifth  article. 

Immediately  after  the  overthrow  of  Andros,  a  number  of 
pamphlets  appeared,  written  chiefly  by  the  friends  of  the  pop- 
ular movement,  which  dealt  vigorously  with  the  policy  of  the 
late  government.  The  first  was  Nath.  Byfield's  "An  Account 
of  the  Late  Revolution  in  New  England,  together  with  the 
Declaration  of  the  Gentlemen,  Merchants  and  Inhabitants, 
of  Boston,  and  the  Country  adjacent,  April  18:  1689. "i  This 
was  published  in  June  of  the  same  j-ear.  Two  months  only  had 
elapsed  since  the  Declaration  was  read  from  the  balcony  of  the 
Town  House,  and  the  picturesque  narrative  of  the  events  of 
those  memorable  April  days  can  be  accepted  as  an  authorita- 
tive record.  The  prominent  place  accorded  the  Ipswich  men 
has  been  noted  already. 

In  the  year  1690,  John  Palmer,  a  member  of  the  Andros 
Council,  and  a  Judge,  published  in  London,  "An  Impartial 
Account  of  the  State  of  New  England,  or  the  Late  Govern- 
ment there  Vindicated. "2 

This  was  a  reply  to  the  "Declaration,  which  the  Faction  set 
forth,  when  they  Overturned  that  Government."  It  is  an  in- 
genious and  carefully  reasoned  plea,  and  its  refutation  of  many 
of  the  extreme  and  unreasonable  charges  may  be  accepted  as 
credible.  After  maintaining  that  the  Charter  was  rightly  for- 
feited, and  that  the  sole  authority  reverted  to  the  Crown,  he 
discusses  the  charges  made  by  Mr.  Wise  and  Mr.  Appleton. 

' '  That  the  privileges  of  Magna  Charia  and  other  Liberties 
of  English-men  were  denied  them,  is  a  thing  which  can  never 
be  made  appear;  however,  admitting  it,  I  have  sufficiently  dis- 
cussed that  Point  in  the  Third  Article.  By  the  Persons  said 
to  be  severely  Fined  for  peaceably  objecting  against  raising  of 

^Published  In  The  Andros  tracts  of  the  Prince  Society,  vol.  I. 
2  Published  In  The  Androa  Tracts,  vol.  1. 

266       irswicH,  in  the  Massachusetts  bay  colony. 

Taxes  without  an  Assembly,  I  conjecture  are  meant  the  Ipswich- 
men,  who  were  so  far  from  a  peaceable  objecting,  that  they 
assembled  themselves  in  a  riotous  manner,  and  by  an  Instru- 
ment conceived  in  Writing,  did  Associate  and  oblige  themselves 
to  stand  by  each  other  in  opposition  to  the  Government,  and  by 
their  example,  influenced  their  Neighbours  to  do  the  like.  And 
this  by  the  Law  is  esteemeci  an  Offence  of  that  Nature,  that  is 
next  door  to  Rebellion;  for  which  they  were  Indicted,  Tryed 
and  Convicted,  either  by  Verdict  or  their  own  Confession." 

Palmer's  declaration  as  to  the  character  of  the  writing  drawn 
up  at  the  Town  Meeting  differs  from  Mr.  Wise's  sworn  state- 
ment in  the  "Complaint,"  and  the  entry  in  the  Town  Record. 
It  is  alluded  to  invariably  as  a  dignified  and  statesmanlike 
affirmation  of  the  principle  of  no  taxation  without  repre- 
sentation as  the  ground  of  the  Town's  action.  His  statement 
that  the  Town  Meeting  was  a  disorderly  gathering,  and  that 
they  bound  themselves  to  stand  by  each  other  has  never  been 
(tonfirmed,  and  is  to  be  attributed  to  his  personal  enmity. 

Regarding  Major  Appleton,  he  observes  "That  any  one  hath 
been  Imprisoned,  without  being  charged  with  Crime  or  Misde- 
meanor, is  an  Allegation  which  I  dare  be  bold  to  say,  can 
never  be  proved;  I  have  heard  indeed  an  Habeas  Corpus  de- 
manded upon  the  Statute  of  the  31  C.  2,  was  denied  in  Major 
Appleton' s  Case,  (who  was  one  of  ihe  Ipswich-men  before  men- 
tioned;)  but  let  any  considering  Man  peruse  the  Act,  and  I  believe 
he  will  be  easily  convinced  that  it  is  particularly  limitted  to 
the  Kingdom  of  England;  besides,  he  was  committed  only  be- 
cause he  would  not  find  Sureties  for  the  good  Behavior,  and 
the  question  was  not  whether  he  should  be  Bailed ;  for  upon 
finding  the  said  Sureties,  he  must  have  been  discharged  of 
course ;  so  that  it  was  not  the  want  of  an  Habeas  Corpus  de- 
tain'd  him  in  Prison,  but  his  own  wilful  and  obstinate  Humour." 

Wilful  and  obstinate  !  How  History  repeats  itself !  John 
Fiske,  in  his  Essay  on  "The  Last  Royal  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts," Gov.  Hutchinson,  remarks,  "He  felt  that  all  the 
^troubles  were  due  to  the  unreasonable  obstinacy  of  a  few  such 
men  as  James  Otis  and  Samuel  Adams,  and  that  if  these  men 
could  be  defeated,  the  general  sense  of  the  people  would  be 
in  favour  of  peace  and  quiet."     Nobler  praise  of  the  valiant 


soldier,  suffering  the  annoyance  and  hardship  of  Boston  Jail  all 
winter  for  Conscience  sake,  cannot  be  conceived.  Palmer's 
pamphlet  called  out  "The  Revolution  in  New  England  Justi- 
fied," i  by  E.  R.  and  S.  S.  (undoubtedly  Edward  Rawson,  the 
Secretary  of  the  General  Court  and  Samuel  Sewall,  afterwards 
Chief  Justice)  in  1691.  The  "Ipswich-matter"  was  regarded  of 
such  importance  that  the  whole  "Complaint"  is  printed  in  full, 
as  its  own  refutation  of  the  insinuations  of  Judge  Palmer.  In 
Increase  Mather's  "Narrative  of  the  Miseries  of  New  England,"^ 
the  Ipswich  men  had  honored  place. 

Thus,  in  the  current  thought  of  the  time,  the  honor  that  was 
due  our  Town  of  Ipswich  for  the  sturdy  resistance  to  the  en- 
croachment upon  the  privileges  of  the  citizens  of  the  Colony, 
was  paid  freely  and  generously.  It  was  recognized  that  Ipswich 
had  done  what  Boston  and  Salem  and  all  the  other  large  towns 
dared  not  do.  It  was  seen  that  her  resistance  was  made  on  the 
large  issue  of  no  taxation  without  representation.  There  w^as 
no  victorious  appeal  to  arms  as  in  1775,  there  was  no  oratory 
nor  popular  excitement.  In  a  quiet  way,  in  an  evening  gather- 
ing, and  a  Puritan  Town  Meeting,  and  before  tribunals  of 
justice,  the  great  principle,  affirmed  in  Magna  Charta,  the 
foundation  of  the  Hberties  of  Englishmen,  was  maintained 
clearly  and  steadfastly  by  the  minister  of  Cliebacco.  Had  that 
sentiment  aroused  such  might}'  enthusiasm  in  Wise's  time  as  it 
did  when  it  fell  from  the  lips  of  Patrick  Henry  and  Samuel 
Adams,  he  and  his  high  minded  associates  might  not  have  been 
left  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  Law.  Confined  in  Boston  Jail, 
conscious  that  a  large  party  in  the  Colony  w^as  not  in  sympathy 
with  their  bold  defiance  of  the  Crown,  unsustained  by  the  great 
popular  sympathy  that  nerved  the  Revolutionary  leaders  to 
their  task,  it  is  not  strange  that  their  hearts  failed  them  and 
they  sued  for  pardon.  But  the  principle  for  which  they  suf- 
fered was  not  and  could  not  be  withdrawn,  and  was  lifted  into 
a  glorious  prominence,  which  could  never  be  dimmed.  Wise 
declared  the  principle  in  words,  and  Samuel  Appleton,  that  fac- 
tious and  seditious  resistant  of  royal  encroachment  upon  the 

1  Published  in  The  Andros  Tracts,  vol.  i. 
'  Published  in  The  Andros  Tracts,  vol.  II. 


popular  liberties  for  years  before  the  odious  tax  was  imposed, 
by  his  long  imprisonment,  from  which  his  fellow  magistrates 
shrank,  bore  noble  witness  to  his  devotion  to  the  people's 

The  Town  seal  of  Ipswich  bears  tiie  legend,  "the  birth-place 
of  American  Independence,  1687."  Technically,  perhaps,  the 
claim  may  be  disputed.  The  men  of  Watcrtown  refused  to  pay 
their  part  in  a  tax,  assessed  upon  the  town  in  1631,  to  build  a 
palisade  inland  from  Charles  River,  because  they  were  not  rep- 
resented in  the  body  which  imposed  the  tax.  New  Amsterdam 
refused  to  pay  the  taxes  levied  arbitrarily  by  Stuyvesant,  the 
Dutch  governor,  in  1653,  and  in  1667,  when  the  English  had 
conquered  it,  and  Gov.  Lovelace  had  imposed  a  tax  for  pur- 
poses of  defence,  eight  villages  remonstrated  at  once.  Southold, 
Southampton  and  Easthampton  consented  provided  they  had 
the  privileges  of  New  England  towns.  Huntington  replied, "We 
are  deprived  of  the  liberties  of  Englishmen."  Jamaica  declared 
it  a  disfranchisement,  contrary  to  the  law  of  the  English  na- 
tion. Flushing  and  Hempstead  were  equally  resolute. ^  In  Vir- 
ginia, the  conflict  between  prerogative  and  popular  rights 
culminated  in  the  Great  Rebellion,  led  by  Nathaniel  Bacon,  in 
1676.  English  troops  were  first  introduced  to  quell  this  rising 
of  the  people  against  royahst  rule,  and  twenty-two  were  hanged. 2 
Massachusetts  had  already  denied  the  authority  of  Parliament 
in  1678,  "  they  not  being  represented  in  Parliament." 

When  the  Quakers  had  estaljlished  themselves  in  West  New 
Jersey,  1678-1680,  the  Duke  of  York  exacted  customs  from 
every  vessel  ascending  the  Delaware.  This  they  refused,  de- 
claring, "By  this  we  are  assessed  without  law  and  excluded 
from  our  English  right  of  common  consent  to  taxes. "^  Penn- 
sylvania was  founded  on  the  principle  of  equal  rights  for  all, 
and  the  people  to  rule  itself.  When  a  subservient  Council  had 
ordered  a  tax  in  New  Hampshire  in  1684,  the  farmers  of  Exe- 
ter drove  off  the  sheriff  with  clubs,  and  their  wives  stood  ready 
with  scalding  water  to  prevent  any  attachment  of  property ; 
and  at  Hampton,  he  was  beaten,  robbed  of  his  sword,  seated 

1  Bancroft,  Hist.  United  States,  vol.  ii,  p.  321. 

2  Bancroft,  Hist.  United  States,  vol.  ii,  p.  222  vt  al. 
'  Bancroft,  Hist.  United  States,  vol.  II,  p.  361. 


upon  a  horse,  with  a  rope  round  his  neck  and  driven  out  of 
the  province.! 

But  the  Ipswich  protest  was  nevertheless  a  manly  affirma- 
tion of  the  great  principle  of  the  right  of  self  government, 
that  was  never  absent  from  the  minds  of  the  colonists,  that 
had  been  maintained  at  cost  of  blood  already  in  Virginia.  It 
was  made  deliberately,  in  a  dark  and  threatening  time,  when  a 
Royal  Governor  with  English  troops  at  his  command  required 

For  many  anxious  months,  her  citizens  were  the  victims  of 
the  royal  government.  She  suffered  far  more  than  any  other 
community,  and  her  sufferings  may  fairly  be  called  the  birth 
pangs  of  the  new  life  of  independence. 

The  true  value  of  this  episode  is  likely  to  be  forgotten.  The 
modern  critical  school  pays  no  honor  to  the  prophets.  There 
is  a  tendency  to  belittle  the  beliefs  and  events  of  the  Past.  In 
his  Essay,  "The  Deeper  Significance  of  the  Boston  Tea  Party," 
John  Fiske  called  a  halt  to  the  prevalent  disposition  among  a 
certain  type  of  scholars,  to  decry  the  Boston  Massacre  and  the 
Tea  Party  as  acts  of  mere  mob  violence,  as  an  extreme  reaction 
from  the  earlier  indiscriminate  eulogy  of  every  word  and  deed 
of  that  critical  period.  We  may  reply  in  the  same  spirit  to 
the  defence  of  Andros  and  the  belittling  of  the  refusal  to  pay 
the  penny  in  the  pound,  in  Mr.  W.  H.  Whitmore's  Memoir  of 
Andros  in  the  Andros  Tracts  of  the  Prince  Society.  It  may  be 
that  he  was  an  upright  and  honorable  man  of  large  adminis- 
trative ability,  who  roused  no  more  hostility  than  any  other 
governor  would  have  done  under  the  existing  circumstances. 
The  question  is  not  of  men,  but  of  principles,  and  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  principle  that  was  affirmed  by  the  Ipswich-men 
was  and  ever  will  be,  heroic  and  statesmanlike.  The  loving 
tribute  of  Rufus  Choate,  who  was  born  in  the  neighborhood, 
where  Wise  and  Andrews  and  Goodhue  lived,  must  still  be 
counted  wise  and  well  deserved.  In  his  oration  on  the  Two 
Hundredth  anniversary  of  the  Town,  1834,  he  exclaimed: 

"These  men,  says  Pitkin,  who  is  not  remarkable  for  enthu- 
siasm, may  justly  claim  a  distinguished  rank  among  the  patriots 

1   Bancroft,  Hist.  United  States,  vol.  ii,  pp.  118,  119. 


of  America.  You,  their  townsmen,  their  children,  may  well 
be  proud  of  tlicm;  prouder  still,  but  more  grateful  than  proud, 
that  a  full  town-meeting  of  the  free-men  of  Ii)swich  adopted, 
unanimously,  that  declaration  of  right,  and  refused  to  collect 
or  {)ay  the  tax,  which  would  have  made  them  slaves.  The 
principle  of  that  vote  was  precisely  the  same  on  which  Hamp- 
den resisted  an  imposition  of  Charles  First,  and  on  which 
Samuel  Adams  and  Hancock  and  Warren  resisted  the  Stamp 
Act,  the  principle  that  if  any  power  but  the  people  can  tax 
the  people,  there  is  an  end  of  liberty." 

"In  this  the  darkest  day  that  New  England  ever  saw,  it  is 
grateful  to  ])ause  and  commemorate  an  act  of  this  town  of 
Ipswich:  which  deserves,  I  think,  an  honorable  place  in  the 
universal  history  of  liberty." 

In  his  lecture  before  the  Mercantile  Library  Association  at 
Boston  on  March  14,  1849,  Mr.  Choate  again  eulogized  the  Ips- 
wich resistance. 

"In  running  over  Mr.  Macaulay's  survey  of  the  last  two 
years  of  James  the  Second,  it  is  peculiar  to  see  how  the  whole 
system  of  English  tyranny  reproduces  itself  and  re-enacts  itself 
year  by  year.  Here  in  Massachusetts,  the  same  revolution 
that  saved  one  saved  exactly  the  other.  On  a  stage  less  splen- 
did and  conspicuous,  surrounded  by  scenery  something  less 
brilliant  and  historical,  by  actors  something  less  renowned, 
commemorated  by  a  less  brilliant  contemporaneous  literature, 
the  same  great  cause  of  man  was  pleading  here  as  there.  In 
that  same  year  of  1687,  which  saw  Oxford  and  Cambridge 
standing  disrobed  of  their  Charters  before  James  the  Second, 
and  turned  in  spite  of  themselves  into  Papists,  there  was  wit- 
nessed a  transaction  at  Ipswich,  which  I  recall  with  much 
pleasure  .   .   .  Extremum  hunc  mihi." 

"In  that  darkest  hour  of  our  history;  our  whole  colonial 
legislature  abolished;  our  whole  civil  power  grasped  by  Sir 
Edmund  Andros;  our  whole  adopted  law  swept  away  by  a 
stroke  of  the  pen  of  the  king;  the  principles  of  justice  silenced; 
every  man's  title  to  his  farm  requiring  to  be  confirmed  by  a 
fine;  those  little  democracies,  the  towns,  annihilated  by  a  law 
forbidding  them  to  meet  more  than  once  a  year,  and  that 
simply  for  the  election  of  town  officers;  the  gun  announcing  to 
Boston  that  a  standing  army  was  quartered  there,  and  over- 
awing the  liberty  of  the  inhabitants;  at  that  moment  of  peril. 
Sir  Edmund  Andros  was  pleased  to  lay  a  tax,  and  to  apportion 
it  upon  the  towns,  and  thereupon  to  ordain  that  they  should 
assemble  and  make  choice  of  a  commissioner  and  that  a  board 
should  be  constituted  for  the  assessment  of  the  tax  upon  them- 

"The  meeting  of  the  town  of  Ipswich,  second  only  to  Boston 









L^»  »^  ^s 



'  ^ 






hB^k-'  '^^^H 









ill  size,  in  wealth  and  in  population,  was  to  be  held  on  the  23^ 
of  August,  1687.  On  the  evening  before  that  day,  the  Rev. 
John  Wise,  minister  of  the  town  of  Ipswich,^  and  several  other 
inhabitants  of  Ipswich,  met  in  what  would  now  be  called  a 
preparatory  caucus,  at  the  house  of  John  Appleton,  brother-  of 
Samuel  Ai)pleton,  one  of  the  most  distinguished  persons  of 
that  time,  the  ancestor  of  more  than  one  family  of  Applotons 
in  a  direct  line;  divines,  lawyers,  merchants,  and  physicians, 
the  ornaments  of  your  profession  and  of  mine,  and  of  all  pro- 

"In  that  little  preparatory  caucus— I  read  from  the  record 
—  it  was  discoursed  and  concluded  that  it  was  not  the  town's 
duty  to  consent  to  that  method  of  raising  money.  The  next 
day  they  attended  in  town  meeting.  Mr.  Wise  made  a  speech 
enforcing  these  doctrines,  and  thereupon  the  meeting  spread 
upon  its  records  this  vote    .    .  ." 

"This  was  circulated  in  manuscript  through  the  County  of 
Essex,  it  being  illegal  to  print  documents  of  this  kind.  Other 
towns  refused  to  pay  their  tax.  And  although  Mr.  Appleton 
was  convicted  of  misdemeanor  by  a  jury  of  Boston,  who,  as 
has  well  been  said  by  one  of  the  historians  of  the  time,  were 
foreigners,  and  held  confined  under  bonds,  yet  this  manuscript 
appreciably  kept  alive  that  feeling  which  declared  James  de- 
posed from  the  throne  before  it  was  known  that  James  had 
taken  flight;  and  enforced  by  the  thunder  of  Faneuil  Hall,  and 
by  the  thunder  of  Bunker  Hill,  re-proclaimed  the  same  prin- 
ciple of  English  hberty  which  had  long  slumbered  in  the  breasts 
of  the  people." 

"I  hold  that  this  scene,  this  incident,  and  these  actors,  de- 
serve a  record  in  the  old  history  of  human  rights.  I  shall  not 
admit  that  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  standing  for  their  charters, 
though  Isaac  Newton  was  one  of  the  academicians,  were 
personally  more  beautiful  than  John  Wise  speaking  to  the  free- 
men of  Ipswich,  and  they  responding,  he  a  graduate  of  Har- 
vard College,  celebrated  in  law  as  well  as  in  literature  and 
Dogmas  of  his  own  profession,  the  author  of  two  tracts  upon 
Congregationalism,  personally  brave,  an  advocate  of  liberty  of 
conscience  —  a  doctrine  which  it  was  no  trifle  to  hold  —  and 
by  all  men's  confession  better  fitted  than  Sir  William  Phips 
to  conduct  the  Government.  On  that  grave  stone  over  his 
remains,  and  over  which  I  have  hung  hundreds  of  times,  it 
states  that  "in  learning  and  talents  he  shone  above  his  contem- 

1  Minister  of  the  Chebacco  Parish  now  Essex. 
2  At  the  house  of  Lieut.  John  Appleton,  son  of  John,  who  was  Ijrother  of  Samuel. 

272       ipswich,  in  the  massachusetts  bay  colony. 


Reference  may  here  be  made  to  the  frcciueiitly  repeated  as- 
sertion that  Major  Appleton  evaded  the  messenger  sent  to  arrest 
him  and  secreted  himself  in  Lynn.  Mr.  Lewis,  in  his  History  of 
Lynn,  recalls  a  tradition  that  the  Major,  while  in  hiding,  was 
wont  to  address  the  people  of  the  neighborhood  from  a  high 
rock,  near  the  site  of  the  ancient  iron-works,  which  is  called 
Appleton 's  Pulpit.  A  bronze  tablet  has  been  fixed  in  this  rock 
bearing  the  inscription: 

IN"    SEPTEMBER   1687    FROM 











Some  confirmation  of  this  tradition  may  be  found  in  the  fact 
that  although  the  warrant  for  the  arrest  of  Bradstreet,Saltonstall 
and  Appleton  was  issued  on  Sept.  19th,  and  Bradstreet  and  Sal- 
tonstall  were  arrested  at  once,  and  Bradstreet  was  released  on 
Oct.  5th,  Major  Appleton  was  not  arraigned  before  the  Council 
until  Oct.  19*^.  On  Oct.  5*^,  the  warrant  was  issued  for  the 
arrest  of  Samuel  Appleton  of  Lynn,  who  was  then  hiding  from 
the  officers  of  the  law  as  the  warrant  declares,  and  had  been 
previoush'"  summoned.  This  is  the  only  allusion  to  Samuel 
Appleton  of  Lynn,  as  involved  in  these  troubles,  and  he  was 
never  arrested,  so  far  as  we  know.  From  this,  it  might  be  in- 
ferred, that  Major  Appleton  had  secreted  himself  in  Lynn,  and 
the  warrant  specified  ''Samuel  Appleton  of  Lynn"  to  insure  his 

But  the  testimon}^  of  Major  Appleton  in  his  sworn  deposition 
is,  that  he  was  arrested  on  the  20*^  of  September,  and  continued 
in  custody  until  his  final  release. 

Larkin,  the  messenger  to  whom  the  warrant  was  issued,  had 
him  in  charge,  when  he  was  brought  before  the  Council,  while 


Joshua  Broadbank  was  the  messenger  charged  with  the  arrest 
of  Samuel  Appleton  of  Lynn. 

Samuel  Appleton,  son  of  the  Major,  was  a  resident  of  Lynn 
from  1680  to  1688,  and  the  owner  of  the  iron  works  near  the  so- 
called  Pulpit.  He  is  undoubtedly  the  person  against  whom  the 
warrant  was  issued  on  Oct.  5th.  The  tradition  that  a  fugitive 
from  justice  should  openly  harangue  the  people  from  this  high 
ledge  is  in  itself  improbable,  and  without  historic  value.  But 
if  there  be  a  fragment  of  truth  in  this  tradition,  it  must  be  re- 
ferred to  some  unknown  episode  in  the  life  of  Samuel  Appleton  of 



The  legal  machinery  at  the  outset  was  very  simple.  The 
Governor  and  his  Assistants  constituted  at  once  the  legislative 
and  the  judicial  power.  They  enacted  laws  and  arraigned  and 
punished  offenders.  Thus  we  find  that  august  body  in  1630, 
adopting  statesmanlike  measures  to  secure  the  orderly  settle- 
ment of  the  Colony,  and  ordering  the  squatter  settlers  to  remove 
from  Agawam;  then,  proceeding  to  order  Thomas  Morton  of 
Mount  Wollaston  to  be  set  in  the  bilboes  and  sent  a  prisoner  to 
England  for  his  un-Puritan  courses.  They  set  a  price  upon 
labor.  "Carpenters,  joyners,  masons,  bricklayers,  sawyers, 
clapboard  ryvcrs,  thatchers,  mowers,  tylars  and  wheelwrights," 
were  forbidden  to  take  more  than  two  shillings  a  day  and  every 
one  was  forbidden  to  give  more,  under  penalty  of  10s.  to  taker 
and  giver.  If  their  meat  and  drink  were  provided,  their  wages 
must  not  exceed  16^  a  day. 

They  made  an  example  of  Robert  Clough  by  ordering  his 
strong  water  taken  from  him  for  occasioning  disorder,  drunken- 
ness and  misdemeanor,  by  his  unwise  sale  of  it.  Richard  Duffy 
a  servant  of  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  was  sentenced  to  be  whipped 
for  misdemeanor  toward  his  master,  and  the  great  Sir  Richard 
in  his  turn,  was  called  to  account  for  letting  his  cows  hurt  Sag- 
amore John's  corn,  and  ordered  to  give  him  a  hogshead  of  corn 
in  requital.  John  Shotswell  was  fined  eleven  shillings  in  Sept. 
1633,  "for  distemping  himself  with  drink  at  Agawam,"  and 
Robert  Coles,  for  his  excesses  was  fined  and  "enjoined  to  stand 
with  a  white  sheet  of  paper  on  his  back  wherein  A  Drunkard 
shall  be  written  in  great  letters,  as  long  as  the  Court  thinks 
meet. ' '  John  Lee  was  sentenced  to  be  whipped  and  fined  for 
calling  Mr.  Ludlowe,  "false-hearted  knave  and  hard-hearted 
knave,  heavy  friend  etc." 

The  selling  of  ammunition  to  Indians  was  forbidden  under 
penalty  of  branding  in  one  cheek,  laws  for  the  preservation  of 



good  timber  were  enacted,  and  tobacco  takers  were  taken  under 

The  Governor  and  his  Assistants,  in  1636,  to  secure  the  dis- 
patch of  public  business,  ordered  four  Courts  to  be  held  every 
quarter.  One  of  these  Courts  was  to  hold  its  session  in  Ipswich 
and  include  Newbury  within  its  jurisdiction.  It  was  to  be 
known  as  the  Quarter  Sessions  Court,  and  it  was  provided  that 
the  magistrates,  who  lived  in  the  vicinity,  should  sit  as  judges. 
Our  Ipswich  magistrates  were  Mr.  Dudley,  Mr.  Dummer,  Mr. 
Bradstreet,  Mr.  Saltonstall  and  Mr.  Spencer.  Mr.  Symonds, 
Mr.  Woodbridge  and  Mr.  Hubbard  were  made  eligible  as  judges 
in  1638.  Denison  attained  the  ermine  later.  This  lower  Court 
had  power  to  try  all  civil  causes,  "whereof  the  debt  or  damage 
did  not  exceed  £10,  and  all  criminal  causes  not  concerning  life, 
member  or  banishment."  Right  of  appeal  to  the  Great  and 
General  Court  was  allowed. 

The  Kings  arms  were  straightway  erected  in  old  Ipswich,and 
Ipswich jCeuTt  was  ready  for  its  task.  The  original  Records 
remain,  and  they  afford  most  instructive  and  entertaining  in- 
sight into  the  practical  working  of  the  Puritanic  legal  code.  In 
the  course  of  sixty  years,  a  great  variety  of  cases  came  before 
this  tribunal  for  adjudication,  some  trivial,  some  ridiculous, 
many  of  weighty  significance  then  but  insignificant  now,  many 
fraught  with  sad  reminders  of  stern  delusions,  but  all  illustra- 
tive of  the  tone  and  spirit  of  a  Puritan  town. 

The  dignity  of  the  Court  itself  was  of  intense  moment  to  the 
Magistrates,  and  any  reflection  upon  it  was  instantly  rebuked. 
Mr.  Jonathan  Wade,  one  of  the  leading  citizens,  made  some 
speeches,  "afronting  the  Court"  in  1645,  for  which  he  was 
summoned  to  trial  and  fined  sixteen  shiUings.  John  Broad- 
street,  a  man  of  meaner  position,  for  similar  misdemeanor,  was 
sentenced  to  sit  an  hour  in  the  stocks.  Ezekiel  Woodward  and 
Thomas  Bishop  were  obliged  to  make  public  acknowledgment 
of  this  fault  at  the  next  lecture  day. 

Sundry  offences  against  the  awful  sanctity  of  the  Church 
and  the  Sabbath  were  dealt  with,  summarily.  In  the  year 
1647,  the  Town  was  plaintiff  in  suits  against  Thos.  Rohngson, 
who  lived  close  by  the  present  Agawam  House,  and  Robert 
Roberts,  for  refusing  to  pay  the  rate  required  of  them  toward 


the  expense  of  the  new  meeting-house.  Rolingson  paid  in  the 
end  his  40^.  and  17*2'^  more  for  costs.  The  Town  was  advised 
to  compound  with  Roberts  for  16^.  Joseph  Fowler's  spiteful 
charge  that  there  were  Hars  in  the  church,  secured  for  him  a 
place  in  the  stocks,  and  Thomas  Scott  paid  a  fine  for  refusing 
to  learn  his  catechism.  Humphrey  Griffin  was  fined  10^  for 
unloading  barley  on  the  Sabbath  before  sunset,  and  John  Leigh 
escaped  punishment  for  working  in  the  swamp  on  the  Lord's 
Day,  only  by  proving  that  it  was  done  to  stop  the  fire  from  harm- 
ing himself  and  his  neighbors. 

Disturbers  of  the  public  worship  on  the  liOrd's  day  met 
their  just  deserts.  In  1654,  Edward  Brydges  had  a  legal  ad- 
monition for  disorder  in  the  meeting  house.  In  that  same 
year,  disorderliness  had  become  so  general  and  so  offensive  that 
the  General  Court  took  the  matter  in  hand,  and  gave  liberty 
to  the  officers  of  the  congregation  and  the  Selectmen  of  Towns 
to  appoint  one  or  two  persons,  'Ho  reform  all  such  disordered 
persons  in  the  congregations,  or  elsewhere  about  the  meeting 
houses."  Our  Town  proceeded  in  1657  to  avail  itself  of  the 
new  statute,  and  appointed  Thos.  Burnham  and  Symon  Tomp- 
son  to  keep  a  watchful  eye  upon  the  youth,  and  none  too  soon, 
for  John  Averill  had  been  before  the  Ipswich  Court  in  1656  for 
striking  Thomas  Twigs  in  the  meeting  house,  "in  the  time  of 
public  ordinances  on  the  Sabbath. ' ' 

For  many  years  there  was  a  vigorous  spirit  of  disorder  that 
must  have  marred  the  solemnity  of  many  Sabbaths.  The 
grouping  of  the  j^oung  men  and  boys  together  was  the  prolific 
source  of  constant  disorder.  Sometimes  the  distm-bance  was 
violent,  as  when  Thomas  Bragg  and  Edward  Cogswell  fought 
together  in  the  meeting  house  ' '  on  the  I^ord's  day  in  time  of  ex- 
ercise" in  the  year  1670,  for  which  they  were  fined  10^  apiece, 
or  when  Stephen  Cross  struck  another  worshipper. 

Two  young  misses,  Elizabeth  Hunt  and  Abigail  Burnam, 
so  disturbed  public  service  one  Sunda}^  in  1674,  that  they  were 
arraigned  before  the  Court,  and  their  fathers  admonished  to 
reprove  them  becomingly,  and  Sam.  Hunt  Jr.  was  admonished 
and  fined  for  his  light  behaviour. 

Old  Salem  in  1676  wrestled  with  the  unruliness  of  the  boys 
in  this  fashion : 

LAWS    AND    COURTS.  277 

"all  ye  boyes  of  3^e  towne  are  and  shall  be  appointed  to  sitt 
upon  ye  three  pair  of  stairs  in  ye  meeting  house  on  ye  Lord's 
day,  and  W™  Lord  is  appointed  to  look  after  ye  boys  y*  sitte 
upon  ye  pulpit  stairs.  Reuben  Guppy  is  to  look  and  order 
soe  many  of  ye  boyes  as  may  be  convenient,  and  if  any  are 
unruly  to  present  their  names  as  the  law  directs."! 

But  ' '  disorderly  carriages ' '  increased  still  to  the  sorrow  of 
all  godly  worshippers,  and  in  1657,  in  accordance  with  a  pre- 
cept from  the  General  Court,  a  new  office  was  created,  that  of 
Tithingman,  and  24  men,  good  and  true,  including  some  of  the 
most  prominent  citizens,  were  chosen  by  the  Selectmen.  The 
tithingman  was  a  most  important  functionary.  His  business 
extended  much  beyond  the  meeting  house  and  disorder  therein. 
To  each  officer  was  assigned  the  oversight  of  ten  families,  hence 
the  name,  though  the  origin  of  the  office  itself  is  found  in  the 
Saxon  times  of  old  England. 

Within  his  special  precinct,  he  was  instructed  by  common 
agreement  of  the  Town  officers  in  1681,  "to  see  that  children 
and  servants  be  taught  to  read  and  instructed  in  the  capitall 
laws,  and  Catechism  as  the  law  p'vides,  and  that  the  Selectmen 
as  they  shall  desire  y™  goe  with  j^  to  any  persons  to  attend 
their  dutye  and  where  there  is  deficiency  in  any  they  are  to 
inspect  that  the  Laws  be  attended." 

Furthermore,  the  Law  enjoined  them  "to  inspect  disorderly 
persons,  and  to  p'sent  the  names  of  single  persons  that  live  out 
from  under  family  government — to  enter  ordinaries  and  inspect 
them"  —  and  "whatever  else  tends  to  irreligion. ' ' 

They  were  to  admonish  all  offenders,  and  if  this  proved  inef- 
fectual, they  were  bound  to  make  complaint  to  the  Court.  One 
Tithingman  at  least,  pressed  the  law  to  the  letter,  as  the  Court 
Record  bears  witness,  under  the  date  April  10,  1683. 

"William  Knowlton  upon  complaint  of  John  Edwards 
tithingman  against  him  for  keeping  a  pack  of  gaming  cards  in 
his  house  is  sentenced  according  to  Law  to  pay  a  fine  of  £5." 
Upon  his  submission,  the  Court  ordered  that  "upon  satisfying 
the  informer  his  part  as  the  law  provides  and  paying  20^  to  the 
Treasurer  and  fees  the  rest  be  respitted. ' ' 

Habitual  neglecters  were  fined  for  their  misconduct.     Widow 

1  "The  Sabbath  in  Puritan  Times,"  by  Mrs.  A.  M.  Earle,  p.  55. 


Goodhue  was  thus  dealt  with  in  1647  and  Tlios.  Lovell  in  1671, 
and  again  in  1674.  Thos.  Lovell  and  Thos.  Lovell,  Jan.,  lived 
within  a  few  rods,  under  the  very  droppings  of  the  sanctuary. 
Their  neglect  was  a  rank  offence,  for  which  they  paid  a  fine.  Roger 
Darby  and  his  wife,  who  lived  in  High  St.  close  by  the  old 
Caleb  Lord  house,  were  warned,  fined  and  dealt  with  harshly  for 
similar  fault.  Some  of  these,  if  not  all,  were  Quakers.  A  notable 
group  of  these  enthusiasts  faced  the  Court  in  September,  1658. 
Samuel  Shattuck,  celebrated  in  Whittier's  poem,  "The  King's 
Missive,"  "having  been  apprehended  by  the  constable  two 
Lord's  Days  at  the  Quaker  meeting  and  two  days  absence 
from  the  pubhc  meeting"  was  fined  30^.  Nicolas  Phelps  was 
fined  the  same  sum  for  equal  offence.  Joshua  Buffum,  for  a  sin- 
gle Sabbath's  absence  was  fined  15^,  "And  for  persisting  still  in 
their  course  and  opinion  as  Quakers,  the  sentence  of  the  Court 
is,  these  three  be  committed  to  the  House  of  Correction,  there 
to  be  kept  until  they  give  security  to  renovmce  their  opinions 
or  remove  themselves  out  of  the  jurisdiction." 

The  intense  interest  that  centred  in  these  trials  is  wholly 
beyond  our  imagination.  The  first  law  against  that  "cursed 
set  of  heretics"  called  Quakers,  enacted  in  1656,  forbade  any 
captain  to  land  them.  Any  individual  of  that  sect  was  to  be 
committed  at  once  to  the  House  of  Correction,  to  be  severely 
whipped  on  his  or  her  entrance,  and  kept  constantly  at  work, 
and  none  were  suffered  to  speak  with  them.  The  next  year, 
it  was  ordered  that  any  Quaker,  coming  again  into  this  juris- 
diction, should  have  one  of  his  ears  cut  off;  for  another  offence, 
he  should  lose  the  other  ear,  and  every  Quaker  woman  should 
be  severely  whipped;  for  a  third  offence,  the  tongue  was  to  be 
bored  through  with  a  hot  iron.  Ere  long,  sentence  of  death 
was  ordered  and  executed  in  several  cases  at  Boston.  It  was 
further  decreed  in  1661,  that  "any  wandering  Quakers  be  ap- 
prehended, stripped  naked  from  the  middle  upward,  tied  to 
cart's-tayle  and  whipped  thro  the  town."  Persistently  return- 
ing, they  were  to  be  branded  with  the  letter  R  on  the  left  shoulder. 
The  repressive  laws  against  this  obnoxious  sect  were  in  full 
swing  then,  when  Shattuck  and  his  friends  were  brought  to  the 
bar  of  the  Ipswich  Court.  Many  of  the  Quakers  had  been 
guilty  of  great  excesses  in  their  assaults  on  the  established  wor- 

LAWS    AND    COURTS.  279 

ship.  Open  interruptions  of  the  service,  and  noisy  demonstra- 
tions outside  the  meeting-house,  were  frequently  made.  Popular 
opinion  was  bitterly  against  them.  We  may  imagine  that  the 
Court  room  was  crowded  with  an  eager  company,  hushed  to 
deathly  stillness,  when  Shattuck,  Phelps  and  Buffum,  wearing 
their  hats  before  the  dignitaries,  unless  removed  by  the  con- 
stable, were  examined,  convicted,  and  sent  to  prison,  there  to 
be  whipped,  fed  on  bread  and  water,  and  made  to  work  hard 
on  the  hemp  and  flax,  always  provided  by  the  Master. 

They  suffered  a  month  in  prison,  and  there  were  others  with 
them,  lyawrence  Southwick  and  Cassandra,  his  wife,  and  Josiah 
Southwick.  Then  came  the  order  from  the  General  Court 
that  they  all  be  brought  to  Boston,  and  commanded  to  depart 
out  of  this  jurisdiction  under  a  penalty  of  banishment,  if  they 
remained.  They  all  had  been  confined  in  Boston  prison  some 
years  before,  and  no  document  has  more  pathetic  interest  than 
the  petition  to  the  General  Com-t  for  release,  which  they  drew 
up  while  in  prison,  which  is  still  preserved  among  the  old 
Court  papers  in  Salem. 

It  was  written  apparently  by  Cassandra  Southwick,  and 
bears  the  signature  of  each.  It  is  dated,  "from  ye  house  of 
bondage  in  Boston,  wherein  we  are  made  captives  by  the  will  of 
man,  although  in  measure  made  free  by  ye  Son.  John  8:  36 
in  which  we  quietly  rest,  this  16^^  5°i°  1648." 

Against  this  same  group,  the  General  Court  pronounced  in 
1659,  that  "if  anyone  is  found  within  this  jurisdiction  after  the 
8*^  of  June  next,  he  shall  be  arrested,  and  if  found  guilty,  put 
to  death." 

Whittier's  muse  has  made  them  all  immortal.  He  has  ex- 
tolled Samuel  Shattuck 's  bluff  and  fearless  audience  with  the 
Governor,  when  the  accession  of  Charles  II  had  given  the  Qua- 
kers temporary  advantage,  and  portrayed  with  loving  fidelity 
the  tender  womanliness  of  Cassandra,  condemned  to  be  banished 
but  escaping  this  fate,  because  no  shipmaster  would  bear  her 
away.  No  wonder  the  gentle  poet's  ire  is  roused  at  the  savage 
violence  vented  on  Lydia  Wardwell,  a  modest  and  virtuous 
maiden,  who  was  driven  to  frenzied  excess  by  her  convictions 
of  duty,  and  went  naked  into  the  meeting  house  at  Newbury. 
For  this,  she  was  arraigned  in  1663,  was  condemned  forthwith 


to  be  tied  to  the  fence  post  of  the  tavern  where  the  Court  sat, 
and  was  sorely  lashed  with  twenty  or  thirty  cruel  stripes. i 

Happily  affairs  of  lesser  weight  relieved  the  bitterness  of 
these  Quaker  trials.  Groups  of  elderly  citizens  appeared  from 
time  to  time  and  prayed  to  be  excused  from  training  because 
of  their  years  and  infirmities,  or  sought  exemption  from  the 
night-watch.  Sometimes  release  from  military  service  was 
freely  granted  as  in  the  case  of  John  Leigh,  in  his  70th  year; 
sometimes  a  money  rate  was  imposed  for  the  release.  It  was 
6^.  a  year  in  the  case  of  Robert  Day. 

Anon,  anxious  good  wives  and  daughters  were  summoned  to 
answer  for  wearing  a  gay  silk  scarf  or  a  silk  hood,  or  some  over- 
proud  commoner  for  his  brave  display  of  silver  lace,  and  they 
were  sentenced  to  pay  a  fine  unless  it  was  proved  that  the  wearer 
or  husband  or  father  was  worth  £200. 

When  the  terrors  of  King  Philip's  war  bluest  upon  the  Colony, 
the  General  Coiu't  discerned  in  it  the  rebukes  of  Almighty  God, 
and  straightway  it  issued  fresh  edicts  against  some  flagrant 
abuses.  Children  were  to  be  cared  for  and  catechised  more 
diligently.  Check  was  placed  on  the  pride  that  was  evident  in 
that  "long  hair  like  women's  haire  is  worn  by  some  men,  either 
their  own  or  other's  hair,  made  into  periwiggs;  and  by  some 
weomen  wearing  borders  of  hayre  and  their  cutting,  curling  and 
imodest  laying  out  their  haire,  especially  among  the  younger 

The  evil  of  pride  in  apparel  was  assailed,  particularly  "cost- 
liness in  the  poorer  sort  and  vajne,  new,  strainge  fashions,  wi*^ 
naked  breast  and  armes  or  as  it  were,  pinioned  wi*^  the  ad- 
dition of  superstitious  ribbons  both  in  hajre  and  apparel." 

These  laws  bore  hardly  upon  the  belles  of  Ipswich,  and  some 
of  the  lighter  minded  wives  and  mothers.  At  the  September 
session  of  the  Court  in  1675,  in  obedience  to  the  summons  of 
the  Constable,  Arthur  Abbott's  wife  for  the  offense  of  wearing 
a  silk  hood  and  scarf,  Benedict  Pulcifer's  wife  on  a  similar  charge, 
the  two  daughters  of  Haniell  Bosworth,  the  cowherd,  Margaret 
Lambert,  and  the  wives  of  John  Kindrick,  Thomas  Knowlton, 
and  Obadiah  Bridges,  all  appeared  and  paid  dearly  for  their 
ribbons  and  gew-gaws  and  "imodest  laying  out  of  their  hajre." 

1  Coffin's  History  of  Newbury,  p  56. 

LAWS    AND    COURTS.  281 

Now  and  then,  some  of  the  most  eminent  citizens  were 
brought  to  Court  for  overcharging  in  mercantile  transactions. 
Mr  Jonathan  Wade,  for  "expensive  prices  in  selUng  grindstones 
and  other  tilings"  had  to  pay  a  fine  of  £5  and  mtness  fees  m 
1658  Mr  Robert  Pavne,  the  Elder  of  the  Church  and  the  Patron 
of  the  Grammar  School,  and  the  Town  Clerk,  William  Bartholo- 
mew, were  similarly  fined. 

Family  jars  were  adjusted.     Mark  Quilter  was  put  under 
£10  bonds  in  1664  to  be  ''of  good  behaviour  toward  all  persons, 
but  especially  his  wife."     Daniel  Black  and  wife  were^both 
condemned  to  be  set  in  the  stocks,  with  instructions  not  to    mis- 
call each  other"  while  in  hmbo.     Mary  Bidgood  was  ordered 
to  Eno-land  to  Hve  with  her  husband.     Elizabeth  Fanmng,  wife 
of  William  Fanning  of  Newbury,  being  proved  to  be  a  common 
scold  was  sentenced  "to  be  sett  in  a  ducking  stool  and  dipt 
over  head  and  ears  three  times  in  some  convenient  place  m 
ye  river  at  Newbury  on  ye  next  lecture-day  after  lecture. '     John 
Tellison  was  duly  punished  for  tying  his  wife  to  the  bed  post 
xvith  a  plow  chain  to  keep  her  at  home.     Humphrey  Griffin  s 
difficulty  with  his  mother-in-law  led  to  two  prosecutions;  she 
was  fined  for  cursing  and  reviling  her  son-in-law,  and  he  for  re- 
viling her      The  woes  of  the  bond-servant  were  also  avenged. 
Philip  Fowler  abused  a  boy  bound  out  to  him,  Richard  Parker 
by  name,  "by  hanging  him  up  by  the  heels  as  butchers  do  beasts 
for  the  slaughter."     The  Court  cautioned  him  and  charged  the 

cost  of  the  trial. 

The  traffic  in  strong  water  and  its  various  effects  engaged  the 
attention  of  the  tribunal  constantly.  The  earUest  hcense  to 
sell  was  granted  Robert  Roberts  by  the  Court  of  Assistants  m 
1635  1  Men  of  the  highest  reputation  soon  sought  hke  liberty 
Mr  Robert  Payne,  Mr.  Bartholomew,  and  Jeremy  Belcher  all 
received  license  in  1652.  Deacon  Moses  Pengry  kept  an  ordi- 
nary and  dispensed  spirit.  Corporal  John  Andrews,  mn-keeper 
at  the  White  Horse  in  High  street,  frequently  disturbed  the 
public  peace.  A  petition  signed  by  many  of  the  most  proni- 
inent  citizens  led  the  Court  to  decline  to  renew  his  license,  by  its 
complaint  of  sundry  offences.  The  original  document  after 
many  years  of  travel,  came  into  the  possession  of  D.  1 .  Appleton, 

1  Felt,  p.m. 


Esq.,  and  was  given  by  him  to  tlie  Ipswich  Historical 
Society.  Deacon  Pengry  was  authorized  to  keep  an  ordinary  in 
place  of  Andrews,  and  Andrews's  spite  is  easily  detected  in  the 
petty  mischief  of  "pulling  down  the  signe  of  Moses  Pengry, 
(a licensed  vender  of  strong  water)  and  Mr.  Brown,  his  gate  and 
dore,  and  Lieut.  Sam.  Appleton  his  gate,"  for  which  he  was  duly 
arraigned.  Daniel  Ringe  was  licensed  to  keep  an  ordinary  in 
1661  but  "not  to  draw  beer  above  a  penny  a  quart,  and  to  pro- 
vide meate  for  men  and  cattell."  John  Perkins,  Andrew  Peeters 
and  John  Whipple  were  licensed  in  1662,  the  last  to  sell  not  less 
than  a  quart  at  a  time  and  none  to  be  drunk  in  his  house.  All 
were  bound  "not  to  sell  by  retail  to  any  but  men  of  family, 
and  of  good  repute,  nor  sell  any  after  sun  sett;  and  that  they 
shall  be  ready  to  give  account  of  what  liquors  they  sell  by  retail, 
the  quantity,  time  antl  to  whom."  Mr.  Jonathan  Wade  was 
also  licensed. 

Still  the  traffic  grew,  and  in  the  year  1692,  hcenses  were 
granted  to  John  Spark,  Mr.  Francis  Wainwright,  Mr.  John 
Wain  Wright,  Francis  Wainwright,  Jr.,  Capt.  Daniel  Wicom,  Mr. 
Abraham  Perkins,  Mr.  Goodhue  Sen.  and  Mr.  Michael  Farley, 
Sen.  Despite  the  selection  of  men  of  the  best  character  for 
dealers,  and  all  restrictions  and  limitations  upon  the  trade,  evil 
results  abounded.  Cases  of  drunkenness  were  frequently  before 
the  Court.  One  of  the  most  curious  was  that  of  Humphrey 
Griffin,  who  was  indicted  by  the  Grand  Jury  for  'being  drunk,  as 
it  appeared  "by  his  gesster,  evile  words,  falling  off  his  horse 
twice  (or  oftener)  and  his  breath  senting  much  of  strong  liquor." 
Over  indulgence,  no  doubt,  explains  Shoreborne  Wilson's  "ry- 
baldry  speech"  for  which  he  sat  half  an  hour  in  the  stocks. 
Poor  Mark  Quilter's  domestic  infelicities  sprang  from  this  source 
and  many  a  misdemeanor  was  traceable  to  this  as  its  responsible 

Rev.  Mr.  Hubbard  was  the  victim  of  his  graceless  servant, 
Peter  Leycross,  who,  acting  in  league  with  Jonas  Gregory,  the 
public  whipper,  and  Symon  Woods,  made  repeated  depredations 
upon  the  minister's  wine  cellar,  stealing  five  gallons  at  one  time. 
They  also  stole  his  fat  sheep  and  sold  them,  but  were  apprehend- 
ed at  last  making  merry  over  the  ministerial  wine  at  Gregory's 
and  were  sentenced  to  be  whipped  or  pay  a  fine. 

LAWS   AND    COURTS.  283 

The  tobacco  habit  was  severely  frowned  upon.  Thos.  Parell 
was  fined  10^  for  taking  tobacco  out  of  doors  and  near  a  house 
in  1654.  Richard  Hutten  for  smoking  tobacco  in  the  street  on 
the  Sabbath  day  paid  10^  and  costs  and  Nathaniel  Treadwell's 
"pype"  publicly  used  cost  him  more  than  it  was  worth,  manifold. 
Still,  tradition  has  it  that  the  Rev.  Nath.  Rogers  was  an 
inveterate   user  of  the   mahgned  herb. 

Some  rollicking  pranks  of  the  olden  time  have  been  preserved 
through  the  medium  of  these  old  Court  Records,  the  tearing  up 
of  bridges,  the  annoying  and  abusing  of  the  night  watch,  and 
the  consummate  mischievousness  of  Thomas  and  John  Manning 
in  putting  a  calf  down  toper  Mark  Quilter's  chimney,  and  abus- 
ing him  in  his  barn  and  yard.     Jonathan  Piatt's  name  is  rescued 
from  oblivion  as  the  gay  Lothario,  who  endeavored  "to  draw 
away  the  affections  of  Mr.  Rogers,  his  mayd,"  and  was  judged 
to  have  broken  the  law  and  was  fined  5«.    Card  playing  was  an 
offence  for  which  a  merry  group  of   four  paid  5^  a  piece  in  1664. 
There  were  liars  and  thieves  in  the  old  days,  but  a  he  was 
a  costly  luxury,  and  a  thief  found  the  way  of  the  transgressor 
very  hard.      Mark  Symonds  paid  for  one  He  10^  and  for  "3 
other  untruths"  5«  apiece.    John  Broadstreet  was  so  unfortu- 
nate as  to  be  indicted  in  1652  "for  supposition  of  haveing  famd- 
iarity  with  the  devil."     It  was  proved  only  that  he  had  told  a 
he  but  as  it  was  his  second  offence,  he  was  sentenced  to  pay  a 
fine  of  20«  or  be  whipped.      Jeffry  SkeUing  was  whipped  for 
divers  lies  and  Goodwife  Haffield  was  fined  20«  for  taking  the 
name  of  God  in  vain  to  witness  to  a  lie.     Simple  theft  sent  Abner 
Ordway,  the  blacksmith  by  the  Mill  Dam,  to  the  stocks.     A 
more  aggravated  case  caused  Obadiah  Rich  of   Salem  to  be 
branded  in  the  forehead   here  in  Ipswich  with  the  letter  B,  to 
be  fined  treble  damages,  and  to  be  sent  to  Salem  to  be  severely 
whipped.     Like  penalty  was  laid  upon  Henry  Spencer. 

Thus,  offenders  of  every  grade  came  and  went,  and  some  so 
frequently  that  their  names  become  familiar.  Joseph  Fowler, 
the  lawless  and  defiant  insulter  of  magistrates,  assailant  of 
watchmen,  brawling  disturber  of  the  pubhc  peace,  was  a  peren- 
nial culprit.  So  were  Francis  Jordan,  the  public  whipper  before 
Gregory's  time.  Corporal  John  Andrews  and  Mark  Qmlter. 
The  Quaker,  Roger  Darby  and  his  wife  were  often  there. 


Long  and  tedious  as  the  Sabbath  day  was  made  by  the  pro- 
tracted public  services  and  home  catechisings,  om-  Puritan  an- 
cestors deemed  it  necessary  to  set  apart  another  day  in  the  week 
for  religious  exercises,  to  secure  a  proper  degree  of  public  piety. 

Thursday  was  the  day  chosen,  and  the  weekly  Lecture  was 
the  important  event  of  that  day.  All  work  and  amusement 
were  prohibited,  and  attendance  on  the  sanctuary  was  compul- 
sory as  on  the  Sabbath.  Larger  liberty  of  theme  was  permitted 
the  minister,  however,  and  many  matters  of  public  order  were 
vigorously  pressed. 

The  day  was  often  utilized  for  special  town-meetings  or 
Selectmen's  meetings,  after  the  service.  Advantage  was  taken 
of  the  gathering  of  the  people  for  the  public  administration  of 
justice,  and  many  an  offender  expiated  some  misdoing  by  an 
oral  confession  of  his  sin  to  the  congregation,  or  by  a  written 
apology,  which  was  read  from  the  desk.  Joseph  Muzzey  was 
thus  made  conspicuous  in  1651,  and  he  was  obliged  to  make 
such  acknowledgment  as  the  Court  appointed. 

Richard  Smith  had  a  difficulty  with  the  officers  of  the  Town 
in  1645  and  was  so  indiscreet  as  to  say,  "Though  Father,  Son  & 
Holy  Ghost  were  against  him,  yet  he  had  the  victory"  or  to 
this  purpose.  For  this,  he  was  sentenced  to  "make  acknowledg- 
ment of  this  blasphemy"  or  pay  a  fine  in  addition  to  the  40" 
already  levied. 

In  1667,  John  Andrews  met  the  deserved  frown  of  all  good 
Christians,  when  he  acknowledged  his  part  in  the  indecent  dis- 
honor to  the  Sagamore's  bones.  Twenty  years  later,  he  be- 
came one  of  our  town  heroes  when  he  joined  with  Pastor  John 
Wise  and  his  famous  company  in  resisting  the  Andros  tax,  and 
suffered  for  his  boldness.  The  summary  rebuke  of  that  scape- 
grace prank  may  have  brought  the  youth  to  that  better  man- 
hood. Ezekiel  Woodward  and  Thomas  Bishop,  a  well-known 
merchant  and  trader,  made  public  apologies  that  year  for  af- 
fronting the  magistrates. 

Offences  that  were  regarded  as  specially  heinous  were  pun- 
ished not  merely  by  whipping,  and  sometimes  with  branding 
with  hot  irons,  but  with  public  exposure  on  the  lecture  day. 
Sarah  Row,  a  woman  of  unchaste  life  and  violent  behavior,  was 
sentenced  in  1673  "to  stand  all  the  time  of  the  meeting,  from 



the  last  bell-ringing,  on  a  high  place  where  the  master  of  the 
House  of  Correction  shall  appoint  in  open  view  of  the  congre- 
gation with  a  faire  white  paper  m'itten  in  faire  capitall  letters," 
specifying  her  offence;  and  in  1674,  Thomas  Knowlton  might 
have  been  seen  standing  openly  with  a  paper  on  his  breast  in- 
scribed, in  capital  letters,  ''for  makeing  disturbance  in  the 
meeting."  Two  sisters,  guilty  of  an  unnatural  crime,  were  com 
pelled  to  face  the  pitiless  scorn  of  the  congregation,  standing 
or  sitting  on  a  high  stool,  with  the  tale  of  their  infamy  written 
upon  them,  in  1681. 

A  touch  of  the  grotesque  is  discerned  in  the  case  of  Elizabeth 
Perkins,  wife  of  Luke,  who  was  presented  by  the  Grand  Jury 
in  1681  for  many  ''most  opprobious  and  scandalous  words  of  an 
high  nature  ag^t  Mr.  Cobbitt  and  her  husband's  natural  parents, 
and  others  of  his  relations,  which  was  proved  and  in  part  owned." 
"That  a  due  testimony  may  be  borne  against  such  a  viru- 
lent, reprochfull  and  wicked  tongued  woman,  this  Court  doth 
sentence  said  Elizabeth  to  be  severely  whipped  on  her  naked 
body,  and  to  stand  or  sitt  the  next  Lecture  day  in  some  open 
place  in  the  public  meeting  house  at  Ipswich,  and  when  the 
Court  shall  direct,  the  whole  time  of  the  service  with  a  paper 
pinned  on  her  head,  written  in  capital  letters  'for  reproching 
ministers,  parents  &  relations.' "  The  corporal  punishment  was 
remitted  for  a  3£  fine,  but  the  remainder  of  the  sentence  was 
no  doubt  executed. 

"Reproaching  ministers,"  was  an  offence  that  engaged  the 
wisdom  of  the  General  Court  as  early  as  1646,  and  it  decreed 
that  the  offender  should  "pay  a  fine  or  stand  two  hours  openly 
on  a  block  four  feet  high  on  a  lecture  day,  with  a  paper  fixed  on 
the  breast  with  the  inscription  'a  wanton  Gospeller.' " 

Presumptuous  speeches  were  often  made.  John  Cross  slan- 
dered Mr.  Rogers,  and  Thomas  Cross  dared  to  say  of  Rev.  John 
Norton  that  he  taught  what  was  false.  He  also  reproached 
the  ordinance  of  baptism  and  said  that  if  he  had  children,  he 
would  not  have  them  play  the  fool.  Wilham  Winter  said  that 
Mr.  Cobbet  in  his  teaching  lied  against  his  own  Conscience,  and 
one  of  his  Lynn  parishioners  had  suffered  for  declaring,  "he 
had  as  Uef  hear  a  dog  bark  as  Mr.  Cobbett  preach. ' '  For  these 
affronts,  due  apologies  were  made. 


Criminals  under  sentence  of  death,  were  brought  to  the 
public  Lecture.  Judge  Se wall  records :  "Jan.  16:  1700-1.  At 
Ipswich,  Mr.  Rogers  preached  the  lecture  from  Luke  1 :  76,  about 
ministerial  preparation  for  Christ.  Sung  the  nine  first  verses 
of  the  132'^  Psalm.  Mr.  Rogers  praie'd  for  the  prisoner  of  death, 
the  Newbury  woman,  who  was  there  in  her  chains. ' '  This  was 
the  last  sermon,  he  adds,  that  was  preached  in  the  old  meeting 

Evil  doers  met  the  public  eye,  without  as  well  as  within. 
Hard  by  the  meeting  house,  were  the  whipping  post  and  stocks, 
and  prison,  all  on  the  level  Green,  on  which  the  meeting  house 
of  the  First  Church  stands  today.  The  site  of  the  last  whip- 
ping post  is  marked  by  the  elm  tree  nearest  the  meeting  house 
on  the  east  corner.  It  was  frequently  ordered  that  the  pun- 
ishment of  the  lash  or  the  stocks  should  be  inflicted  on  the  lec- 
ture day,  and  the  scene  which  Hawthorne  depicts,  when  the 
Boston  congregation  issued  from  the  meeting  house,  and  was 
shocked  by  the  sight  of  Rev.  Arthur  Dimmesdale  acknowledg- 
ing his  sin  on  the  scaffold, was  enacted  frequently,  with  humbler 
personages  bearing  their  public  shame. 

Thus  in  1647,  roystering  Joseph  Fowler,  often  at  fault,  was 
sentenced  to  pay  a  considerable  fine  or  sit  in  the  stocks  some 
lecture  day,  for  saying  there  were  liars  in  the  church  and  won- 
dering they  were  not  cast  out,  "and  if  one  would  lye  soundly 
he  was  fit  for  the  church,"  or  Shoreborne  Wilson,  a  man  of  fre- 
quent misdeeds,  for  some  ' '  rybaldry  speech. ' '  There,  in  deserved 
disgrace,  one  lecture  day  in  1667,  sat  several  giddy  young 
men,  Stephen  Cross,  Wm.  Andrews  and  Joseph  Giddings,  for 
pulling  up  bridges  and  other  misdemeanors  at  the  windmill. 

Thus  religious  and  civil  affairs  were  closely  interlocked. 
Ministerial  dignity  was  maintained  by  judicial  enactment.  Neg- 
lect or  disorder  in  the  meeting  house  was  an  offence  against 
the  civil  statute.  Breaking  of  the  Sabbath  was  punished  by 
the  Law  and  taxes  for  ministerial  support  and  all  church  ex- 
penses were  collected  by  the  constable  under  legal  process. 
Religion  was  only  requiting  its  debt  to  Law,  when  it  made  the 
solemn  gathering  for  worship  the  occasion  of  terrible  punish- 
ment of  misdocrs  and  branded  the  law  breaker  with  open  shame. 



It  was  a  matter  of  common  iDelief  in  England  as  well  as  in  the 
Colonies  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  that  Satan  and  his  angels 
were  actively  engaged  in  assaulting  the  kingdom  of  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  and  disturbing  the  peace  of  mankind.  To  attain 
this  end,  the  Devil  made  persuasive  overtures  to  men  and  wo- 
men, and  those  who  listened  to  his  beguilement  were  endued 
with  supernatural  powers  of  working  mischief  upon  all,  whom 
they  wished  to  injure.  It  was  an  age  of  credulous  belief  in 
ghosts  and  spectres,  supernatural  manifestations  and  extra- 
ordinary events,  and  the  actual  existence  of  witches,  who  had 
familiarity  with  the  Devil,  and  did  his  bidding,  was  not  doubted 
in  the  least  degree. 

That  the  good  people  of  Ipswich  had  conceived  a  strong 
suspicion  of  the  evil  character  of  one  of  their  townsmen,  John 
Broadstreet,  as  early  as  the  year  1652,  is  made  painfully  evident 
by  the  entry  in  the  Record  of  the  Court,  that  was  "held  at  Ips- 
wich 28tt  (7)  1652. 

"John  Broadstreet  upon  his  p^sentnit  of  the  last  court  for 
suspition  of  haveing  familiarity  wt^  the  devill  upon  examyna- 
tion  of  the  case  they  found  he  had  tould  a  lye :  w^h  was  a 
second  &  being  convicted  once  before  the  Court  setts  a  fine  of 
20s  or  else  to  be  whipt.  Edw.  Coborne  is  surety  for  the  pay- 
ment of  the  fine  and  fees  of  court." 

Happily  for  the  accused,  popular  excitement  had  not  been 
aroused,  and  the  judicious  moderation  of  the  Judges  saved  him 
from  a  severe  sentence.  A  more  violent  treatment  of  a  sus- 
pected witch  was  manifested  in  Salisbury  in  1656,  when  Goody 
Cole,  of  Hampton,  whose  name  is  preserved  in  Whittier's  "The 
Changeling"  was  arraigned  on  suspicion  of  witchcraft.  A  wit- 
ness testified,  that  thirteen  years  before  she  had  bewitched 
Goodwife  Masten's  child,  changing  it  into  an  ape. 



The  Coiistal:)le  of  Salisbiuy,  Richard  Orinesby,  made  his  de- 
position i"that  beiiifj;  aboiite  to  stripp  Eunice  Cole  to  bee  whipt 

.   .   .    looking  uppon  her  brests  under  one  of  her  brests  .  .   . 
I  saw  a  blew  thino; .  .  .  hanging  downwards  about  three  (piarters 
of  an  inch  long  not  very  thick." 

This  excrescence  was  proof  positive  of  witchcraft,  and  the 
accused  instantly  pulled  or  scratched  it  off,  incurring  grave 
suspicion  of  Satanic  power.  She  was  probably  whipped  at  that 
time,  but  she  was  not  sentenced  to  Boston  Jail  until  1673,  when 
she  was  tried  for  having  familiarity  with  the  Devil.  The  story 
of  her  release  from  Ipswich  jail  may  be  an  invention  of  the 

At  the  Court  held  at  Ipswich,  the  30th  of  March,  1680,  Abel 
Powell  was  put  on  trial.  Several  neighbors  bore  witness  of 
uncanny  happenings  in  their  households.  The  andirons  leaped 
into  the  great  kettle,  the  spinning  wheel  was  turned  upside  down, 
strange  and  terrifying  noises  disturbed  the  quiet  of  the  night, 
and  many  objects  moved  without  hands,  through  closed  doors. 
A  great  variety  of  family  mishaps  were  all  laid  to  his  charge, 
but  he  was  acquitted  of  witchcraft.  In  the  same  year,  Elizabeth 
Morse  was  found  guilty  of  having  familiarity  with  the  Devil  by 
the  Court  of  Assistants  in  Boston,  on  May  20th^  and  on  the  27*^ 
of  May,  "after  ye  lecture,  the  Governor  pronounced  sentence," 
of  hanging.  She  was  reprieved  however,  on  June  l^t  mitil  the 
October  session,  and  allowed  to  return  to  her  home  in  Newbury, 
'  'Provided  she  gee  not  above  sixteen  Rods  from  hir  owne  house, 
&  land  at  any  time  except  to  the  meeting  house  in  Newbery 
nor  remove  from  the  place  Appointed  hir  by  the  minister  & 
selectmen  to  sitt  in  whilst  there. "2  General  Denison  sat  as  one 
of  the  Judges  during  her  trial  and  reprieve. 

Twelve  years  elapsed,  and  no  record  occurs  of  any  such  trials. 
Then  the  storm  burst  in  awful  violence.  Some  young  girls  of 
Salem  Village,  now  Dan  vers,  began  to  act  in  strange  ways,  creep- 
ing under  chairs  and  stools,  distorting  their  faces,  and  muttering 
unintelligible  jargon.  The  physicians  could  not  explain  their 
l^ehavior,  and  one    of   them,    it  is  said,  suggested  that   they 

1    Witclicralt  Record. 

-    Record  ol'  Court  of  Assistants. 


might  be  bewitched.  As  some  of  the  girls  belono-ed  in  the  family 
of  Rev.  Mr.  Parris,  Pastor  of  the  Church  in  Salem  Village,  he 
invited  several  of  the  neighboring  ministers  to  join  mth  him  in 
keeping  a  solemn  day  of  prayer  at  his  house.  During  these 
exercises,  one  of  the  girls  about  eleven  years  old,  seemed  to  be 
thrown  into  convulsion  fits.  The  others  were  soon  similarly 
affected,  and  began  to  say  that  they  saw,  while  in  their  fits,  cer- 
tain persons  pinching  or  sticking  pins  into  them,  or  otherwise 
torturing  them.  The  first  person  named  by  them  was  Tituba, 
an  Indian  servant  in  the  minister's  household,  and  she  confessed 
that  the  Devil  urged  her  to  sign  a  book,  and  to  harm  the  children. 
She  was  committed  to  prison.  Two  others  were  soon  accused. 
"Sarah  Good,  who  had  long  been  counted  a  melancholy  or  dis- 
tracted woman;  and  one  Osborn,  an  old  bed-ridden  woman; 
which  two  were  persons  so  ill  thought  of,  that  the  accusation 
was  the  more  readily  believed."  i 

Ten  persons  were  soon  afiflicted  and  they  began  to  charge  the 
practice  of  witchcraft  upon  their  neighbors  and  friends.  The 
venerable  Rebecca  Nurse,  mother  of  a  large  family  and  of  es- 
tablished Christian  character,  was  charged  with  bewitching  them. 
She  was  arraigned  in  the  meeting  house  before  the  Justices,  and 
her  accusers,  uttering  piercing  shrieks,  declared  that  she  bit  or 
stamped  upon  them.  She  protested  her  innocence,  and  made 
piteous  appeal  to  God  to  help  her,  but  she  was  sentenced  to 
prison,  and  goodwife  Corey  at  the  same  time.  Little  Doroth}'' 
Good,  the  five  year  old  daughter  of  Sarah  Good,  already  under 
arrest,  was  named  as  a  witch,  as  well.  The  number  of  the  ac- 
cused increased  so  rapidly  that  the  Court  of  Assistants  convened 
in  Salem  on  the  11th  of  April,  1692,  to  administer  justice.  It 
was  a  day  of  the  most  thrilling  interest  to  Ipswich.  The 
Deputy  Governor,  Thomas  Danforth,  and  six  Assistants,  in- 
cluding our  honored  townsman,  Major  Samuel  Appleton,  were 
the  Judges,  and  among  the  accused  were  John  Proctor  and 
Ehzabeth,  his  wife,  formerly  residents  of  the  Chebacco  Parish. 
Jolm  Proctor  and  his  wife,  Sarah  Cloyce,  Rebecca  Nurse, 
Martha  Corey,  and  little  Dorothy  Good  were  all  sent  to  Boston 

1    Robert  Calef,  "  More  Wonders  of  tlie  Invisible  World." 
*    Court  Records. 


Most  persistent  endeavor  was  made  in  behalf  of  the  Proctors. 
Rev.  John  Wise  drew  up  a  petition,  which  was  signed  by  a  goodly 
number  of   the  most  prominent  men   of  the  Chebacco  Parish. 

The  Humble  &  Sincere  Declaration  of  us  Subscribers,  In- 
habitants in  IpsAvich  on  y"  behalf  of  o^  Neighb^'s  Jno  Proctor  & 
his  wife  now  in  Trouble  &  und^  Suspition  of  Witchcraft  —  Too 
the  Hon^able  Court  of  Assistants  now  sitting  In  Boston 

Honied  &  Right  Worshipfull 
The  fore  sd  John  Procter  may  have  great  reason  to  Justifie  the 
Divine  Sovereigntie  of  God  under  those  Severe  Remarqs  of 
Providence  upon  his  Peace  &  Hon^  und^  a  due  reflection  upon 
his  life  past  And  so  the  best  of  us  have  reason  to  Adoar  the  Great 
Pittie  and  Indulgence  of  Gods  Providence  that  we  are  not  ex- 
posed to  the  utmost  shame  y*  the  Divill  can  Invent  undr  the 
p^missions  of  Sovereigntie  tho  not  for  y^  sin  fore  named  y^  for 
our  many  Transgretions  for  we  do  at  present  suppose  that  it 
may  be  A  Method  w^^  in  the  Seveerer  But  just  Transactions  of 
the  Infinite  Majestie  of  God  y*^  he  sometimes  may  permitt  Sathan 
to  p'"sonate  Dissemble  &  therby  abuse  innocents  &  such  as  Do 
in  the  fear  of  God  Defie  the  Devill  and  all  his  works.  The 
Great  Rage  he  is  p^mitted  to  attempt  holy  Job  w^h  The  abuse 
he  does  the  famous  Samuel  in  Disquieting  his  silent  Dust  by 
Shaddowing  his  venerable  p'son  in  answer  to  the  Charms  of 
Witchcraft  &  other  instances  from  Good  hands  may  be  Arg*^ 
Besides  the  unsearcheable  foot  stepps  of  Gods  Judgements  y* 
are  brought  to  Light  every  morning  y*  Astonish  o^"  weaker 
Reasons.  To  teach  us  Adoration  Trembling  &  Dependance  &c 

We  must  not  Trouble  your  Hon^s  by  Being  Tedious.  There- 
fore we  being  Smitten  with  the  Notice  of  what  hath  happened 
we  Reccon  it  wt^^in  the  Duties  of  o^  Charitie  that  Teacheth  us 
to  do  as  we  would  be  done  by  to  offer  thus  much  for  the  Clear- 
ing of  or  Neighb''®  Innocencie:  viz.  That  we  never  had  the 
least  knowledge  of  such  a  Nefarious  wickedness  in  o^"  said 
Neighbours  since  they  have  been  w^Mn  o^'  acquaintance. 
Neigther  doe  we  remember  any  such  thoughts  in  us  conceiving 
them  or  any  action  by  them  or  either  of  them  Directly  tending 
that  way  no  more  than  might  be  in  the  lives  of  any  other  p^sons 
of  the  Clearest  Reputation  as  to  any  such  Evills.  What  God 
may  have  left  them  to  we  cannot  Go  into  Gods  pavilions 
Cloathed  w^^  Cloudes  of  Darkness  Round  About. 

But  as  to  what  we  have  ever  seen  or  heard  of  them  upon  o^" 
consciences  we  Judge  them  Innocent  of  the  crime  objected. 

His  Breading  hath  been  amongst  us  and  was  of  Religious 


Parents  in  o""  place  and  by  reason  of  Relations  &  Properties  wi^in 
or  Towne  hath  had  constant  intercourse  with  us. 

We  speak  upon  o^  p^sonall  acquaintance  and  observation: 
and  so  leave  our  neighbours  and  this  our  Testimonie  on  their 
behalfe  to  the  wise  thoughts  of  y  Honours  &tc 

Subscribe  &tc. 
John  Wise 
William  Story  Senr  William  Cogswell 

Regenalld  Foster  Jonathan  Cogswell 

Thonis  Chote  John  Cogswell  ju^ 

John  Burnham  S'"  John  Cogswell 

William  Thomsom  Thomas  Andrews 

Tho.  Low  senr  Joseph  Andrews 

Isaac  Foster  Benjamin  Marshall 

John  Burnam  junr  John  Andrews  jr 

William  Goodhue  William  Buslin 

Isaac  Perkins  William  Andrews 

Nathaniell  Perkins  John  Andrews 

Thomas  Wilkins  John  Chote  se^ 

William  Cogswell  Joseph  Proctor 

Thomas  Varny  Samuel  Giddings 

John  Ffellows  Joseph  Eveleth  '- 

James  White 

Twenty  of  the  neighbors  in  Salem  Village,  where  the  Proctors 
had  their  home,  joined  in  a  petition,  affirming  "that  to  our  ap- 
prehension they  lived  a  Christian  life  in  their  family  and  were 
ever  ready  to  helpe  such  as  stood  in  need  of  their  helpe."  Against 
this  burden  of  sober  and  credible  evidence,  Mary  Warren  testi- 
fied that  Mrs.  Proctor  had  poppets  or  dolls,  which  she  pricked, 
and  instantly  she  herself  had  been  pricked.  Goodwife  Proctor 
had  also  threatened  her  with  hot  tongs.  But  the  most  whim- 
sical, yet  dreadful  evidence  was  the  reported  declaration  of  the 
apparitions  of  those  who  had  lain  in  their  graves  for  years,  that 
she  had  killed  them  for  various  trifling  reasons.  This  evidence 
prevailed  and  the  good  woman  was  sentenced  to  death.  This 
spectral  evidence  was  easily  produced,  and  was  unanswerable. 
The  purest  characters  were  no  proof  against  the  infamous 
charge  of  murder,  and  crimes  of  every  kind.  Those  accused  as 
witches  were  subjected  to  the  same  treatment  allotted  to  felons, 
and  were  viewed  with  horror  and  fear.  Even  when  they  had 
been  locked  in  the  dungeons  of  the  prisons,  those  who  testified 


against  them,  declared  that  they  were  still  pricked  and  tor- 
mented by  the  prisoners.  Sir  William  Phips  arrived  in  May, 
with  his  commission  as  Governor  under  King  William.  It 
was  said  that  the  first  order  issued  by  him,  required  that  irons 
should  be  put  upon  those  in  prison. ^  Mr.  Jonathan  Gary  of 
Gharlestown  Avrote  that  his  wife  was  carried  to  Gambridge 
prison  and  that  the  jailer  put  irons  on  her  legs  that  weighed 
about  eight  pounds. 

The  early  trials  of  the  accused  were  before  the  Gourt  of 
Assistants,  of  which  Major  Samuel  Appleton  was  a  member,  but 
a  special  Gommission  of  Oyer  and  Terminer  was  issued  to  several 
Justices,  which  began  its  sittings  on  June  2^^^.  Major  Appleton 
had  no  j^art  in  the  deliberations  of  this  Gourt,  which  proceeded 
at  once  to  pass  severe  sentence  upon  the  reputed  witches.  Brid- 
get Bishop,  who  had  long  been  under  suspicion,  was  tried  and 
condemned  to  death  on  the  8*^^  of  June,  and  on  June  10**^  she 
was  hanged. 

The  Judges,  the  Ministers  of  Salem  and  vicinity,  and  the  most 
enlightened  citizens  were  sure  that  the  powers  of  darkness  were 
leagued  against  them.  It  was  declared  that  the  Devil  had  met 
with  a  great  gathering  of  witches,  and  had  declared  that  Ghrist's 
kingdom  must  be  broken  down.  He  declared  that  the  Judg- 
ment Day  and  the  Resurrection  were  abolished  and  all  punish- 
ment for  sin.  He  promised  ease  and  comfort  to  those  who 
would  serve  him,  and  a  sacrament  was  then  administered  by 
him,  with  red  bread  and  a  liquid,  red  as  blood.  The  severest 
measures  were  necessary,  to  repel  these  assaults. 

The  Gourt  met  again  on  June  30*^^,  and  Sarah  Good,  Re- 
becca Nurse,  and  Elizabeth  How,  wife  of  James  How  of  the 
Linebrook  Parish,  and  others  were  put  on  trial. 

The  evidence  was  of  the  usual  absurd  character,  Sarah 
Good  had  been  confined  in  Ipswich  jail.  Joseph  Herrick,  the 
Gonstable  of  Salem,  testified  that  she  had  been  committed  to  his 
charge  to  carry  to  Ipswich.  That  night,  he  affirmed,  he  had  a  guard 
over  her  in  his  own  house,  and  she  disappeared  for  a  time, 
bare  foot  and  bare  legged,  and  went  and  afflicted  Elizabeth  Hub- 
bard.    Her  arm  was  blood}^  in  the  morning.     Samuel  Braybrook 

1  Calef.     More  Wonders  of  the  Invisible  World. 


said  that  while  carrying  her  to  Ipswich/'she  leapt  off  her  horse 
3  times,  which  was  between  12  &  3  of  the  clock." 

Elizabeth  How  was  charged  with  causing  the  death  of  sun- 
dry cattle  and  horses,  and  with  being  one  of  a  company,  who 
had  knelt  down  by  the  bank  of  the  river  at  Newbury  Falls,  and 
worshipped  the  Devil,  and  had  then  been  baptized  by  him.  The 
accused  were  all  condemned  and  were  all  executed  on  July  19*^. 

Ipswich  had  her  full  share  of  the  horrors  of  that  mem- 
orable summer.  Sarah  Buckley,  wife  of  William  Buckley, 
formerly  a  resident  of  Ipswich,  was  accused,  and  the  venerable 
Pastor,  WiUiam  Hubbard,  had  grace  enough  and  courage 
enough  to  make  a  bold  endeavor  to  save  her,  at  a  time  when  all 
were  beside  themselves  with  fear. 

Mr.  Hubbard's  CertifRcate. 

These  are  to  certifye  whom  it  may  or  shall  concerne  that  I 
have  known  Sarah  y^  wife  of  William  Buckly  of  Salem  Village 
more  or  lesse  ever  since  she  was  brought  out  of  England  w^h  is 
above  fifty  years  agoe  and  during  all  y*  time  I  never  knew  nor 
heard  of  any  evill  in  her  carriage  or  conversation  unbecoming  a 
Christian:  likewise  she  was  bred  up  by  Christian  parents  all  y^ 
time  she  lived  here  att  Ipswich  I  further  Satisfye  yt  y  sd  Sarah 
was  admitted  as  a  member  into  y^  church  of  Ipswich  above 
forty  yeares  since  and  that  I  never  heard  from  others  or  ob- 
served by  my  selfe  anything  of  her  that  was  inconsistent  with 
her  profession  or  unsuitable  to  Christianity  either  in  word  deed 
or  conversation  and  am  straingly  surprized  that  any  person 
should  speake  or  thinke  of  her  as  one  worthy  to  be  suspected  of 
any  such  crime  that  she  is  now  charged  with  in  testimony  hereof 
I  have  here  sett  my  hand  this  20*  of  June,  1692. 

William  Hubbard. 

Old  Rachel  Clenton,  who  lived  in  a  little  house  near  Mr.  Clark 
AbeU's,  by  the  Mill  Dam,  was  arrested.  Constable  Joseph  Fuller 
served  the  warrant  and  his  personal  account  with  the  County 
is  preserved. 

Joseph  Fuller  acct;  Joseph  fuller  as  constable  for 
vs  ye    yere    1692    for    seasing    of 

County.  Rachell  Clenton  &  bring  of  har 

before  Justis  According  to  war- 
rant. 1 — 0 


for  tending  y®  Court  of  oyer  & 

termener  Is — 00  at  Salem  ten 

days  1—0—0 

Constaball  Choat  for  seaseing 

of  goody  penne  &  carreing  of 

har  to  Sallem  &  bring  of  hur         0—8 — 9 

back    to    ipswich    Goall    from 

Sallem  by  vertii  of  a  mittimas 

with    one  ^"  man    to    assistance 

for  tending  at  ye  Court  of  Oyer 

&  turmener  two  weeks  1^ — 0 — 0 

1692  James  fuller  &  nathaniell 

fuller  thre  dayes  a  pese  at  Salem 

being  sumoned  to  give  evidence 

Against  Rachell  Clenton  at  y^ 

Court  of  Oyer  &  Termina.  0—12—0 

To  the  Constable's  account,  may  be  added  the  charges  of 
Thomas  Manning,  the  gmismith,  who  hved  on  the  house  lot, 
now  occupied  by  the  residence  of  the  late  William  Kinsman, 
opposite  the  Parsonage  of  the  South  Church. 

Thomas  Manning  his  accompte  of  work  done  by  him  for  y^ 
County  of  in  y^  yere  1692. 

the  mending  &  pouting  one  [putting  on] 

Rachell's  fetters  00—01—06 

to  John  houwardi  1  pare  of  fetters  00 — 05 — 00 

to  John  Jackshon  sener  1  pare  of  fetters  00 — 05 — 00 

to  John  Jackshon  JunrJ-  1  pare  of  fetters  00 — 05 — 00 


John  Proctor  and  Elizabeth,  with  four  others,  were  tried  by 
the  Court  on  August  5**^.  Mention  has  already  been  made  of 
the  petitions  in  his  favor.  While  lying  in  Salem  Prison,  Mr. 
Proctor  addressed  a  letter  to  Rev.  Cotton  Mather  and  other 
ministers.  He  implored  their  ''favourable  assistance  of  this 
our  humble  petition  to  his  excellency,  that  if  it  be  possible  our 
innocent  blood  may  be  spared,  which  undoubtedly  otherwise 
will  be  shed,  if  the  Lord  doth  not  mercifully  step  in ;  the  magis- 

i  William  Howard  of  Turkey  Shore,  owner  of  the  "  Howard  house  "  a  son 
•lohn.  John  Jackson  died  before  1648,  leaving  a  widow  at  least.  There  is  no  direct 
evidence  that  these  were  suspected  witches,  but  it  is  liighly  i)robable. 


trates,  ministers,  juries,  and  all  the  people  in  general,  being  so 
much  enraged  and  incensed  against  us  by  the  delusion  of  the 
devil,  which  we  can  term  no  other,  by  reason  we  know  in  our 
own  consciences  we  are  all  innocent  persons."  "My  son  William 
Proctor,  when  he  was  examined,  because  he  would  not  confess 
that  he  was  guilty,  when  he  was  innocent,  they  tied  him  neck 
and  heels  till  the  blood  gushed  out  at  his  nose,  and  would  have 
kept  him  so  twenty-four  hours,  if  one,  more  merciful  than  the 
rest,  had  not  taken  pity  on  him,  and  caused  him  to  be  unbound." 

He  prayed,  therefore,  that  if  they  could  not  have  their  trials 
in  Boston,  some  other  magistrates  might  hold  court  in  Salem. 

But  all  was  of  no  avail,  and  he  was  condemned  to  death. 
He  was  hanged  on  August  lO^^ii,  pleading  to  the  last  moment  for 
a  little  respite,  saying  that  he  was  not  fit  to  die.  Mrs.  Proctor 
was  reprieved  and  eventually  pardoned. 

Ipswich  prison  was  filled  with  the  accused.  Among  them 
was  Mary  Easty,  the  wife  of  Isaac  Easty  of  Topsfield,  and  sister 
of  Rebecca  Nurse.  She  petitioned  the  Court  to  proceed  with 
caution,  as  many  self-confessed  witches  had  belied  themselves. 
"I  was  confined  a  whole  month  on  the  same  account  that  I  am 
now  condemned,  and  then  cleared  by  the  afflicted  persons  as 
some  of  your  honors  know;  and  in  two  days  time  I  was  cried  out 
upon  by  them  again,  and  have  been  confined,  and  now  am  con- 
demned to  die.  The  Lord  above  knows  my  innocence  then 
and  likewise  doth  now,  as  at  the  great  day  will  be  known  by 
men  and  angels.  I  petition  to  your  honors  not  for  my  own  life, 
for  I  know  I  must  die,  and  my  appointed  time  is  set;  but  the 
liOrd  he  knows  if  it  be  possible  that  no  more  innocent  blood  be 
shed,  which  undoubtedly  cannot  be  avoided  in  the  way  and 
course  you  go  in".i 

The  prison  keeper,  Thomas  Fossie  and  Elizabeth,  his  wife, 
testified  that  they  "saw  no  evil  carriage  or  deportment  while 
confined  in  Ipswich  jail."  She  was  carried  to  execution  with 
her  fellow-prisoners,  Martha  Corey,  Ann  Pudeater,  and  five 
other  unfortunates.  "When  she  took  her  last  farewell  of  her 
husband,  children  and  friends,"  "she  was,  as  is  reported  by  them 
present,  as  serious,  religious,  distinct  and  affectionate  as  could 
well  be  exprest,  drawing  tears  from  the  eyes  of  almost  all  present." 

>  Calef,  More  Wonders  of  the  Invisible  World. 


Giles  Corey,  was  taken  from  Ipswich  prison,  where  he  made 
his  will,  as  Judge  Sewall  mentions  in  his  Diary,  to  Salem,  and 
there  pressed  to  death  by  heavy  weights  upon  his  chest,  be- 
cause he  refused  to  plead.  Thus  the  towns-folk  of  old  Ipswich 
came  to  know  the  poor  sufferers  of  that  dark  time. 

Robert  Lord,  the  blacksmith,  who  lived  and  plied  his  trade 
on  the  site  of  the  Samuel  Baker  house  on  High  street,  presented 
his  bill  in  July  1692. 

Itt  m  for  making  fouer  payer  of  Iron  ffetters  and  tow  payer 
of  hand  Cuffs  and  putting  them  on  to  ye  legs  and  hands  of  Good- 
wife  Cloys,  Estes,  Bromidg  and  Green  all  att  one  pound  aleven 
Shillings    money.  £     s     d 

RoBT  Lord,  Smith 

Isaac  Littlehale  charged  the  County  in  1692  "for  18  pound  of 
iron  yt  was  prest  from  Isaack  Little  Alle  for  feetters  for  ye  prison- 
ers at  a  4d  a  pound"  0 — 6 — 0 

John  Harris,  the  Deputy  Sheriff,  had  charge  of  transporting 
the  prisoners,  and  his  account  with  the  County  reveals  many 
sorrowful  journeys  of  the  reputed  witches,  through  the  streets 
from  the  Prison  to  Salem  Court  or  Gallows  Hill. 

An  account  from  John  Harris  sherife 
deputy  of  sondry  charges  at  y®  Corts  of  Iran 
terminar  held  at  Sallem  in  y^  yere  1692 

lb     s     d 

Itt  presing  a  hores  &  man  to  assist  in  carrie- 
ing  of  Sary  Good  from  Ipswich  goalie  to 
Sallem  0—8—0 

Itt,  for  going  to  Sallem  to  carry  a  Return  of 
y®  Juriars  of  Ipswich  &  Rowley  &  Attend- 
ing ye  siting  — 4 — 0 

Itt.  for  a  man  &  horse  y*  was  prest  to  Re- 
move Sary  good  &  child  ffrom  ipswich  to 
Sallem  7—6 

Itt.  for  pressing  of  hores  &  man  to  gard  me 
with  ye  wife  of  John  willes  &  ye  widdow 
pudeater  from  Ipswich  to  Salem  myself  &  ' 

gard  9 — 6 

Itt.  for  tending  ye  Court  at  y®  second  siting         4 — 0 





Itt.  for  prouiding  a  Jury  to  make  search  upon 
Cori  &  his  wife  &  Clenton  Easty :  hore :  Cloiss : 
&  mrs  bradbury 

Itt.  Tendina;  y^  Court  on  a  Jurnnient  August 
y«  2d  1692  from  Tuesday  till  Satterday 

Ttt.  for  expenc  &  Time  to  git  3  paire  of  feHers 

made  for  y^  two  Jacksons  &  John  howard  2 — 0 

Itt.  for  Removeing  of  howard  &  ye  two  Jack- 
sons  &  Joseph  emmons  from  Ipswich  Goall 
to  Sallem  &  thare  Tending  y^  Courts  plea- 
sure   thre   dayes  till  three  of  them  was 
sent  back  to  ipswich  Goall  by  me  which  time 
of  thre  dayes  for  mysellfe  &  exspenc  for 
Thos  V*  assisted  me  in  yi  sarues  06—00 

for  presing  of  men  &  horses  for  This  designe        02—00 

Itt  for  bringing  of  m^s  bradbury  from  Sallem  to 

ipswich  goall  &  a  man  to  assist  me  4 — 0 

as  attest  John  Harris,  deputy  sheref 

In  the  midst  of  these  distracting  events,  a  new  and  unique 
outburst  of  Satanic  rage  revealed  itself.  Gloucester  was  invaded 
by  a    spectral    company   of    Indians    and   French.      Coming 
out  of  the  swamps,  or  corn-fields,  sometimes  singly,  again  in  a 
group,  they  approached  the  garrison.     Usually  the  guns  of  the 
soldiers  missed  fire,  but  when    the  guns  were  discharged  the 
bullets  had  no  effect.     Their  speech  was  in  an  unknown  tongue. 
They  carried  guns  and  real  bullets  shot  from  them  were  dug  out 
of  the  trees.     The  alarm  became  so  great  that  Major  Appleton 
sent  about  sixty  men  on  the  18^1^  of  July  ''for  the  Townes  As- 
sistance under  these  inexplicable  Alarms,  which  they  had  suf- 
fered night  and  day  for  about  a  Fortnight  together."     John 
Day  testified  that  he  "went  in  Company  with  Ipswich  and  Glou- 
cester Forces,  to  a  Garrison  about  Two  Miles  and  a  half  from 
the  Town:  and  News  being  brought  in,  that  Guns  went  off  in  a 
Swamp  not  far  from  the  Garrison,  some  of  the  Men  with  him- 
self, ran  to  discover  what  they  could ;  and  when  he  came  to  the 
Head  of  the  Swamp,  he  saw  a  Man  with  a  blue  Shirt,  and  bushy 
black  Hair,  run  out  of  the  Swamp,  and  into  the  Woods:  he  ran 
after  him  with  all  speed,  and  came  several  times  within  shot  of 
him;  but  the  Woods  being  thick  he  could  not  obtain  his  design 


of  Shooting  him;  at  length  he  was  at  once  gone  out  of  sight; 
and  when  afterwards  he  went  to  l(K)k  f(^i-  his  Track,  he  could 
find  none,  though  it  were  a  low  miry  1 'lace  that  he  ran  over."i 

Rev.  John  Emerson  wrote  to  Cotton  Mather,  at  his  request, 
a  brief  account  of  these  appearances.  He  says,  "I  hope  the 
Substance  of  what  is  Written  will  be  enough  to  satisfie  all  Ra- 
tional Persons,  that  Glocester  was  not  Alarumed  last  Summer 
for  above  a  Fortnight  together  by  real  P>ench  and  Indians,  but 
that  the  Devil  and  his  Agents  were  the  cause  of  all  the  Molesta- 
tion which  at  this  time  befel  the  Town;  in  the  name  of  whose 
Inhabitants  I  would  take  upon  me  to  Entreat  your  Earnest 
Prayers  to  the  Father  of  Mercies,  that  those  Apparitions  may 
not  prove  the  sad  Omens  of  some  future  and  more  horrible 
Molestations  to  them."  Mather  himself  appends  to  Mr.  Emer- 
son's narrative,  ''I  know  the  most  considerate  Gentlemen  in 
the  Neighborhood,  unto  this  Day  (1702)  beheve  this  whole 
matter  to  have  been  a  Prodigious  Piece  of  the  Strange  Descent 
from  the  Invisible  World,  then  made  upon  other  Parts  of 
the  Country." 

In  the  early  autumn  of  1692,  Andover  was  convulsed  with 
a  fresh  outbreak  of  the  current  delusion.  Many  accused  them- 
selves of  riding  on  poles  through  the  air.  Parents  believed  their 
children  were  witches  and  husbands  suspected  their  wives. 
Some  of  these  who  fomented  the  trouble,  were  sent  for  from 
Gloucester,  and  their  accusations  caused  the  imprisonment  of 
four  women,  two  of  whom  came  to  Ipswich  prison.  In  Novem- 
ber, Lieut.  Stephens  of  Gloucester,  believing  that  his  sister  was 
bewitched,  sent  for  them  again.  On  their  way,  passing  over 
Ipswich  bridge,  they  met  with  an  old  woman  and  instantly  fell 
into  their  fits.2  But  by  this  time,  calmer  judgments  began  to 
prevail.  It  was  plain  that  the  lives  of  ministers  and  magistrates, 
as  well  as  the  simpler  folk,  were  in  deadly  peril,  if  these  baseless 
accusations  were  permitted.  The  determined  act  of  a  gentleman 
of  Boston,  in  beginning  a  suit  of  a  thousand  pounds  damage 
against  the  Andover  people,  who  accused  him,  helped  to  steady 
the  popular  mind. 

On  January  3,  1692-3,  by  virtue  of  an  act  of  the  General 

1  Mather's  Magnalia,  book  vii,  Article  xviii. 
^Calef,  More  Wonders  of  the  Invisible  World. 



Court,  the  first  Superior  Court,  called  the  "Court  of  Assizes 
and  General  Goal  Delivery"  was  convened  at  Salem.  The 
Grand  Jury  included  Mr.  Robert  Paine,  Mr.  Richard  Smith  and 
Mr.  Thomas  Boarman  of  Ipswich,  and  on  the  "Jury  for  Tryalls", 
were  Ensign  Thos.  Jacob,  Sargt  Nathaniel  Emerson,  Sen.,  Mr. 
Jacob  Perkins,  Jr.,  Mr.  Matthew  Whipple  Sen.,  John  Pengery, 
Seth  Story,  Thos.  Edwards  and  John  Lamson. 

The  Grand  Jury,  of  which  Mr.  Paine  was  foreman,  found 
nothing  against  thirty  who  were  indicted  for  witchcraft,  and 
true  bills  against  twenty  six.  Of  those  on  trial,  three  only 
were  found  guilty,  and  sentenced  to  death.  These  were  the 
last  to  suffer.  Nineteen  were  hanged  and  Giles  Corey  had  been 
pressed  to  death;  John  Proctor  and  Elizabeth  How  had  per- 
ished, but  other  Ipswich  folk,  Ehzabeth  Proctor,  Rachel  Clen- 
ton  and  Sarah  Buckley  had  escaped. 

Attempts  to  make  amends  for  the  irreparable  harm  soon 
began  to  be  made.  Twelve  ministers  of  the  County  of  Essex, 
including  William  Hubbard,  John  Rogers,  Jabez  Fitch,  and 
John  Wise,  petitioned  the  General  Court  in  July  1703,  to  clear 
the  names  of  the  accused  and  relieve  those  who  had  suffered. 
In  1711,  the  legal  disabilities  resulting  from  the  witchcraft 
executions  and  imprisonments  were  removed  and  damages 
awarded  to  the  survivors  and  the  families  of  the  dead.  John 
Appleton,  Esquire,  of  Andres  fame,  and  Nehemiah  Jewett, 
Esquire,  who  had  been  a  member  of  the  House  sixteen  times  and 
thrice  its  speaker,  were  members  of  this  committee. 

Ipswich  had  suffered  grievously  in  the  grim  ordeal,  but  as 
compared  with  every  other  important  town  in  the  County,  she 
had  been  favored  indeed.  None  of  her  citizens,  except  Eliz- 
abeth How  from  the  Linebrook  Parish,  near  to  Topsfield,  were 
executed,  and  those  that  were  accused  were  not  condemned. 
No  such  dehrium  as  afflicted  Salem,  Beverly,  Wenham,  Andover, 
Salisbury,  Gloucester,  and  Newbury  was  ever  manifest  here. 
And  the*  reason  of  this  fine  composure  and  steadiness  of  mind 
is  not  hard  to  find.  All  the  ministers  put  themselves  on  record 
as  out  of  sympathy  with  the  popular  delusion,  and  Mr.  Hubbard 
and  Mr.  Wise  made  formal  appeals  for  the  accused.  Major 
Appleton,  though  an  Assistant,  and  a  Magistrate  at  the  first 
trial,  had  no  further  connection  with  the  matter,  and  his  dis- 


appearance  from  the  scene  may  be  interpreted  as  indicating  that 
his  broad  and  well  balanced  mind  condemned  this  travesty  of 
Justice.  The  same  judicious  and  far  seeing  temper  that  made 
Ipswich  the  leader  of  the  Colony  in  the  Ursupation  period,  pre- 
served her  balance  in  the  wild  excitement  of  the  Witchcraft 



The  trouble  with  the  Eastern  Indians,  which  had  been  re- 
newed in  the  last  year  of  the  Andros  government,  broke  out 
afresh  in  1689.  In  that  year,  on  June  27*^,  an  attack  was 
made  upon  Cocheco,  now  Dover  by  night.  Twenty-three  of  the 
settlers  were  killed  and  twenty-nine  taken  captive.  The  house 
of  Major  Walden,  who  had  been  prominent  in  the  war  with  the 
Indians  at  the  Eastward,  was  attacked.  The  old  soldier  defend- 
ed himself  bravely  but  was  cruelly  tortured  and  finally  killed 
with  his  own  sword.  ^ 

Word  was  speedily  brought  of  this  massacre,  and  hasty 
preparations  were  made  to  defend  the  Towns,  and  send  relief 
to  those  that  had  been  already  assailed.  Major  Appleton  came 
again  to  the  front,  and  his  letter  of  July  first  discloses  the  great 
anxiety  and  forebodings  of  disaster  which  prevailed. 

May  it  please  yr  hon^ss 
We  are  continualy  receiving  information  of  the  increase  of  ye 
enemys  Numbers  We  hear  Capt.  Broughton  was  last  Saturday 
Shott  down  going  to  Nichewanick  (now  Berwick). 

As  for  ourselves  I  find  great  heaviness  in  our  peoples  motion 
we  have  not  one  man  come  fr"  Lynn  &  are  informed  from  Capt. 
Marshall  that  none  ^v•ill  come:  From  Salem  we  have  but  6  men 
wherefore  I  am  necessitated  to  crave  further  Assist"  &  Di- 
rection from  y  hon^s  &  shall  remain 

y  Honors  humble  servant 
Sam^i  Appleton. 
Ips.  July  1 :  1689. 

Major  Appleton  took  the  field  at  once  and  marched  lo  Co- 
checo (now   Dover),  though    the   distressing   condition  of  his 

1  Bodge:  Soldiers  in  King  Philip's  War,  pp.  81,i-:?17.     Parknian:   Krnuce  ;md  Eng- 
land in  North  America,  vol.  6,  pp.  32-34. 
*  Mass.  Archives,  book  107,  leaf  1.57. 



family  affairs  rendered  any  long  absence  impossible.     His  let- 
ter, dated  Cocheco,  14*^  July.  1689,  is  full  of  interest. 

Much  Hond. 

I  have  ys  of  !!**»  Inst,  wherein  you  are  j^leased  to  Advise 
(u)jon  my  removall)  to  leave  the  imprest  men  here  under  ye 
C'onduct  of  Lift  Greenleaf  now  you  may  please  to  know  yt  of 
Imprest  men  here  are  only  10  from  Salem  &  6  from  Rowley 
well  with  the  20  that  came  last  make  but  36  and  Mr  Greenleaf 
not  being  hero  knew  not  his  inclination  to  this  affair  &  should 
I  leave  those  36  they  are  soe  unable  would  doe  but  little  ser- 
vice, for  Newbury  men  here  are  none  those  that  came  were 
Volenteers  and  forth w^^  more  will  return  home  so  that  I  hum- 
bly propose  in  order  to  serving  the  people  that  are  here  left 
&  pf'serving  the  place  that  an  addition  of  14  men  to  these  36 
wth  Discreet  Conduct  ma}^  suffice  at  p^sent  for  this  place  w^h 
I  beg  yor  Hours  to  Considr  and  favour  me  with  an  answer  forth- 
with for  besides  the  Afflicting  providence  of  God  upon  my 
family  before  I  came  from  home  in  bereaving  me  of  2  chil- 
dren I  have  just  now  advize  of  the  Death  of  a  third  together 
with  the  indisposition  of  my  wife  &  the  Extraordinaiy  illness 
of  another  of  my  children  all  which  necessitates  my  hasting 
home  however  I  am  so  desposed  to  the  Defence  of  the  Coun- 
try and  the  preservation  of  this  place  in  order  to  it  y^am  very 
unwilling  to  give  y^  people  of  this  place  any  Discouragement 
by  my  removall  till  I  have  yo""  Hon^s  Answare  here  to  w^h  I 
humbly  pray  you  to  hasten  w^^  all  Expedition  and  if  you  see 
cause  to  send  yo^  possetive  order  for  the  stay  of  these  men  of 
Salem  &  Rowle}^  that  were  imprest  men  who  are  full  of  Ex- 
pectation of  returning  home  w**^  me  as  to  the  enemy  we  have 
had  no  appearance  of  any  Considerable  number  but  Sundery 
Skulking  rougues  are  Daily  Seen  both  here  at  Kittery  &  Oyster 
River  o»'  Employment  here  hath  been  to  rang  the  Woods  and 
to  guard  &  assist  the  people  in  getting  in  there  corn  W^^^  we  are 
still  Daily  psuping  this  w^^  i-^y  Himible  Service  is  all  at  present 
from  you'' 

Humble  serv* 

Sam'i  Appleton. 

He  had  returned,  and  the  Ipswich  and  Newbury  men  with 
him,  before  the  22n<i  of  July,  as  appears  from  the  request  made 
by  the  people  of  Rowley  on  that  date,  that  the  soldiers  from 


Rowley,  "left  by  Capt.  Appleton  at  Cocheco"  might  be  sent 

On  the  8*^11  of  August,  Capt.  Simon  Willard  with  a  company 
of  soldiers  arrived,  and  remained  here  until  the  2nd  of  Sep- 
tember. They  were  quartered  upon  the  inns  of  Abraham  Per- 
kins and  John  Sparks,  and  in  the  following  February,  the 
worthy  tavern  keepers  petitioned  the  General  Court,  that  as 
they  were  ''entertained  with  good  wholsom  diet  as  beefe,  pork 
and  mutton,  well  dressed  to  y^  satisfaction  of  both  officers  and 
souldiers  who  gave  us  many  thanks  for  theire  kind  entertain- 
ment when  they  went  from  us"  —  "having  sett  as  low  a  prise  as 
we  could  possibly  doe  to  witt  six  pence  a  meale  for  dinners  and 
suppers  beside  the  greate  Expense  of  fyerwood  candle  and 
other  smaller  matters  we  mention  not,"  they  were  entitled  to 
more  than  three  pence  a  meal  which  was  proposed. 2 

As  the  month  of  August  drew  to  its  close,  the  Eastern 
Indians  assailed  the  settlements,  and  Major  Swayne  with  seven 
or  eight  Massachusetts  companies  marched, 3  passing  through 
Ipswich  we  may  suppose.  On  the  19*^1  of  August,  an  alarm 
from  Havei'hill  caused  the  quick  departure  of  the  Ipswich  troop 
of  horse.4  A  certificates  of  the  election  of  Mr.  Symond  Stace, 
Lieutenant,  and  Mr.  Nehemiah  Jewet,  Insigne,  of  the  "foote 
Companie  on  the  North  Side  of  y"  River  in  Ipswich"  on  the 
30th  of  September,  1689,  shows  that  there  was  a  separate  Com- 
pany for  the  men  of  the  South  side. 

The  troops  were  disbanded  in  November,  but  in  the  follow- 
ing February,  1689-90,  hostilities  were  resumed  with  great  vigor. 
War  had  been  declared  by  England  against  France.  A  com- 
pany of  French  and  Indians  made  a  descent  upon  Schenectady 
and  killed  about  sixty  of  the  inhabitants,  and  on  the  18*^  of 
March,  a  similar  band  suddenly  assaulted  Salmon  Falls.  Thirty 
were  slain  and  fifty  were  carried  away  captives. f' 

A  letter  of  Governor  Bradstreet  to  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury  re- 
veals the  double  danger  that  threatened  these  seaboard  towns. 

I  Mass.  Archives,  book'107,  leaf  iiii. 

•  Mass.  Archives,  booli^35  leaf  233. 

3  Magnalia,  book  vii,  article  v. 

^  Kelt,  Hist,  of  Ipswich,  p.  147,  Robert  Pike's  Diary. 

^  Mass.  Archives,  book  35,  leaf  3.t. 

^  Magnalia,  book  vii,  article  vi. 


■'Our  Coast  is  invested  by  French  Privateers  and  Pirates  which 
put  us  to  no  small  trouble  and  chari>e  to  secure  our  shipping 
and  seaports  against  their  invasion." i  It  was  i-eported  on 
the  14ti»  of  May,  that  Salem  had  repaired  the  fort  at  Winter 
Island  and  built  a  breast-work  at  another  })lace.- 

A  pressing  and  alarming  message  was  sent  to  the  towns  of 
this  vicinity  by  Capt.  Noyes,  of  Newbuiy. 

To  the  Conunitteo  of  Militia  of  Rowley,  I])s\vich,  Wenham 
&  Salem. 3 

These  are  to  infornie  you  that  Capt.  Greenliefe  hath  sent 
lor  more  Men  we  have  ace*  that  the  Enemie  are  Newrnerous 
&.  desperate  A:  kills  &  destroys  Men  Woenien  t^-  Children  &  thro 
them  in  heapes  it  is  suspitious  they  liaA'e  Attackt   Portsmouth 

pray  Consider  the  Distress  A:  Nessessety  of  the  Country  (V: 
Send  what  helpe  you  can  we  have  sent  a  hundred  men  Out  of 
our  Towne 

Thos  Noyes  Capt 
dated  May  29th  1690 

The  barbarities  of  the  Indians,  as  related  in  detail  by  Cotton 
Mather  in  his  Magnalia,  were  not  exaggerated  by  Capt.  Noyes. 
Men,  women  and  little  children  were  treated  with  the  most  in- 
human and  revolting  cruelties,  and  death  was  welcomed  as  a 
relief  from  torment.  As  the  French  were  partners  in  this,  it 
was  decided  that  a  bold  stroke  should  be  struck  at  the  French 

A  fleet  of  se\en  vessels, manned  by  two  hundred  and  eighty- 
eight  men,  and  bearing  four  or  five  lumdred  militia  drafted  for 
the  purpose,-^  was  placed  under  the  command  of  Sir  William 
Phips,  a  native  of  Maine,  who  had  won  wealth  and  a  title  by  his 
recovery  of  an  immense  treasure  from  an  old  Spanish  galleon, 
sunk  in  West  Indian  waters.  The  little  fleet  sailed  from  Nan- 
tasket,on  April  28, 1690,  and  arrived  at  Port  Royal  (now  Annap- 
olis) on  May  11*^.  No  resistance  was  made.  J'he  fort  was 
destroyed,  the  garrison  sent  away,  and  the  Province  was  de- 

1  Ernest  Myrand:    Sir  Wni  Phi))*  devant  (^ue))ec,  \>.  183. 

-  Mass.  Archives,  book  36,  leaf  58. 

'  Mass.  Archive^;,  book  36  leaf.  89. 

■*  Parknian ;  France  and  England  in  North  America, vol.  V,  p.  23G. 


clared  an  appendage  of  the  British  crown.  But  the  victory- 
was  merely  spectacular.  No  troops  could  Ije  spared  to  hold  the 
Province,  and  Phips  sailed  back  at  once,  arriving  in  Boston  on 
the  20th  of  May.i 

Occasional  descents  upon  the  French  coast  were  made,  how- 
ever, and  Capt.  John  Alden  in  the  sloop  Mary,  of  Boston,  cap- 
tured a  barque,  of  about  twenty  three  tons  Ijurden,  called  the 
Speedwell,  on  April  1,  1691, at  Port  Royal.  It  was  proved  that 
this  barque  had  belonged  to  Giles  Cowes  of  Ipswich,  and  had 
been  captured  by  the  French  about  eighteen  months  before. 
It  was  adjudged    a  lawful  pri;';e  by  the  Court  of  Assistants. 2 

Encouraged  by  the  success  at  Port  Royal,  the  New  England 
Colonies  and  New  York  united  in  preparing  a  nuich  stronger 
expedition  against  Quebec.  While  ships  and  men  were  being 
gathered,  a  band  of  Indians  appeared  at  Exeter,  on  July  4*^, 
and  killed  eight  men  while  mowing.  They  advanced  as  far  as 
Amesbury,  where  Captain  Foot  was  tortured  to  death,  and 
two  others  slain.  Three  houses  were  burned  and  many  cattle 
were  butchered.  In  a  few  days,  this  band  of  savages  killed 
forty  English  settlers. ^ 

These  cruelties  made  the  determination  to  exact  reprisal 
more  eager.  A  strong  fleet  was  gathered  at  Boston.  An  order 
was  issued  on  the  18*^  of  July,  that  detachments  from  the  sev- 
eral regiments  of  the  militia  be  made,  to  make  up  2300  men, 
and  Major  Samuel  Ajipleton^  was  assigned  to  the  command  of  a 
company  of  308.  Nathaniel  Rust,  of  Ipswich,  had  already  been 
appointed  Quartermaster  for  this  expedition. '^  Sir  Win  Phips 
was  assigned  to  the  chief  command,  and  IJeut.  Cien.  Major 
John  Walley  of  Barnstable  was  next  in  rank.  Major  Appleton, 
Captain  Cross,  and  Captain  Samuel  Ward,  credited  to  Ipswich, 
were  among  the  officers,  and  Captain  John  Cold  of  Topsfield. 
Rev.  John  Wise  of  Chebacco  and  three  other  ministei's  were 
assigned  to  the  expedition  as  chaplains. 

After  man}^  delays,  the  fleet  of  thirty-two  shi])s  and  tenders 
sailed  from  Boston  on  the  9*^*  of  August,  and  a  land  force  started 

1  Magnalia,  book  vii,  article  viii. 

-  Record  Court  of  Assistants. 

'  Magnalia,  book  vii,  article  xi. 

■•  Son  of  Major  Samuel  Appleton  of  King-  Pliili|)'s  War. 

=  Felt :  Hiet.  of  Ipswich,  147. 


from  Albany  to  proceed  by  way  of  Lake  Champlain.  It  was 
the  most  powerful  force  that  had  ever  been  gathered  in  the 
Colony,  and  there  were  great  hopes  of  a  decisive  blow.  But  no 
failure  could  have  been  more  complete.  The  land  force  failed 
to  meet  Phips,  and  his  own  assault  was  nerveless  and  impotent. 

Mr.  Wise  wrote  a  narrative, ^^  which  describes  his  own  vigor- 
ous endeavors  to  urge  on  his  superiors,  and  the  cowardice  and 
inefficiency  of  Major  Walley  and  others.  A  few  skirmishes  were 
engaged  in,  one  of  which,  Mr.  Wise  affirmed,  might  have  opened 
the  way  to  the  capture  of  Quebec.  The  weather  grew  cold, 
and  the  soldiers  suffered  much  from  frost  bites.  Small-pox  ap- 
peared and  Phips  withdrew  his  fleet,  which  arrived  in  Boston 
about  the  middle  of  November.  A  complete  list  of  the  soldiers 
engaged  in  this  disastrous  attempt  upon  Quebec  seems  to  be  im- 
possible. Mr.  Ernest  Myrand,  of  Quebec,  made  diligent  search 
through  all  the  records,  both  published  and  in  manuscript,  in 
French  and  English.  His  monograph,  "Sir  Wm.  Phips  Devant 
Quebec"  (Quebec,  1893),  contains  probably  as  much  infor- 
mation as  is  likely  to  be  gathered. 

Many  Ipswich  men  suffered  from  wounds  and  exposure. 
Richard  Bridges  had  his  feet  frozen,  and  died  of  gangrene,  after 
three  months  of  excruciating  pain.  His  widow  received  a  grant 
of  40  louis  sterling.  Thomas  Patteman,  of  Captain  Cross's 
company,  froze  one  foot.  John  Andersen  was  wounded  in  the 
foot.  Thomas  Hovej^  froze  both  feet  on  the  return  of  the  fleet. 
William  Paisley  was  wounded  and  Sergeant  Freeman  Clark,  of 
Capt.  March's  company.  Most  prominent  of  all  was  Major 
Samuel  Ward,  credited  to  Ipswich,  but  who  seems  to  have 
been  a  resident  of  Marblehead,who  died  of  his  wounds  after  the 
expedition  returned. 

Another  assault  was  made  upon  York  in  January,  1690-1,  in 
which  Rev.  Shubael  Dummer  was  slain;  and  in  June,  1691,  the 
town  of  Wells  was  beseiged  unsuccessfully  by  a  large  force  of 
French  and  Indians.  Fourteen  men  had  been  levied  upon  Ips- 
wich on  June  2,  1691,2  for  the  defence  of  Wells,  and  they  may 
have  had  part  in  the  brave  defence.  In  the  fall  of  that  year, 
Robert,  son  of  Rev.  John  Halo.  Avrote,  that  Ipswich  was  still 
preserved,  but  she  had  lost  many. 

'     IM-iiited  in  full  in  the  Appendix. 
-     Felt:  of  Ipswich,  p.  14S. 


Happily  for  the  Colony  distressed  by  the  terrors  of  the  witch- 
craft delusion  in  1692,  the  year  1693  was  comparatively  free 
from  inroads  of  the  Indians. 

As  Cotton  Mather  wrote,  "A  years  Breathing  time,  was  a 
great  Favour  of  Heaven  to  a  country  quite  out  of  Bnj^th  with 
numberless  Calamities."  A  treaty  of  peace  w^^ signed  in 
August,  and  there  was  hope  and  expectation  of  an  end  of 
horrors.  But  the  love  of  bloodshed  was  too  deeply  fixed  in  the 
savage  nature.  In  July,  1694,  Oyster  River  was  again  assailed, 
and  fourteen  massacred  in  a  single  house.  The  Piscataqua 
country  and  (jroton  were  ravaged  afresh.  Joseph  Pike  of  New- 
bury, the  Deputy  Sheriff  of  Essex,  while  travelling  on  Sept.  4''' 
between  Amesbury  and  Haverhill,  with  one  Long,  fell  into  an 
ambuscade  and  perished.  Kittery  and  Haverhill  suffered. 
Again  a  few  months  of  comparative  quiet  ensued,  but  the  sum- 
mer of  1695  brought  the  old  fears  and  alarms.  The  frontier 
towns,  Exeter,  Kittery,  Billerica,  were  visited  and  more  lives 
were  lost,  and  on  October  7*^,  the  neighboring  town  of  New- 
bury was  invaded.  The  Indians  entered  the  house  of  John 
Brown  and  carried  away  nine  persons.  Capt.  Greenleaf  pursued 
and  retook  the  captives,  but  before  they  parted  from  them, 
their  captors  struck  them  on  the  head  with  their  clubs.  Ex- 
cept one  lad  who  was  struck  upon  the  shoulders,  every  one  of 
them  died  from  brain  disease  in  the  course  of  a  year.^ 

The  summer  of  1696  found  the  Indians  again  busy  with 
their  butcheries.  On  the  6*^  of  July,  the  commissioned  offi- 
cers of  the  Essex  Middle  Regiment,  and  the  commissioned  offi- 
cers of  the  Town  of  Newbury  met,  at  Ipswich,  to  discuss  the 
situation.  After  due  deliberation,  they  petitioned  the  General 
Court  for  a  guard  to  watch  the  Merrimac  River,  by  day  and 
night  for  three  months,  from  Newbury  up  as  far  as  Dunstable, 
until  the  harvest  could  be  gathered.  This  was  signed  by  John 
Whipple  and  other  Ipswich  men,  and  Daniel  Peiroe  apjjended 
his  approval. 

"May  it  please  your  Honors,  I  have  Perused  the  above  Pe- 
tition &  Considering  that  that  mischiefe  that  was  done  at  New- 

1  lNra>;nalia:    book  VII,  articles  xx-xxiv. 


bury  cV:  at  Rowley  when  Benjamin  Goodritlgi  was  killed  i^-  his 
family  carried  away  A:  that  it  is  certainly  known  it  is  the  ould 
Road  way  of  the  Indians  when  they  come  from  the  Eastward 
in  to  Newbury,  Rowley  &  Ipswich,  we  do  count  it  very  Rational 

With  the  Indians  as  near  as  Rowley,  the  issue  of  that  Coun- 
cil of  war  must  have  been  awaited  with  the  keenest  interest. 

The  alarm  of  a  French  invasion  was  renewed  in  1697.  The 
forts  were  repaired,  manned  and  provisioned,  and  companies 
of  minute  men  were  enrolled.  Five  hundred  men  under  Cap- 
tain March  of  Newbury  were  sent  down  to  the  Kennebec. ^ 
The  Essex  Regiment  received  orders  to  be  ready  at  a  moment's 
notice,  on  Feb.  5*^,4  and  on  April  3^,5  in  a  battle  at  sea  with 
the  French,  an  Ipswich  sailor,  William  Wade,  son  of  Thomas 
and  Elizabeth  Wade,  was  slain. 

In  March  of  that  year,  a  band  of  Indians  attacked  a  Hav- 
erhill house  and  carried  away  Hannah  Dustan,  with  her  infant 
of  a  week  old,  and  her  nurse.  They  soon  dashed  out  the  brains 
of  the  baby  against  a  tree,  and  tomahawked  the  captives  as 
soon  as  they  lagged  by  the  way.  Mrs.  Dustan  and  her  com- 
panion were  able  to  keep  up  with  their  captors  for  a  hundred 
and  fift}'"  miles  through  the  wilderness.  They  were  claimed  by 
an  Indian  family,  which  consisted  of  two  stout  men,  three 
women  and  seven  children.  As  they  approached  Penacook, 
(now  Concord),  the  Indians  told  the  women  that  when  they 
reached  the  Indian  camp  in  that  neighborhood,  they  would 
be  stripped,  scourged  and  compelled  to  run  thegauntlet.  Driven 
to  frenzy,  these  women  resolved  to  escape  at  any  cost.  On 
the  morning  of  April  30^^^  a  little  before  daybreak,  Mrs.  Dus- 
tan roused  her  nurse  and  an  English  lad,  held  captive  with 
them.  They  armed  themselves  with  the  hatchets  of  the  In- 
dians, and  killed  them  where  they  lay.  Only  one  squaw  es- 
caped sorely  wounded,  and  a  boy,  whou)    they  had  spared  in- 

'  On  Oct.  23,  l(i'.)l)oi-91,  Niles  Hist,  of  riiclian  .•iml   Freucli  \Va.v».  Mass.  Hist.   Soc. 
Pub.  Series  3,  Vol.  6,  p.  237. 

-  Mass.  Archives,  book  70,  leaf  285. 

■'  Palfray,  Hist,  of  New  England  iv:  157. 

<  Felt,  Hist,  of  Ipswich,  p.  148. 

6  Town  Records. 


tending  to  take  with  them,  awoke  and  ran  away.  They  took 
the  scalps  of  ten,  and  bronght  them  with  them  on  their  long 
and  perilous  homeward  journey. ^  A  bounty  of  fifty  pounds 
was  voted  them  for  this  bloody  deed,  and  the  statue  of  Han- 
nah Dustan  stands  to-day  in  the  pubhc  square  of  the  City  of 
Haverhill,  Six  of  the  Indians,  who  were  killed  and  scalped  in 
their  wigwams  were  children,  and  Mrs.  Dustan  was  the  mother 
of  a  large  family.  Her  deed  of  blood,  to  which  she  was  driven 
by  fear  and  a  natural  desire  for  revenge,  reveals  the  fierce 
hatred  of  the  English  toward  the  Indians,  and  the  bitterness 
of  life  in  those  years  of  anguish. 

It  has  been  already  remarked  that  the  official  Rolls  and 
Records  of  these  years  of  war  with  the  Indians  and  French 
have  not  been  preserved.  We  are  dependent  wholly  upon 
chance  records  of  many  kinds  for  a  clew  to  the  names  of  the 
soldiers.  The  most  important  of  these  incidental  documents  is 
due  to  the  grant  made  by  the  General  Court  of  sections  of  land 
to  the  soldiers  or  their  heirs,  who  served  in  the  expedition 
against  Canada.  The  Ipswich  men  received  a  grant  originally 
of  the  township,  now  known  as  New  Ipswich,  in  New  Hamp- 
shire. As  this  was  found  to  be  outside  of  Massachusetts,  the 
grantees  withdrew  for  the  most  part,  and  a  new  grant  was 
made,  known  as  Ipswich-Canada,  now  the  town  of  Winchen- 
don.  The  following  list  of  Grantees  probably  includes  the 
names  of  all  who  went  from  I{)swich. 

"At  a  Meeting  of  the  Committee  appointed  by  the  General 
Court  for  the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New  England 
to  lay  out  a  Township  of  the  contents  of  six  miles  square,  in 
answer  to  a  petition  of  Abraham  Tilton  and  other  Officers  & 
Soldiers  in  the  expedition  to  Canada  Anno  1690,  the  following 
persons  were  admitted  as  Grantees  of  said  Township  and  gave 
bonds  to  fulfil  the  Courts  Orders  thereon. "2 

"Ipswich  April  13th  1735." 


Rights  entered  on. 




Thomas  Berry  Esq. 


^  Magnalia.    book  vii  , article  xxv. 
2  From  History  of  Wincliendon. 



Rights  entered  on. 

Husband  &  Father 

Brother  John 
Brother  Jacob 

Uncle  Benedictus 
Father  Moses 

Brother  William 
Brother  Thomas 
Uncle  Joseph 
Brother  John 
Uncle  Donison 

Wife's  Father 
Father's  Servant 
Uncle  Joseph 


Hepresentiitives.  Abode. 

Jonathan  Wad(»  Esq.       Ipswich 
John  Harris  " 

Thomas  Hovey  " 

Abraham  Perkins  " 

Widow  Rachel  Rust 
Abraham  Tilton  '' 

l^enjamin  White  " 

Samuel  Poland  " 

Thomas  Lufkin  " 

Thomas   Lufkin  is    iiext  " 

friend  to  Mary  Lufkin. 
Ebenezer  Pulcephur 
Jabez  Sweet 
Solomon  Giddinge 
Joseph  Goodhue 
John  Ring 
William  Haskell 
Pjcnjamin  Chad  well 
Edward  Neland 
Nathaniel  Rogers  as  guar-         " 

dian  to  Jno  Denison 
John  Martin  " 

Isaac  Knowlton  " 

John  Thompson  " 

John  Wood  in  the  room  of         '' 

and   by  the  consent   of 

his  Father  /p^ 

John  Downing  b}^  Edward    Boston 

Eveleth  his  Attorney 




(      d 


Thomas  Perrin 



David  Low 


Uncle  Moses  Pierce 

Moses  Wells 


Brother  Thomas 

George  Hart 



William  Cogswell 


Brother  Elisha 

Thomas  Tredwell 


Brother  Benjamin 

John  Jewett  Jun 



Robert  Cross 



Rights  entered  on. 

Father  Whipple 
Uncle  Freeman 
Brother  George 
Dil  Caldwill 

Brother  William 


John  Ayers 

Thomas  Metcalf 




Uncle  Isaac 
Major  Ward 
Uncle  Samuel 
Uncle  Edmond 
Brother  Aaron 
Uncle  Cheny 
Rob't  Nelson 
Math  Hooker 
Uncle  Saund 

Representatives.  Abode. 

Adam  Cogswell  Ipswich 

Benjamin  Chad  well  " 

the  Hon  Simonds  Epes  '' 

Nathaniel  Clark 
Nathaniel  Clark  ' 

f  Capt  Edward  Eveleth  at         " 

<      the  request    of  Diling- 

V-     ham  Caldwill 
Nathaniel  Caldwell 
Henry  Wise  " 

Thomas    Norton  Jun    at         " 
the    request     of     Sam 
Ayers  a  petitioner 
John  Ross  " 

Isaac  Geddenge    ,  ^  " 

(  Edward    Eveleth    at  the         " 

^     request  of  Jas  Metcalf 

'^    a  petitioner. 
Moses  Davis  " 

Ephraim  Fitts  " 

Thomas  Boardman  '' 

Edward  Chapman  " 

John  Cxoodhue  " 

Abraham  Foster  Jun  " 

Dr  Nicholas  Noyps 
John  Pindar 
Nathaniel  Lord 
Samuel  Ingalls 
Moses  Kemball 
John  Leighton 
Joseph  Ann  able 
Widow  Mary  Hooker 
I  Thomas  Lord  Jun  at  his 
)      Father's  Jno  Lord  request 



The  above  named  Proprietors  met  on  the  Sl^t  day  of  May 
and  chose  Thomas  Norton,  Jr.,  a  graduate  of  Harvard  and  Pre- 



ceptor  of  the  Grammar  School  in  Ipswich  as  the  Clerk,  and 
Thomas  Berry  Moderator. 

The  Proprietors  held  several  meetings  at  the  house  of  Mr. 
Nath'^  Tredwell,  inn -holder  in  Ipswich,  at  which  important  busi- 
ness was  done. 

Nov.  4  1736.  The  rights  were  drawn  by  each  Proprietor 
according  to  the  plan  reported.     This  was  the  first  division. 

In  1742,  a  second  division  of  lots  was  voted;  but  it  does 
not  appear  to  have  been  made  before  1761. 

The  Vital  Statistics  of  the  Town  enable  us  to  identify  some 
of  the  soldiers  from  Ipswich  in  the  expedition  to  Quebec,  whose 
family  connection  is  given  in  the  preceding  list,  though  the 
full  name  is  not  mentioned.  Others  can  not  be  determined 
with  confidence,  and  the  clew  is  so  slight  in  some  cases  that 
no  attempt  has  been  made  to  suggest  the  names.  The  names 
of  some,  found  in  other  lists,  are  not  mentioned  in  the  land 
grant.  So  far  as  the  list  of  soldiers  can  be  determined  with  an 
approximation  to  accuracy,  it  is  as  follows: 

John  Anderson,   wounded    in  Benjamin  Jewett 

the   foot 

Major  Samuel  Appleton  Aaron  Kimball 
John  Aj^ers 

Samuel  Lord? 

Thomas  Berry  David  Low 

Richard  Bridees.  feet  frozen  Jacob  Lufldn 

and  died 

John  Lufkin 

Dillingham  Caldwell 

William  Caldwell 

Joseph  Chadwell?,  uncle  of 

Adam  Cogswell 
Jonathan  Cogswell?,  father  of 

Capt.  Robert  Cross 
Sergeant  Freeman  Clark 
George  Clark 

Thomas  Metcalf 

John  Neland 
Robert  Nelson 

William  Paisley,  wounded 
Thomas    Patteman,    froze  one 


Abraham  Perkins 


Moses  Davis 
John  Denison 
Nathaniel  Downing 

Abraham  Fitts?,  grandfather 
of  Ephraim 

Giddings^  father  of 

Giddings,  father  of 

William  Goodhue 

John  Harris 

Thomas  Hart 

Haskell,  father  of 

Nathaniel  Hooker 
Thomas  Hovey,  froze  both 


Thomas  Perrin 
Moses  Pierce 
Simon  Pinder 
Samuel  Poland 
Benedictus  Pulcifer 

Thomas  Ringe 
John  Ross 

Nathaniel    Rust,    Quarter 

Moses  Sweet 
David  Thompson 
Abraham  Tilton 
Elisha  Treadwell 

Jonathan  Wade 


Benjamin  White 

Rev.  John  Wise,  chaplain 

Joseph  Wood? 

Edmond  Ingalls 




Prefatory  Note. 

The  original  allotment  of  lands  in  house  lots,  indicating  the 
dwelling-places  of  the  earliest  settlers,  is  a  theme  of  especial 
interest  to  genealogists,  and  all  who  love  antiquarian  lore.  The 
list  of  grants  preserved  in  the  Town  Record  is  unusually  full, 
and  many  allusions  to  transfers  of  ownership  also  occur.  Be- 
ginning with  these  entries,  a  careful  study  of  the  successive 
ownerships  has  been  made  in  the  Registry  of  Deeds  of  Essex 
County  and  in  the  Registry  of  Probate. 

The  historical  chapters  of  this  work  ended  with  the  close 
of  the  seventeenth  century.  A  study  of  topography,  however, 
can  not  be  concluded  at  this  period.  The  satisfactory  identi- 
fication of  early  locations  can  be  accomplished  only  by  an 
unbroken  record  of  successive  ownerships  to  the  present  time, 
or  to  a  comparatively  recent  and  well-remembered  date. 

This  work  has  been  undertaken  in  the  thickly  settled  portions 
of  the  Town,  on  the  old  streets  and  lanes.  The  names  of  the 
early  citizens  which  have  become  familiar  through  the  historical 
studies  that  have  preceded,  are  thus  associated  with  the  locali- 
ties where  they  lived.  The  history  of  the  ancient  houses,  which 
still  remain,  and  of  many  of  more  recent  date,  will  be  sketched 

A  series  of  diagrams  has  been  prepared  by  our  townsman, 
Mr.  John  W.  Nourse,  a  skilful  surveyor  and  an  enthusiastic 
antiquarian  student.  These  diagrams  have  been  constructed 
from  the  ancient  records,  and  indicate  the  relative  location  of 
the  earliest  known  owners.  Dimensions  are  rarely  given  in  the 
original  grants,  or  in  early  deeds,  and  the  shape  of  the  lots  can 
only  be  approximated.  Great  care  has  been  taken  to  ensure  ac- 
curacy of  location,  but  in  some  instances,  the  data  are  meagre 
and  confusing.  Two  ancient  maps  of  a  rude  sort  have  been  pre- 
served and  are  reproduced. 



To  make  the  sketch  of  land  ownership  of  permanent  value, 
constant  citations  of  deeds  and  wills  are  made.  These  are  incor- 
porated in  the  text,  to  facilitate  comparison  with  the  original 
authorities  by  investigators,  and  to  furnish  a  foundation  for 
more  detailed  investigation.  Five  old  Record  books,  which 
were  written  in  this  town,  but  are  now  in  the  Essex  Co.  Registry 
in  Salem,  are  cited,  as  ''Ipswich  Deeds."  In  all  other  cases, 
the  references  are  to  the  number  of  the  volume,  and  the  leaf, 
on  which  the  entry  is  made,  in  the  Essex  County  Records. 

On  pages  14  and  15,  reference  has  already  been  made  to 
the  earliest  streets  and  lanes,  and  their  names.  These  names 
will  be  used  in  the  following  pages,  as  well  as  the  more  famil- 
iar ones  in  present  use. 

Th(i  house  lots  will  be  considered  in  regular  order,  and,  by 
the  aid  of  the  Index  and  the  Diagrams,  any  particular  lot  or 
dwelling  may  be  found,  it  is  hoped,  without  difhculty. 

DIAGRAM       No.  I 


John  Cogswell. 

( Diagram   1 . ) 

The  original  grant  was  eight  acres,  but  in  all  these  earl}^  assignments, 
the  measure  was  not  exact,  and  compass  directions  were  often  very  uncer- 
tain. Edward  Lumas  or  Lummus,  who  lived  on  the  corner  of  Baker's 
Lane  and  Scott's  Lane  conveyed  his  homestead  and  lands  to  his  son, 
Jonathan,  May  25,  1682  (Ips.  Deeds  4:  466).  The  estate  included  twelve 
acres,  "which  said  land  I  purchased  of  Mr.  Cogswell,  now  deceased." 
His  will  mentions  that  this  land  was  on  the  other  side  of  the  street  from  his 
house.  The  Cogswell  house  had  disappeared.  Samuel  Lummus  sold  his 
neighbor,  Joseph  Quilter,  one  acre  adjoining  Jonathan's  land,  Dec.  19, 
1684.  Jonathan  Lummus  and  Joseph  Quilter  exchanged  lands  and  Quilter 
received  foiu-  acres  adjoining  his  own,  Jan.  18,  1696-7  (13:258).  Lummus 
also  sold  Quilter  more  land  in  the  "Ten  Acre  lot,"  in  1712(26:119)  .  John 
and  Jonathan  Creesy  of  Rowle}',  heirs  of  Joseph  Quilter,  sold  his  estate,  in- 
cluding twelve  acres  on  the  south  side  of  Scott's  Lane,  to  Doctor  Samuel 
Wallis  April  4,  1724  (43:  117).  Moses  Smith,  an  heir  of  the  Wallis  estate, 
conveyed  one  and  one  half  acres,  "at  a  place  called  the  Ten  Acres"  to 
John  Cole  Jewett,  whose  wife  was  an  heir,  April  17;  1789  (157:  163).  Jewett 
sold  to  Daniel  Kimball,  Dec.  7,  1793  (158:  133).  Daniel  Kimball  con- 
veyed the  lot,  then  known  as  the  "Gravel  Pit  Lot,"  to  his  nephew,  Capt. 
Robert  Kimball,  Dec.  6,  1833(274:  152),  and  Kimball  sold  a  house  lot, 
from  this  lot,  bounded  by  the  Gravel  Pit  to  William  Haskell,  Nov.  6,  1847 
(401 :  98).     He  built  the  house  which  still  stands. 

Another  acre  and  a  half  lot,  bounded  northwest  by  the  Jewett  lot,  in 
the  "Ten  Acres"  was  sold  by  the  widow  Sarah  Rust  to  Nathaniel  Rust, 
Dec.  5,  1792  (158:  219).  Nath.  Rust  sold  to  Jabez  Farley,  Feb.  2,  1809 
(187:  2);  Farley  to  Capt.  Robert  Kimball,  Oct.  26,  1836  (295:65),  and  the 
lot  was  included  in  the  larger  lot  sold  by  Captain  Kimball  to  Daniel  Cogs- 
well, Feb.  9,  1842  (329:  292).  This  lot  may  include  the  Banner  house 
lot,  and  indicates  probably  the  southeast  bound  of  the  John  Cogswell  grant. 

Humphrey  Bradstreet  and  Allen  Perley. 

(Diagram  1.) 

No  deeds  of  these  lots  have  been  found,  but  the  Allen  Perley  lot  is  well 
located  by  a  clause  in  the  record  of  the  grant  to  Mark  Quilter.  His  house 
was  on  the  knoll  near  the  engine  house  of  the  Burke  Factory,  where  the  re- 
mains of  the  cellar  could  be  seen  some  years  ago.  This  house  lot  was 
"over  against  Allin  Perley, ' '  and  Perley 's  lot  was  probably  near  the  Town 
land,  adjoining  the  Peatfield  house.     Bradstreet 's  land  was  bounded  by 



the  Cogswell  lot  on  the  northwest  and  lay  between  that  and  Perley's. 
Michael  Farley  owned  several  acres  here  at  an  early  period,  and  his  heirs 

Michael  Farley  and  Dea.  Jeremiah  Perkins  owned  it  and  Jabez  Farley 
and  Aaron  Perkins  divided  the  large  field  in  1798.  Perkins  received  the 
four  acre  lot,  fronting  on  the  Lane  thirty-four  rods  and  fifteen  links,  July 
16,  1798  (167:  234),  and  Farley,  the  five  acre  lot,  in  the  rear  of  this  (168: 
125).  The  widow,  Susanna  Farley,  sold  to  Daniel  Cogswell,  July  30,  1839 

The  Aaron  Perkins  land  came  into  the  possession  of  Col.  Joseph  Hodg- 
kins,  and  he  sold  to  the  Town  a  three  quarter  acre  lot  for  a  gravel  pit,  June 
10,  1824  (238:  225).  Gilbert  Conant  acquired  possession  of  the  remainder 
of  the  lot  and  sold  a  half  interest  to  Dr.  George  Chad  wick  May  17,  1836 
(302:32).  Conant  and  Chadwick  sold  one  and  one  half  acres  to  Robert 
Kimball  Oct.  28,  1836  (295:  66),  who  sold  to  Daniel  Cogswell,  wdth  other 
land  as  already  mentioned,  Feb.  9,  1842.  Dr.  Chadwick  sold  his  interest 
in  the  remainder  of  the  lot  to  the  Town,  Jan.  24,  1843  (335:  135)  and  Wil- 
liam Conant  sold  his  interest,  Jan.  25,  1843  (336:  31).  This  provided  the 
Towai  a  new  gravel  pit,  and  the  old  pit,  which  had  furnished  road  material 
for  many  j^ears  was  probably  abandoned.  The  Town  sold  an  acre  and  a  half 
to  Daniel  Cogswell,  Feb.  6,  1843  (336:  231).  His  heirs  sold  a  house  lot  to 
Mary  Peatfield,  wife  of  Sanford  Peatfield,  Nov.  1,  1866  (717:  250)  and  Mr. 
Peatfield  built  and  occupied  the  house,  now  owned  by  Mr.  J.  I.  Horton. 
They  sold  another  lot  to  Thomas  Banner,  on  the  same  date  (737:  213)  and 
he  built  a  dwelling.  The  Town  still  owns  the  balance  of  the  lot,  except  the 
piece  sold  to  Mr.  Peatfield  to  enlarge  his  lot  in  the  rear,  March  2,  1869 

Thomas  Scott  and  Richard  Haffield. 


Scott  owned  a  iiouse  lot  of  three  acres,  half  of  whicii  was  bought  of 
Richard  Haffield,  the  whole  bounded  southeast  by  a  house  lot  of  Thomas 
French  and  northwest  by  Allen  Perley.  No  record  of  a  house  remains , 
nor  of  the  sale  or  conveyance  of  the  lot.  Michael  Farley  owned  it  in  1718. 
Palatiah  and  Joan  Kinsman,  William  and  Hannah  Mansfield  conveyed 
their  interest  in  the  estate  of  their  father,  Michael  Farley,  included  in  the 
widow's  thirds,  to  Nathaniel  Farley,  "  three-quarters  of  an  acre  in  the 
Close  in  Scott's  Lane,"  Oct.  5,  1764  (125:  236).  Daniel  Farley  .succeeded 
to  the  o\\aiership  and  conveyed  six  acres  to  Joseph  Farley,  Sept.  28,  1801 
(169:  126).  The  widow,  Hannah  Mansfield,  sold  one  and  three  quarters 
acres,  including  the  site  of  the  Elisha  Perkins  house  to  Farley,  April  10, 
1802  (173:  164).  A  mortgage  deed  of  Joseph  to  Joseph  Farley,  Jim.,  de- 
scribes an  estate  of  nine  acres,  Dec.  1,  1836  (294:  140).  Joseph,  Jr.,  divided 
the  estate.  He  sold  a  lot,  with  a  frontage  of  58  ft.  6in.  to  Jacob  Manning, 
Feb.  12,  1847  (390:  111).  He  built  the  house,  and  Nathaniel  L.  Manning 
sold  half,  the  other  half  being  owned  Ijy  Joseph  and  Ebenezer  Cogswell, 
to  Elisha  Perkins,  March  21,  1849  (409:  178).     It  is  now  owned  by  the 


B.  &  M.  R.  R.  Dr.  Joseph  N.  Ames  bought  a  lot  with  100  ft.  front,  July 
30,  1845  (397:  248).  He  built  the  House  of  many  Gables,  and  his  widow 
sold  to  Jabez  Mann,  March  4, 1864  (666 :  161) .  Michael  Ready  bought  the 
next  lot,  75  ft.  on  the  Street,  April  27,  1860  (607:  206)  and  moved  the  Capt. 
John  Lord  house  from  the  site  of  Hon.  C.  A.  Say  ward's  present  residence. 
Luke  Murray  bought  a  similar  lot  Dec.  21,  1860  (616:  287)  and  Patrick 
Riley,  a  lot  with  150  ft.  front,  completing  the  sale  of  the  Farley  land, 
March  30,  1861  (621:  188).  The  Thomas  Scott  grant  coincided  with  the 
southeast  line  of  the  Elisha  Perkins  lot. 

Thomas  French. 

(Diagram  1.) 
He  had  a  house  on  this  lot,  which  was  inherited  by  his  son  Thomas, 
the  Constable  of  the  Town,  who  was  arrested  with  the  Andros  resistants, 
and  was  imprisoned  and  fined  for  his  participation  in  that  affair.  John 
Stiles  and  Mary,  and  Esther  French,  seamster,  all  of  Boxford,  sold  Dr. 
SamuelWallis  "the  homestead  of  our  father  French,  two  acres"  Aug.  1, 
1718  (34:  198).  The  widow,  Sarah  Rust,  daughter  and  heir  of  Wallis, 
sold  this  lot  to  Nathaniel  Rust,  bounded  west  by  Nath.  Farley,  Jan.  4, 
1794  (158:  219).  Rust  sold  to  Aaron  Kimball,  and  he  conveyed  to  Robert 
KimbaU,  and  Ebenezer  3d,  March  1,  1814  (203:  32).  Ebenezer  conveyed 
his  interest  to  Robert,  Sept.  29,  1836  (295:  68)  and  it  is  called  the  "Rust 
lot, ' '  in  a  conveyance  (291 :  289).  Captain  Robert  Kimball  sold  this  lot, 
with  the  sale  to  the  Eastern  Rail  Road  Co.  of  the  whole  corner,  Oct.  21, 
1836(295:116).  The  Joseph  Farley  southeast  bound,  which  was  the 
northwest  bound  of  the  Rust  lot,  was  58  ft.  6  in.  from  James  F.  Mann's 
corner  bound.  This  establishes  the  exact  location  of  the  Thomas  French 
homestead.     It  covered  the  site  of  the  pumping  station  and  land  adjacent. 

Robert  Muzzey. 

(Diagram   1.) 

This  lot  was  united  at  a  very  early  date  with  the  Richard  Jacob  lot 
and  will  be  considered  with  it. 

Richard  Jacob. 

(Diagram  1.) 
His  house  lot  was  "neare  the  Mill  Street,  "having  "a  house  lott  of 
Robert  Mussey's  on  the  northwest,  on  the  south  and  southeast,  the  high- 
way to  the  common  (Topsfield  Road),  it  being  about  one  acre,  half,  and 
eight  rods,  at  the  northeast  end  butting  upon  the  Mill  Street."  On 
March  25,  1678-9,  Simon  Adams,  a  weaver,  conveyed  to  John  Kimball, 
wheelwright,  a  house  and  land,  "which  lyeth  next  and  doth  adjoyn  with 
Capt.  Appleton,his  land  toward  ye  and  next  unto  Ensign  French, 
his  land,  toward  the  norwest  .  .  .  which  said  house  and  land  was  my 
father,  Will  Adams,  his  homestead"  (14:  118).  The  Muzzey  lot  had  been 
absorbed  at  this  time.     John  Kimball  sold  to  Moses,  his  fourth  .son,  on 


the  occasion  of  his  marriage  with  Susannah  Goodhue,  his  house  and  orchard, 
and  an  acre  of  land,  March  28,  1696  (12:  8).  It  continued  in  the  Kim- 
ball family.  Aaron  and  Daniel  were  in  possession  in  1803  (192:  214). 
Daniel  conveyed  "the  homestead  where  I  now  live,"  with  about  a  quarter 
of  an  acre,  to  his  nephew  Robert  Kimball,  Dec.  6,  1833  (274:  152),  and 
Aaron  conveyed  his  interest  to  Robert,  April  18,  1836  (291:  289).  Cap- 
tain Kimball  sold  the  homestead,  and  his  lot  adjoining,  the  "Rust  lot" 
about  three  acres,  to  the  Eastern  Raih-oad  Co.,  Oct.  12,  1836  (295:  116). 
The  old  mansion,  which  stood  about  on  the  site  of  the  present  Station, 
and  a  venerable  elm  of  majestic  size,  were  removed,  when  the  railroad 
was  built. 

Moses  Kimball  sold  to  his  son,  Moses,  Jr.,  a  small  lot,  about  six  and 
one  half  rods,  abutting  on  Col.  Appleton's  line,  May  1,  1728  (51:  62).  It 
passed  into  the  ownership  of  George  Dutch,  then  of  Exeter,  who  sold  a 
house,  barn,  and  a  quarter  of  an  acre  to  Arthur  Abbott,  March  25,  1746 
(91 :  45).  Abbott  sold  to  James  Chnton,  Jan.  4,  1769  (125:  192).  James 
Clinton,  fisherman,  sold  to  James  Clinton  of  Wiscasset,  the  east  side  of  this 
house,  Feb.  12,  1794  (161:  8)  and  John  Lord  Jr.  sold  a  half  to  Michael 
Farley,  Aug.  20,  1797(162:  239).  Farley  sold  to  Aaron  Smith  Jr.,  Feb. 
28,  1798  (170:  65)  and  Smith  to  the  Eastern  R.  R.,  Oct.  12,  1836  (295: 
116).  A  plan  of  the  railroad,  made  in  1836,  shows  that  Smith's  house  stood 
where  the  excavation  for  the  track  was  made. 

John  Appleton. 

(Diagram  1.) 
John  was  the  elder  son  of  Samuel,  the  emigrant  from  Little  Walding- 
field.  Samuel  Appleton  received  a  grant  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Tops- 
field  Road,  and  may  have  owned  land  on  the  northwest  side  as  well,  and 
had  his  home  there.  But  his  son,  Captain  John,  is  the  first  of  the  famity, 
whose  ownership  and  occupancy  in  1678  are  established  by  the  deeds  of  the 
Kimball  lot.  In  the  division  of  his  estate,  Captain  John  devised  to  his 
son,  John,  "all  that  piece  of  land  behind  my  mansion  house,  and  behind 
my  great  barn,  bounded  by  the  fence  adjoyning  to  the  house  and  barn, 
about  six  acres,  together  with  the  dwelling  house  my  son  John  Appleton 
lately  built,  and  a  small  barn  near  therunto,  ...  it  being  all  the  land  I 
have  in  that  side  the  way  (except  the  land  my  mansion  house  stands  upon 
and  my  great  barn  and  yard  and  garden,  which  are  excepted  being  given 
to  John  and  Samuel  together. ' ' 

March  13,  1688-9(9:231). 

This  record  is  of  great  value.  John  Appleton,  Junior,  was  a  conspicu- 
ous figure  in  the  Andros  Resistance.  This  deed  recites  that  he  liad  lately 
built  a  house  on  this  property,  near  his  father's.  The  mansion  of  John 
Senior  may  be  located  very  nearly  by  the  bequest  of  Col.  Appleton  to  his 
son  Nathaniel,  "the  old  house  and  barn  that  was  formerly  my  father  Apple- 
ton's  the  land  to  extend  northward  from  the  said  house  twenty  feet,  and 


'  TOPSFIELD    ROAD.  323 

SO  to  run  from  the  highway  over  the  hill  to  the  Turtle  pond ' '  (Pro.  Rec. 
324:  1-2,  Dec.  10,  1739). 

The  inventory  of  Daniel  Appleton,  Esq.,  son  of  Col.  Joliii,  in  1762  (Pro. 
Rec.  340:96)  included  "the  old  house,  with  about  four  acres  of  land,  .  .  . 
which  was  formerly  the  Hon.  John  Appleton  Esq. ' ' 

The  old  house  and  four  acres  were  sold  by  the  administrator  to  John 
Treadwell,  Sept.  16,  1765  (116:  170).  The  Treadwell  heirs  sold  to  John 
Sparhawk  Appleton  of  Salem,  tliree  acres,  twenty-six  poles,  and  buildings, 
Aug.  30,  1821  (228:  11),  who  also  bought  four  acres  adjoining,  without  a 
house,  of  \%ddow  Elizabeth  Rogers,  Aug.  8,  1821  (227:  220).  The  admin- 
istrator of  J.  S.  Appleton  sold  Joseph  Farley,  the  two  properties,  Nov.  10, 
1825(243:32).  Joseph  quitclaimed  to  Michael  Farley,  seven  and  one- 
half  acres  and  dweUing,  as  "boimded  by  Aaron  Smith's  land  northeast," 
April  11,  1826  (243:  31).  Joseph  Farley  inherited,  and  built  a  new  house, 
and  his  administrators  sold  to  J.  Choate  Underbill,  Oct.  25, 1871  (845: 11). 
In  1840  (Jan.  20)  the  widow  EUzabeth  Farley,  Eimice  and  Ehzabeth  C. 
Farley  sold  to  the  Eastern  R.R.  "about  three  acres,  "adjoining  that  which 
the  Raih-oad  Co.  bought  of  Robert  Kimball  (319: 12). 

On  this  lot  Lieut.  John  Appleton  must  have  built  his  new  house  about 
1687,  and  the  older  house  of  his  father  can  probably  be  identified  with 
the  one  which  stood  on  a  knoll  to  the  westward,  the  cellar  of  which  was 
discovered  while  gravel  was  being  dug  some  jears  since.  The  earlier  house 
disappeared,  and  no  trace  of  it  remains  in  the  familj^  deeds,  which  were 
recorded.  The  old  house  of  his  father,  alluded  to  in  Daniel  Appleton's 
inventor}', is  in  all  likelihood  the  house  built  in  1687  or  thereabout.  This 
house  was  owned  and  occupied  by  the  TreadweUs,  and  in  1836,  there  was 
a  bam  standing  close  to  the  line.  The  house  had  then  disappeared,  but 
Jklr.  Francis  H.  Wade,  now  eighty-fi^•e  years  old,  remembers  distinctly 
that  in  his  boyhood,  an  old  house  stood  on  this  lot,  and  that  the  chimney 
feU  in,  making  a  complete  ruin  of  the  house.  This  old  mansion,  it  may  be 
presumed,  was  the  place  of  the  famous  gathering  on  the  evening  of  August 
22,  1687. 

The  Railroad  Co.  sold  this  three  acre  lot,  acquired  from  the  Michael 
Farley  estate,  to  Abraham  H.  Bond,  April  19, 1842  (331 :  163).  Bond  sold 
to  James  Lang,  Nov.  7, 1847  (390: 148).  Lang  built  the  house  now  stand- 
ing, the  larger  one  to  the  westward,  and  bought  of  the  Railroad  Co.  the 
land  near  the  track,  June  24,  1851  (489:  250).  He  sold  to  S.  P.  Crocker, 
May  11,  1857  (561:  205).  Henry  A.  True  of  Marion,  Ohio,  sold  Mary  B. 
Vose,  the  same  that  S.  P.  Crocker  conveyed  to  him,  Oct.  22,  1860  (729: 
245,  Aug.  10,  1867),  and  Mrs.  Vose  sold  to  J.  C.  Underbill,  house  and  three 
acres,  Oct.  18,  1879  (1030:  214). 

Samuel  Appleton. 

(Diagram   1.) 
He  received  a  grant   of  eight   acres,    adjoining   the   property  of  the 
Historical  Society,  but  he  had  a  large  farm  "containing,  foure  hundred 
and  sixty  acres,  more  or  less,  medow  and  upland  as  it  lyeth,  bounded  by 


the  River  commonly  called  the  Mile  brook  on  the  northeast  and  by  the 
great  River  on  the  northwest,  on  the  west  in  part  by  the  Land  of  Wil- 
liam Warener  and  by  a  swamp  on  the  southeast,  and  partly  also  at  the 
same  end,  by  the  Land  of  Hugh  Sherrat"  ("entered  into  the  Town  hooke  — 
the  20th  of  December,  1638  ").  This  great  farm  has  always  remained  in  his 
family,  except  some  small  portions,  most  of  which  have  been  repurchased 
by  his  descendants.  His  son,  Major  Samuel,  built  a  saw  mill  on  Mile  River 
near  the  bridge.  It  is  the  only  estate  probably  in  our  Town,  which  has 
descended  without  break  to  the  present  generation. 

Mr.  Appleton  agreed  to  make  a  cart-bridge  over  the  swamp  toward  the 
miU  and  keep  it  in  repair  for  seven  years,  for  which  he  received  in  re- 
turn one  and  one-half  acres  adjoining  "his  six  acre  lot"  and  running  to 
the  brook  (1639).  He  built  a  malt-house  on  the  lot  in  1641,  and,  as  he 
promised,  "to  malt  such  corn  as  shall  be  brought  to  him  from  the  people  of 
this  town  at  such  rates  as  shall  be  thought  equal  from  time  to  time, ' '  it 
was  voted,  that  "no  man  (except  for  himself)  is  to  have  any  made  else- 
where for  the  space  of  five  years  now  next  ensueing. ' '  Captain  John 
Appleton  succeeded  to  the  ownership  of  this  lot,  and  gave  his  son, 
Samuel,  the  house  in  which  he  lived,  a  piece  of  land  behind  the  malt- 
house,  with  a  two-thirds  interest  in  the  malt-house.  To  his  son,  John,  he 
gave  a  two  and  one-half  acre  lot,  next  to  the  Historical  Society  property, 
bounded  [on  the  other  side  by  his  malt-house  lot,  the  malt-house  being 
near  the  Une,  March  13,  1688-9  (9 :  231). 

The  house,  alluded  to  as  occupied  by  Samuel,  may  be  located  perhaps 
by  a  cellar,  which  is  remembered,  on  a  knoll,  about  opposite  the  J.  C. 
Underhill  house. 

A  five  and  three  quarter  acre  lot  of  the  Appleton  land,  on  the  south 
side  of  Topsfield  road ,  was  sold  by^John  Appleton  Jr. ,  to  Moses  Kimball 
Jr.,  March  21,  1737(76:  85).  Here  he  made  his  home  and  the  property 
descending  from  father  to  son,  is  now  in  possession  of  Rev.  John  C. 
Kimball.  The  old  mansion  was  removed  a  few  rods,  when  the  present 
Kimball  house  was  built, '^ but  is  sound  and  strong  today. 

The  Malt  House  lot  was  sold  to  John  Treadwell  by  the  administrator 
of  Daniel  Appleton 's  estate.  It  was  inherited  by  Mrs.  Joseph  Hodgkins, 
and  by  Samuel  Wade,  who  sold  to  the  R.  R.  Co.  and  the  railroad  was  built 
across  it.  A  portion  of  the  original  Appleton  grant  is  occupied  by  the 
Peatfield  house,  now  owned  by  Mr.  Gustavus  Kinsman. 

John  Fawn. 

(Diagram  1.) 

"Granted  to  Mr.  Fawne,  a  house  lott,  adjoyning  to  Mr.  Appleton  six 
acres  near  the  Mill"  (Town  Record,  under  date.  The  13th  of  January, 
1637).  The  Town' Clerk,  Robert  Lord,  certifies  that  he  has  made  "a  true 
copie  out  of  the  old)Towne  booke. ' '  The  date  of  the  grant  itself  probably 
preceded  this  record  several  years.  A  subsequent  record  is —  "Granted 
Mr.  Samuel  Appleton,  by  the  company  of  freemen,  as  followeth  Im- 
primis, Eight  acres  of  Land,  more  or  less,  as  it  lyeth  above  the  Mill,  bounded 


on  the  Southeast  by  the  Town  River,  also  having  a  house  lott,  formerly 
granted  to  John  Fawn,  on  the  northeast,  also  on  the  northwest  the  high- 
way leading  into  the  Common. ' '  "Entered  into  the  Towne  booke,  foho, 
16,  the  20th  of  December,  1638. ' '  Mr.  Fawn  therefore  had  removed  from 
Town  before  Dec.  20,  1638,  but  he  had  already  built  a  house  on  the  lot, 
as  he  gave  a  quitclaim  deed  of  house  and  land,  two  acres,  to  John  Whipple, 
Oct.  10,  1650  (Ips.  Deeds  1:  89).  Mr.  Whipple  was  in  occupancy,  how- 
ever, as  early" as  1642,  as  appears  from  the  Vote  of  that  year,  "Ordered 
John  Whipple'  should  cause  the  fence  to  be  made  between  the  house  late 
Capt.  Denison's,  and  the  sayd  John  Whipple,  namely  —  on  the  side  next 
Capt.  Denison. ' ' 

The  house  built  by  John  Fawn  is  undoubtedly  the  western  part  of  the 
House  of  the  Historical  Society.  John  Whipple,  the  Elder  of  the  Church, 
was  one  of  the  foremost  men  of  the  Town.  We  may  believe  that  his  dwell- 
ing was  frequented  by  the  principal  citizens.  His  early  neighbor,  Denison, 
Winthrop  and  Dudley,  Simon  Bradstreet  and  Ann,  the  poetess,  Symonds 
and  Saltonstall,  Ward  and  Norton  and  all  the  eminent  people  of  the  time 
doubtless  crossed  the  tlireshold  and  enjoyed  the  good  cheer  of  the  great 
fireplaces.  Major  Samuel  Appleton  would  naturally  have  visited  his  fellow 
soldier.  Major  Jolin  Whipple.  The  house  is  recognized  as  the  finest  speci- 
men of  the  early  colonial  architecture.  ^ 

Elder  Jolin  Whipple  bequeathed  the  estate  to  his  son,  John,  m  his  will, 
presented  in  Court  Sept.  28,  1669  (Fro.  Records).  Captain  John  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Major  John  Whipple,  commander  of  a  horse  troop  m  Kmg 
Philip's  War,  who  bequeathed  it  to  his  daughter,  Mary,  wife  of  Benjamin 
Crocker  (Pro.  Records,  313:  458),  1722.  Benjamin  Crocker  bequeathed 
to  his  son  Dea.  John  Crocker  (Pro.  Rec.  343:  481).  Deacon  John  left 
the  house,  excepting  certain  rooms,  to  his  son,  John.  His  brother,  Joseph, 
succeeded  to  the  ownership,  and  the  administrator  of  Joseph  Crocker, 
sold  to  Joseph  Hodgkins,  who  had  married  for  his  third  wife,  Mrs.  Lydia 
Treadwell  relict  of  Elisha  Treadwell,  and  daughter  of  Dea.  John  Crocker. 
Col  Hodgkins  was  a  distinguished  soldier  of  the  Revolution  and  made  his 
home  here  until  his  death.  The  heirs  sold  the  house  and  an  acre  and  eleven 
rods  to  Caleb  K.  Moore,  (3ct.  31  1833  (271:164)  and  the  residue  of  the 
estate,  an  acre  and  eleven  rods,  to  James  Estes,  Aug.  11  1841,  bounded 
then  by  the  land  of  Joseph  Farley,  now  occupied  by  the  Mill  storehouse, 
by  the  River,  and  land  of  Samuel  Wade  (326:  215).  Moore  sold  to  Abra- 
ham Bond,  October  7,  1841  (327:157)  and  his  son,  James^  W.  Bond  sold 
to  the  Ipswich  Historical  Society.  May  12,  1898  (1549:  6)  and  JiUy  26, 
1899  (1584:266). 

Jeremiah  Belcher. 

(Diagram   1.) 

He  owned  a  house  lot  between  John  Whipple  and  the  River  He  was 
the  occupant  of  the  house  on  this  lot  in  1652  (Ips.  Deeds  1 :   240).     Mary 

r  An  exhaustive  study  of  this  house  and  the  laud  is  coutaiued  in  l^^^lf^l'^f^']' 
of  the  Ipswich  Historical  Society,  No.  x  and  The  Essex  Antiquarian  Vol.  vi.  No.  .. 

p.  14. 


Belcher,  the  widow  of  the  above,  sold  to  Samuel  Belcher,  her  son,  and  the 
lot  was  bounded  by ' '  the  Grist  Mill  River  east,  Mr.  John  Appleton 's  south, 
Mr.  John  AVhipple's  north,  the  other  part  bounded  by  the  way  to  said  land 
in  part,  and  partly  by  land  Major  Gen.  Denison  set  a  cow  house  or  hovel  on, 
which  Mr.  Samuel  Belcher  hath  now  built  upon,"  Nov.  11,  1692  (49:  251). 
William  Brackenbury  owned  in  1728,  and  William  Brackenbury  of  North 
Carolina  sold  to  Nathaniel  Farley,  " Brackenbury 's  lot,"  April  30,  1771 
(129:112).  It  was  included  in  the  assets  of  the  Ipswich  Mills,  and  passed 
into  the  liands  of  the  present  corporation. 

Daniel  Denison. 

(DiagraiQ  1.) 

Young  Daniel  Denison,  then  twenty-three  years  old,  received  the  grant 
of  the  two  acre  lot,  adjoining  John  Fawn's,  wliich  extended  to  Union 
street  and  back  toward  the  Mill,  and  in  1635  he  had  already  built  his 
house,  and  fenced  the  lot  with  palings. 

Denison  sold  to  Humphrey  Griffin  in  1641,  Jan.  19  (Ips.  Deeds  1:  2). 
Griffin  sold  to  John  Burnham,  and  Burnham  to  Anthony  Potter,  1-4-1648, 
(Ips.  Deeds  1:  67).  Potter  sold  to  Jolui  Safford,  blacksmith,  and  it 
was  then  "bounded  with  highways  round,"  Jan.  29,  1661  (Ips.  Deeds,  2: 
53),  the  first  mention  of  Saltonstall  Street.  He  reserved,  however,  a  part 
of  the  property,  and  sold  it  later  to  Samuel  Belcher.  It  was  bounded  by 
the  house  lot  of  Jeremiah  Belcher  and  with  the  River  on  the  south,  April 
1672  (Ips.  Deeds  3:  223.)  This  explains  why  Denison's  land  is  described 
as  ' '  coming  to  the  scirt  of  the  hill  next  the  swamp. ' '  It  abutted  on  the 
River  and  the  marshy  land  near  the  bank.  In  fact,  the  approach  to  the 
Mill,  which  stood  about  where  the  Stone  Mill  now  is,  was  by  way  of  Union 
,  Street,  and  was  so  wet  and  miry,  that,  in  1639,  Mr.  Appleton  agreed  to 
make  a  sufficient  cart-bridge  over  the  swamp  toward  the  Mill  and  to  repair 
it  for  seven  years,  for  which  he  was  to  receive  an  acre  and  half  of  land. 
As  late  as  1711,  the  Town  Record  alludes  to  Mr.  Farley's  bridge,  that  leads 
to  his  mill.  The  lot  remained  in  the  possession  of  the  Safford  family  many 
years.  In  the  final  division  among  the  heirs,  the  lot  on  the  corner  of  Sal- 
tonstall St.  fell  to  Joseph  Safford,  and  he  sold  a  small  building  to  Edward 
Brown,  a  taimer.  May  28,  1737  (82:16).  Brown  built  a  modest  house 
and  sold  to  George  Newman,  a  weaver,  Feb.  20,  1738  (83:62).  Newman 
purchased  a  small  addition  to  his  lot  of  Thomas  Safford,  June  9,  1753  (99: 
359),  and  disposed  of  the  northeast  end  of  the  house  to  Michael  Newman, 
mariner,  July  11,  1778  (138:  171).  Edward  KiUam  and  others,  residu- 
ary legatees  of  Abraham  Killam  of  Beverly,  sold  the  property,  "the  same 
formerly  occupied  by  Michael  Newman"  to  John  Jewett,  Feb.  25,  1853 
(474:  95). 

Jewett  transferred  it  to  liis  sister,  Hannah  J.  Haskell,  wife  of  Daniel 
Haskell,  Oct.  25,  1858  (577:  186).  She  conveyed  it  back  to  liim  Sept.  4, 
1868  (754:  232)  and  on  the  same  day,  he  sold  to  the  Ipswich  Mills.  The 
Ipswich  Mills  removed  the  original  house  and  built  the  fine  mansion  for 
the  use  of  its  Superintendent.     It  was  sold  to  James  J.  Goodrich,  Nov.  9, 


1870  (812:  8)  who  finished  the  house,  and  by  him,  to  J.  G.  Freeman,  Dec. 
13,  1883  (1122:  31);  by  Freeman,  to  the  Manufacturer's  Fire  and  Marine 
Insurance  Co.  Feb.  1884  (1123:  172),  and  by  that  Corporation  to  Dr. 
Yorick  G.  Hurd,  May  15,  1884  (1129:  220).  It  is  now  owned  by  the 
widow  of  the  kite  Geo.  R.  Bancroft. 

The  main  portion  of  the  Safford  estate,  reaching  from  the  Lindberg 
house  to  the  house  of  the  widow  Bancroft,  fell  to  Simeon  Safford,  a  black- 
smith, as  his  father  was.  He  had  a  shop  near  the  Street  on  the  land 
now  owned  by  John  J.  SuUivan.  The  site  of  the  original  homestead 
cannot  be  determined.  The  administrators  of  Simeon  Safford  sold  Joseph 
Farley,  Safford 's  interest  in  a  half  acre  with  buildings,  July  25,  1829 
(294:  160).  Farley  was  the  President  of  the  Ipswich  Manufacturing  Co. 
and  his  personal  affairs  were  much  involved  with  the  affairs  of  the 
Company.  He  transferred  this  lot  to  the  Company,  Dec.  8  1836  (294: 
153),  and  it  was  conveyed  with  other  assets  of  the  Company  to  the  Dane 
Manufacturing  Co.,  Sept.  1,  1846  (463:  252),  and  was  sold  by  that  Corpo- 
ration to  Capt.  John  Lord  3d,  Sept.  1,  1846  (396:  236).  The  old  Safford 
dwelling  was  still  standing.  The  deed  also  provided,  "that  a  lot  of  land 
on  the  highest  part  at  or  near  where  the  old  Reservoir,  erected  by  the 
E.  R.  R.  stood,  be  reserved  for  the  purpose  of  erecting  a  new  reservoir 
for  the  same  railroad,  &  for  digging  for  pipes  from  the  Stone  Factory  of 
Grantees  across  said  land  to  the  depot."  The  reason  of  this  was  that 
originally  the  Mill  pumped  water  from  the  River  into  a  reservoir  on  this 
spot,  from  which  pipes  were  laid  to  the  station  to  supply  water  to  the  loco- 

Capt.  Lord  built  the  present  dwelling  in  1847.  The  property  came 
into  the  possession  of  the  Manufacturer's  Fire  &  Marine  Insurance  Co., 
and  was  sold  at  auction.  The  house  and  the  land  adjoining  it  were  pur- 
chased by  Mr.  John  J.  Sullivan,  the  present  owner,  May  13,  1881  (1058: 
213), and  the  remainder  of  the  land,  by  the  late  Curtis  Damon,  andSamuel 

On  Union  St.  as  well,  the  Saftord  lot  was  gradually  diminished.  In- 
deed the  first  lot  sold  was  that  which  John  Hovey  bought,  a  weaver,  who 
had  a  shop  on  the  land.  He  acquired  a  quarter  of  an  acre,  June  16,  1708 
(27:39),  and  on  May  21,  1712,  Sarah  Safford,  the  widow  of  Jolin,  and 
Thomas,  his  son,  sold  Michael  Farley,  Junior,  a  piece  between  John 
Hovey  and  Mesheck  Farley,  the  father  of  Michael  (25:  142).  The  John 
Hovey  lot,  enlarged  to  half  an  acre,  was  sold  by  Jacob  Martin  of  London- 
derry to  Samuel  McFarland,  June  26,  1786(145:  307)  and  the  latter  to 
Enoch  Pearson,  clothier,  June  30,  1786  (145:  307). 

Pearson  had  previously  bought  Simeon  Safford 's  house  and  barn  on 
the  corner  of  Union  and  Saltonstall  Sts.  with  a  quarter  acre,  Jan.  2,  1779 
(139:  206).  This  lot  abutted  on  the  Hurd  and  Sullivan  properties.  Pear- 
son acquired  houses  and  lands  and  bequeathed  the  homestead  he  occupied 
to  his  widow  and  son  Enoch;  the  other  half  acre  lot  on  Union  St.  separated 
from  his  homestead  by  a  section  of   the  Safford  land,  he  bestowed  upon 

328         IPSWICH,    IN    THE    MASSACHUSETTS    BAY    COLONY. 

liis  daughter,  Haiiuah,  wife  of  John  Holmes  Harris,  for  whom  he  had 
built  the  house  on  this  lot  (Pro.  Rec.  383 :  612,  April  13, 1813).  The  widow 
Harris  sold  part  of  her  homestead  to  Daniel  Haskell  Jr., May  7,  1844  (34.5: 
104),  who  built  a  house,  and  occupied  it  until  18.52,  when  he  sold  to  Edward 
Andrews  of  Binghampton,  Dec.  2,5,  1852  (471:  .59)  who  settled  it  on  Char- 
lotte Andrews  for  life  (471:  60).  John  Holmes  Harris,  son  of  Hannah, 
sold  the  homestead  to  Joseph  Spiller,  May  7, 1853  (477 :  220).  Both  houses 
are  still  in  place.  The  Enoch  Pearson  homestead  was  owned  later  by 
Jeremiah  Lord  and  then  by  James  Damon.  The  last  lot,  separating  the 
two   parts  of   the  Enoch  Pearson  property,  is  owned  by  Mr.   Newhall. 

Mesheck  Farley. 

(Diagram  1.) 
The  Denison  lot  did  not  reach  to  the  present  Union  Street,  but  was 
bounded  by  an  open  Common,  where  the  Lindberg  and  Blake  houses  now 
stand.  This  remained  until  John  SafJord's  ownership.  In  1683,  Mr. 
Farley  and  his  son  Mesheck  petitioned  for  a  small  piece  of  land,  some  eight 
or  nine  rods,  to  build  a  small  dwelling,  "in  the  vacant  land  near  the  end  of 
John  Safford's  orchard, "and  the  request  was  granted.  The  occasion  of 
this  is  interesting.  Mesheck  Farley  and  Sarah  Burnham.  daughter  of  Lieut. 
Thos.  Burnham  Jr.,  were  intending  marriage,  and  their  fathers  had  cove- 
nanted to  give  the  young  couple  a  start  in  the  world.  Mr.  Farley  agreed 
to  provide  the  land  and  half  the  expense  Lieut.  Burnham  should  incur 
in  building  the  house.  The  marriage  occurred  on  August  6,  1684,  the 
bride  having  just  turned  her  twentieth  year,  and  in  1686,  aU  the  conditions 
having  been  fulfilled,  the  house  built  and  paid  for,  the  final  deeds  were 
passed  (13:108).  Generations  of  Parleys  made  their  home  here,  though 
the  present  house  can  scarcely  be  older  than  the  Revolutionary  period. 
Gen.  Michael  Farley,  conspicuous  for  his  civil  and  military  service,  Delegate 
to  the  Provincial  Congress  at  Concord,  and  a  citizen  of  sterling  ciuality, 
made  his  home  here,  and  plied  his  vocation  as  a  tanner  on  this  spot,  and 
land  owned  by  him  on  Market  Street.  Susanna,  the  widow  of  Robert 
Farley  sold  to  Samuel  S.  Farrington,  June  20,  1833  (272:  18),  and  by  an 
execution  against  Farrington,  John  S.  Williams  of  Salem  acquired  posses- 
sion Feb.  23,  1838  (Exec.  No.  8,  188).  His  widow,  Mehitable  O.  WiUiams 
conveyed  it  to  John  Brown  of  Ossipee,  Jan.  1,  1850  (421:237)  who  sold 
to  Jacob  Brown.  April  23,  1851  (451:  119).  Francis  Q.,  William  G.  and 
Jacob  F.  Brown  sold  to  Abigail  S.  Blake,  wife  of  Samuel  Blake  May  1, 
1865  (684:  56).     Her  heirs  sold  to  Mr.  David  Grady, 

On  November  9,  1764,  John  Farley  sold  Nathaniel  Heard  a  house, 
part  of  a  barn,  and  a  small  lot,  on  which  it  would  seem  he  had  built  a  dwell- 
ing (115:  113).  Thomas  Dennis  sold  to  Nathaniel  Heard,  distiller,  the 
homestead  of  liis  father,  Nathaniel  Heard,  Senior,  March  25,  1831  (259: 
127).  Nathaniel  Heard  sold  to  Samuel  P.  Guilford,  blacksmith,  on  the 
same  date  (301 :  260).  Mr.  Guilford  tore  down  the  old  house  ,which  stood 
on  a  high  bank,  and  built  the  present  dwelling.     He  also  built  and  owned 


the  blacksmith  shop  opposite,  now  owned  by  J.  Albert  Smith.  The  admin- 
istrator of  the  Guilford  estate  sold  to  Marcus  Lindberg,  May  1 ,  1858  (571 : 
84).  The  Farley  land  surrounded  this  lot  originally  on  every  side,  but 
Jacob  Brown  sold  Capt.  John  Lord  Jr.,  the  strip  that  intervened  between 
his  property  and  this,  Sept.  15,  1853  (490:  173).  A  tradition  of  the  Farley 
family  survives,  to  the  effect  that  when  the  embargo  was  laid  upon  tea, 
and  excitement  ran  high  over  the  tea-ships  in  Boston  harbor,  the  patri- 
otic Gen.  Michael  would  not  allow  the  hated  herb  any  place  in  his  house, 
but  his  good  wife  craved  her  soothing  cup,  and  was  wont  to  slip  over  to 
her  neighbor,  Dame  Heard,  and  enjoy  with  her  the  forbidden  privilege. 

The  Mill  and  the  Mill  Garden. 

(Diagram  1.) 

The  Grist  Mill  and  the  "Garden, '  'which  is  often  mentioned,  were  owned 
by  the  Worshipful  Mr.  Saltonstall.  He  built  the  first  mill  about  on  the 
site  of  the  old  stone  mill.  He  had  a  monopoly  of  the  business  and  there 
was  much  complaint  for  many  years  of  the  inadequacy  of  the  accoinmoda- 
tion  afforded.  It  was  proposed  seriously  to  dam  the  river  near  the  present 
Green  St.  Bridge  and  build  another  mill  there.  There  was  dissatisfaction 
with  the  miller  as  well,  and  Mr.  Saltonstall  sent  over  a  new  miller  in  1675, 
Mr.  Michael  Farley.  Anticipating  his  coming  Mr.  Saltonstall  bought  of 
Samuel  Belcher  about  six  rods  of  the  land  he  had  bought  of  Potter,  and 
built  a  house  for  the  miller.  This  house  is  probably  the  one  that  stood 
on  a  triangular  lot,  which  is  now  covered  by  the  large  mill  building. 

The  Saltonstall  family  held  an  interest  in  the  mill  until  1729.  On 
April  2nd  of  that  year,  Richard  and  Nathaniel  Saltonstall  sold  John  Waite 
Jr.,  clothier,  and  Samuel  Dutch,  bricklayer,  their  interest  in  the  MiU  Gar- 
den, in  a  dwelling  and  stable,  in  two  grist  mills,  one  fulling  mill,  one  saw 
mill,  and  a  forty  rod  tract  near  the  mill  (55: 62).  Dutch  sold  his  interest  to 
Waite  Dec.  1,  1729  (56:  156).  John  Waite  conveyed  to  his  brother  Jona- 
dab,  a  part  of  the  Mill  Pastui-e,  and  sold  the  remainder  of  his  half  interest, 
in  land  and  mills  to  Philemon  Dean,  Dec.  1,  1736,  who  sold  in  turn  to  Benj. 
Dutch,  Aug.  15,  1746  (89:  150).  The  Jonadab  Waite  lot,  continued  in  the 
Waite  Family  and  is  still  owned  and  occupied  by  the  heirs  of  Abram  D. 
Waite  ,who  erected  the  brick  dwelling.  The  old  house  it  is  said,  was  near 
the  river. 

Benjamin  Dutch  sold  half  the  Mill  Pasture  to  Michael  Farley,  "the 
other  half  now  belonging  to  Nathaniel  Farley  of  Ipswich"  "beginning  by 
Jonadab  Wait,  by  the  road  northeast  and  northwest  to  a  private  way  to 
the  mills,  and  by  said  way  to  the  River,  reserving  my  interest  in  the  part 
fenced  in  by  Jonadab  Waite  in  1754,"  April  12,  1755(101 :  2.54).  Nathaniel 
Farley  acquired  an  interest  in  the  grist  mills.  The  fulling  mill  became  the 
property  of  Anthony  Loney  and  John  Pinder,who  sold  to  Enoch  Pearson, 
the  fulling  mill  "near  the  southeast  end  of  the  grist  miU  belonging  to  Benja- 
min Dutch  and  Nathaniel  Farley"  (139 : 205, 206, 1772  and  1773).  The  full- 
ing mill  probably  went  out  of  use  as  the   hand  weaving  in   the  weavers' 


shops  all  about  the  Town  gave  place  to  factories  with  power  looms.  Far- 
ley's  Mills  ground  the  grist  for  many  years.  Joseph  Farley,  son  of  Nathan- 
iel was  moved  to  more  ambitious  employment,  and  built  the  old  stone  mill 
for  the  manufacture  of  cotton  cloth.  Felt  says  that  it  began  operations 
in  1880.  In  1832  it  had  3000  spindles  and  fiO  looms.  It  spun  No  30  to 
32  yarn,  used  80,000  lbs.  of  cotton,  made  4r)0,000  yards  of  cloth  a  year, 
worth  from  nine  and  a  half  to  ten  cents.  It  employed  on  an  average 
18  males  and  63  females. 

The  enterprise  became  involved,  as  has  been  mentioned  already.  Far- 
ley conveyed  his  property  to  the  Mill  Co.  Dec.  8,  1836  (294:  153). 
The  Manufacturing  Co.  sold  to  the  Dane  Manufacturing  Co.,  Sept.  7,  1846 
(463:  252).  The  Dane  Manufacturing  Co.  sold  to  Augustine  Heard,  June 
1,  1852  (463:  254).  The  plant  was  purchased  by  Mr.  Amos  A.  Lawrence 
(605:  139;  631:  214;  711:  18)  who  transferred  it  to  the  Ipswich  Mills  Co., 
Jan.  16,  1868  (738:  253).  Mr.  Lawrence  removed  the  cotton  machinery 
and  began  the  inanufacture  of  hosiery.  The  business  was  conducted  at 
a  loss,  but  the  secret  of  successful  manufacture  was  acquired  eventually 
and  the  Mill  Corporation  entered  on  a  career  of  prosperity,  which  has  never 
been  interrupted. 

Reverting  again  to  the  "Garden  at  the  Mill"  or  the  "Mill  Pasture,"  in 
settling  Gen.  Farley's  estate,  there  was  assigned  his  son  Jabez,his  tan-yard, 
and  part  of  the  Mill  Garden,  with  the  slaughter  house  upon  it,  bounded 
northeast  by  John  Wait  and  south  by  the  great  ditch, — the  rest  of  this 
pasture,  an  acre,  was  bestowed  upon  hissonjohn,  1794  (Pro.  Rec.  363:296). 
John  Farley  sold  his  portion  to  his  brother,  Jabez,  Aug.  3,1795  (159:  163). 
Jabez  sold  a  building  lot,  abutting  on  John  Waite  to  Moses  Lord,  Jr., 
Aug.  1,  1797  (171:  201).  He  built  the  house  that  now  occupies  the  lot. 
His  heirs  sold  to  Joseph  L.  Ross,  Dec.  15,  1834  (286:  284),  and  the  Ross 
heirs  still  own. 

A  second  lot  was  purchased  by  Aaron  Jewett,  and  inherited  by  Joseph 
T.  Dodge,  who  married  his  daughter.  Dodge  sold  part  of  his  holding  to 
Joseph  L.  Ross,  Sept.  12,  1866  (713:  6)  and  the  rest  to  Jenness  Towle,  Sept. 
14,  1865  (689:  149)  and  Towle  sold  a  shop  etc.  to  John  P.  Holland,  Oct.  20, 

A  third  lot  was  sold  by  Jabez  Farley,  with  his  bark  mill  and  tannery 
to  Samuel  S.  Farrington,  Feb.  18, 1828  (248: 43).  Suits  against  him  resulted 
in  the  conveyance  of  his  property  to  Robert  Farley  and  George  W.  Heard, 
who  sold  to  Woodbridge  Adams,  Oct.  1,  1840  (320:  274).  Woodbridge 
Adams  conveyed  the  same  to  his  son  Washington,  May  22,  1849  (412:  284) 
and  Washington  Adams  to  Benjamin  Newman,  Sept.  9,  1865(695:  36). 
Mr.  Newman  sold  John  A.  Johnson,  land  for  his  shoe  factory,  Jan.  20,  1870 
(791 :  52).  The  residue  of  the  Mill  Pasture  included  in  the  estate  of  Enoch 
Pearson  was  apportioned  his  daughter  Elizabeth  Farley,  and  descended  to 
her  daughter  Lucy  M.  Farley,  who  sold  to  James  Damon,  June  4,  1866 
(742:  172). 


William  Fuller. 

(Diagram  1.) 
John  Saunders  received  the  original  grant  of  this  lot,  but  the  Town 
Clerk's  record  under  April  20,  1635,  mentions  that  William  Fuller  had  "a 
houselott  he  bought  of  John  Samiders  lyinge  on  the  Mill  Streete,  having 
Mr.  Seawall's  house  lott  on  the  East,  and  Mr.  Saltonstall's  garden  at  the 
Mill  on  the  South."  In  1649,  Thomas  Clark  received  a  grant  of  land  in 
"exchange  for  a  lott  that  lies  at  bridge-foot  which  he  bought  of  William 
Fuller."  It  is  evident  that  the  Town  took  the  Fuller  lot  to  make  the  ap- 
proach to  the  "cart-bridge"  which  spanned  the  River  where  the  Choate 
bridge  stands  today.  The  first  bridge  was  built  in  1646,  and  prior  to  that 
time  all  travel  across  the  river  by  horses  or  wheeled  vehicles  was  at  various 
ford-ways,  which wiU  be  considered  in  their  appropriate  places.  The  Town 
retained  ownership  of  some  part  of  this  land  atleast,  and  there  was  a  public 
way  to  the  River  over  it.  Part  of  the  land  was  eventually  occupied  by  a 
houselot,and  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Brown  was  in  possession  in  1792.  In  that  year 
Dr.  John  Manning  was  granted  a  piece  of  land  for  a  woolen  manufactory, 
"in  front  6  ft.  from  Mrs.  Ehzabeth  Brown's  house,  to  extend  50  ft.  front 
toward  the  well,  and  one  foot  on  the  wall,  and  to  extend  30  ft.  in  back 
toward  the  River."  Dr.  Manning  built  his  factory,  but  asked  for  more 
room  the  next  year,  desiring  the  place  occupied  by  Mrs.  Brown's  house, 
and  stipulating  that  a  passage  way  to  the  river,  24  ft.  wide,  should  be  left 
on  the  westerly  end  of  the  building.  In  1794,  the  Town  granted  him  40 
ft.  of  ground  and  flats,  provided  he  would  build  a  wall  from  the  north 
corner  of  the  northerly  arch  of  the  bridge,  strong  enough  to  ward  off  the 
ice,  and  that  he  satisfy  Elizabeth  Brown  for  the  grotmd  where  her  house 
stands.  The  factory  was  operated  for  a  few  years,  apparently  without 
profit.  Dr.  Manning  sold  Ammi  Smith  the  northwest  end  of  the  build- 
ing, Dec.  5,  1816  (212:  168),  another  section,  Dec.  5,  1818  (218:  251). 
and  the  rest  was  conveyed  to  Smith  by  the  administrator,  Oct.  31,  1825 
(241:260).  Sarah  Whitney  and  others,  representing  the  "Massachusetts 
Woolen  Manufactory,"  finally  sold  their  interest  to  Stephen  Coburn, 
June  11,  1847  (384:  269).  The  Post  Office,  and  various  stores  occupied 
the  building,  which  was  finally  destroyed  by  fire.  The  lot  was  purchased 
by  Wesley  K.Bell,  May  24,  1869(773:252),  who  sold  to  Joseph  Wait, 
May  25,  1869.  Wait  sold  half  the  Coburn  lot  to  Col.  Luther  Caldwell, 
June  17,  1869  (775:143)  and  the  remauider  to  Mrs.  Almira  F.  Caldwell, 
Aug.  23,  1869  (780:118).  Col.  Caldwell  erected  at  once  the  bushiess  block 
that  bears  his  name. 

Henry  Sewall. 

(Diagram   1.) 

Henry  Sewall,  or  Sea  well  or  Say  well,  was  the  grantee  of  the  sightly 
three  acre  lot,  which  includes  the  Parsonage  and  Seminary  lots  and  Mr. 
T.  F.  Cogswell's  homestead.  Its  southeast  bound  was  the  Ipswich  River 
and  William  Fuller's  lot  (Ips.  Deeds  1 :  14).     Mr.  Sewall  was  chiefly  distin- 


guished  for  his  famous  son,  Samuel  Sewall,  the  Judge  of  later  days,  and 
for  his  irritable  temper,  which  brought  him  into  frequent  collisions  with 
the  authorities,  and  frequent  arraignments  before  the  Quarter  Sessions 
Court.  He  removed  to  Newbury,  and  Mr.  Samuel  Symonds,  coming  to 
town  to  make  his  residence,  bought  this  lot  on  the  Gth  day  of  the  1st  month 
of  1637,  with  the  house,  and  about  the  same  time  he  received  a  grant  of  a 
farm  of  five  hundred  acres,  since  called  Olliver's,  a  planting  lot  of  six 
acres,  and  forty  acres  on  the  "hethermost  side  of  Sagamore  hill."  He 
also  bought  the  Argilla  farm  of  three  hundred  and  twenty  acres,  and  land 
on  the  South  side  (Ips.  Deeds  1:  13).  Here  this  distinguished  Judge  and 
Deputy  Governor  made  his  home  for  the  rest  of  his  long  and  useful  life. 
After  his  death,  the  estate  was  divided.  The  lower  part,  including  an 
acre  and  a  half,  extending  to  the  River  on  the  south,  was  sold  by  Wm. 
Symonds,  son  of  the  Dep.  Governor,  to  Jonathan  Wade.  It  was  a  house 
lot, and  the  residence  of  Mr.  Symonds  was  on  the  part  reserved,  April  16, 
1679  (Ips.  Deeds  4:  267).  It  was  sold  by  Jonathan  and  Thomas,  sons  of 
Jonathan  Wade,  to  Elihu  Wardell,  who  had  married  their  sister,  Elizabeth, 
still  unimproved,  March  1,  1701  (30:  152).  Wardell  built  a  residence 
here,  and  in  1716  (Nov.  20)  sold  his  grandson,  Samuel  Dutch,  a  lot  on 
the  west  side  of  his  estate,  eight  rods  front  on  the  Street,  and  four  rods 
deep  (30:  150).  His  son,  Elihu  Wardell,  sold  his  father's  house  and  land, 
about  an  acre,  to  Benjamin  Dutch,  March  2,  1719-20  (37:  106),  and  Dutch 
bought  of  Sanmel  Dutch  the  32  rod  lot,  that  had  been  sold  out  of  the 
original  estate,  April  27,  1719  (37-  108).  Benjamin  Dutch,  saddler,  sold 
the  whole  acre  and  a  half  lot,  with  house,  barn,  etc.  to  Arthur  Abbott, 
cordwainer,  March  6,  1723  (42:  248).  Arthur  Abbott  sold  a  lot,  abutting 
on  the  highway  near  the  Bridge,  about  forty-eight  rods,  to  Samuel  Williams, 
March  29,  1726  (59:  199).  The  WiUiams  lot  came  into  the  possession  of 
Benjamin  Dutch  who  sold  it  with  a  house  and  barn,  to  Nathaniel  Souther, 
Mar.  1,  1756  (103:  225)  andhe  sold  to  Wm.  Dodge,  July  26, 1763  (120: 190). 
It  was  owned  by  Daniel  Newman  in  1766,  and  by  Daniel  Noyes  later. 
Daniel  Noyes  sold  a  small  piece  near  the  Great  Stone  Bridge,  out  of 
his  land  to  Wm.  Dennis,  peruke-maker.  May  24,  1768  (130:  221)  and 
Nathaniel  D.  Dutch  sold  to  Daniel  Dutch  of  Salem  the  house  and  land, 
that  abutted  on  Deacon  Knowlton's,  which  is  still  remembered  by  some 
as  the  old  Dutch  House,  May  15,  1815  (206:263).  Luther  Parks  of 
Boston  sold  to  Augustine  Heard,  the  same  estate,  which  Daniel  Dutch 
conveyed  to  Sally  Parks,  Priscilla  and  Mary  Dutch  in  1830  (257:  251), 
with  all  the  buildings,  Sept.  15,  1847(390:  111). 

Mr.  Abbott  sold  another  lot,  east  of  that  sold  to  Samuel  Williams,  to 
Thom"*  Cross,  5,  1727  (51:  181).  Cross  sold  to  John  Leighton,  June 
7,  1732  (73 :  19).  Leighton  sold  the  lot  with  house  and  barn  to  John  Powers 
Nov.  16,  1747  (95:  186).  Joj^nh  Low,  baker,  succeeded  to  the  ownership 
and  mortgaged  "the  dwelling  ho;"!e,  which  I  lately  built  and  now  live 
in"  "on  the  King's  highway"  to  Tyler  Porter  of  Wenham,  Nov.  30,  1744 
(137:   90).      Porter  foreclosed  and  sold  to  Den  con  Thomas  Knowlton. 


peruke-maker,  a  house  and  an  acre  of  land  Oct.  11,  1791  (154:  120). 
Thomas  Knowlton  sold  to  Charles  Kimball,  Treasurer  of  the  Ipswich 
Academy,  Dec.  20,  1825,  and  forty  shares  at  $50  each  had  been  subscribed 
at  that  date  (407 :  264).  The  Academy  was  built  a  little  to  the  east  of  the 
old  Knowlton  house.  After  a  period  of  indifferent  success,  the  building 
was  leased  to  Miss  Zilpah  Grant,  who  opened  a  Female  Seminary.  Mary 
Lyon  was  associated  with  her,  and  the  School  came  into  great  favor.  Miss 
Lyon  withdrew,  and  after  some  years.  Prof.  John  P.  Cowles  and  his  wife 
Eunice  (Caldwell)  Cowles,  who  had  been  a  pupil  in  the  School  and  a  suc- 
cessful teacher,  leased  the  building  and  continued  the  Seminary,  which 
attained  great  prosperity  under  their  charge.  Prof.  Cowles  eventually 
purchased  the  building  and  the  Dutch  lot  adjoining,  and  removed  the 
old  buildings.  The  brick  block  was  erected  after  his  decease,  when  the 
property  was  sold. 

The  Arthur  Abbott  homestead  was  inherited  by  his  son  Philip  Abbott, 
who  sold  the  house  and  land,  to  Robert  Wallis,  Jan.  17,  1799  (171:  65), 
and  he  to  Dr.  Thomas  Manning  ,who  built  the  mansion,  now  used  as  the 
Parsonage  of  the  First  Church,  Jan.  17,  1799  (185:  146).  He  had  already 
sold  Dr.  Jolm  Manning  land  in  the  rear,  April  20,  1793  (167:  132). 

The  remainder  of  the  Dep.  Governor's  lot,  including  his  mansion,  was 
in  the  possession  of  Mrs.  John  Rogers,  in  1701,  as  is  shown  by  the 
deed  of  Wade  to  Wardell.  Mr.  Hammatt  records  that  John  Rogers  kept 
a  tavern  in  1694  with  the  sign  of  "The  Black  Horse."  It  was  conveyed 
by  John  Rogers,  saddler, to  his  son,  Benjamin,  Dec.  3, 1721  (38:215).  Ben- 
jamin Rogers  divided  the  lot.  The  house  and  land,  he  sold  to  Ammi 
Ruhami  Wise,  shopkeeper,  son  of  the  eminent  Rev.  John  Wise  of  Chebacco, 
Dec.  4,  1723  (41 :  218).  The  remainder,  a  lot  44  feet  on  the  Street  and  46  ft. 
deep,  bounded  by  Dutch's  land  on  the  west,  he  had  sold  to  Patrick  Farrin, 
chirurgeon,  Dec.  14,  1722  (39:  224).  Farrin  sold  this  small  lot  to  Nathaniel 
Smith,  bounded  by  Arthur  Abbott,  west,  June  1,  1733  (63:  169),  and  on 
Dec.  23,  1742,  Wise's  house,  shop,  etc.,  then  occupied  by  John  Whitaker, 
peruke-maker,  were  sold  by  execution  for  debt,  to  John  Smith  and  Thomas 
Newman  (84:  90).  Nathaniel  Smith,  son  of  Nathaniel,  in  a  deed  drawn 
Dec.  14,  1781  (139:  79),  recites  that  his  mother,  Hannah,  widow,  devised 
her  grandchildren,  WilHam  and  Elizabeth  Homans,  one-half  her  dwelling- 
house,  and  in  codicil  made  provision  that  he  should  convey  to  the  same 
all  his  right  and  title  in  the  shop  and  land  adjoyning,  formerly  his  father's, 
Nathaniel  Smith,  and  conveys  to  them  the  piece  his  father  bought  of  Farrin. 
The  Wise  house  and  lot  had  thus  come  into  the  possession  of  the  Smiths 
and  the  original  Rogers  lot,  reunited,  was  sold  by  Wilham  and  Elizabeth 
Homans  of  Beverly  to  Stephen  Lord,  tailor,  and  Jeremiah  Ross,  (Cabinet- 
maker, June  26,  1798  (164:  263).  Lord  sold  his  interest  to  Ross,  Aug. 
30,  1798  (188:  35)  and  Ross  sold  to  Dr.  Thomas  Manning,  Nov.  14,  1799 
(188:  36).  Dr.  Manning  sold  to  Stephen  Lord  again,  Feb.  1810  (212:  211) ; 
Lord  sold  to  Joseph  Wait,  Jan.  8,  1817  (212:  211),  and  his  heirs,  to  Mr. 
Theodore  F.  Cogswell.     Mr.  Cogswell  removed  the  old  house  and  built  the 


iiiaiision  he  now  occupies.     His  lot  occupies  the  eastern  end  of  the  original 
Dep.  Gov.  Synionds's  estate. 

The  ledge  in  front  of  the  old  Seminary  building  was  occupied  by  a 
house  and  shop  for  many  years.  In  1733,  John  Stacey,  being  incapable 
of  labor,  presented  a  petition  to  the  Town,  setting  forth  "that  there  is  a 
convenience  on  the  northerly  side  of  the  Rock  by  Ebenezer  Smith's,  for 
setting  an  house  upon"  and  "praying  he  may  obtain  a  grant  for  setting 
a  house  for  selling  cakes  and  ale  etc.  for  his  livelihood."  This  singular 
request  was  granted  and  he  built  a  house  accordingly.  Mis  widow,  Je- 
mima, sold  the  house  and  land  on  the  Rock,  to  John  Wood,  and  he  con- 
veyed at  once  to  Samuel  Ross,  blacksmith,  April  29,  17.37  (75:  88).  Sam- 
uel Ross  built  a  blacksmith  shop,  and  carried  on  his  trade.  He  sold  his 
dweUing,  barn  and  blacksmith's  shop  to  Samuel  Ross  Jim.,  and  Joseph 
Lakeman  Ross,  Oct.  3,  1794  (160:  105).  Joseph  Lakeman  Ross,  it  has 
been  said,  bougiit  the  Moses  Lord  house  in  1831,  and  removed  tlie  dwelling 
from  tlie  ledge  to  a  place  on  that  lot  where  it  still  stands  next  to  the  Jolm 
Holland  estate. 

William  White. 

(Diagram   1.) 

The  next  lot,  east  or  northeast  of  Mr.  Symonds's  lot  was  owned  by  Wm. 
White,  in  1637,  when  Symonds  bought  his  town-house.  White  sold  his 
house  and  lot  to  Ralph  Dix,  fisherman,  26^^  4th  1648  (Ips.  Deeds  1:  36). 
Thomas  Manning  had  it  later  and  sold  to  John  Appleton  and  Samuel 
Appleton,  Oct.  14,  1653  (Ips.  Deeds  1:  131).  The  Appletons  exchanged 
this  lot  for  the  adjoining  three  acre  lot,  with  house,  barn,  etc.  with  John 
Woodam,  bricklayer,  and  Mary  his  wife,  "as  it  now  lieth  bounded  and 
fenced  to  the  ledge  of  rocks  next  the  meeting  house  green,  from  the 
corner  of  the  lane  from  the  meeting  house  green  leading  to  the  river, 
etc.,"  May  20,  1653  (Ips.  Deeds  1:  132  and  154).  The  property  passed 
into  the  hands  of  Thomas  Bishop. 

When  Bishop  died,  he  left  a  dwelling  house,  two  barns,  wash-house 
etc.,  and  about  six  acres  of  land.  His  will  specified  that,  after  his  wife's 
decease,  his  son  Samuel  should  enjoy  his  dwelling,  with  that  wherein  John 
Sparks  dwelt.  It  was  a  house  for  two  families  and  Sparks  apparently 
kept  an  imi.  But  he  was  warned  out  and  bouglit  the  land  across  the  Street 
and  in  1671,  Samuel  Bishop,  and  his  mother  Margaret, had  their  license 
to  sell  liquors  renewed,  while  a  special  petition  of  the  citizens  procured 
for  John  Sparks  for  the  first  time  his  license  to  sell.  But  the  business 
did  not  prosper,  apparently,  and  Samuel  sold  the  property,  then  occupied 
by  his  brotlier  Thomas  and  himself,  to  Simon  Lynde  of  Boston.  The  land 
was  boimded  by  Reginald  Foster  and  Capt.  Appleton,  east,  and  the 
Deputy  Governor,  west,  and  included  the  land  originally  owned  by 
White,  Dix,  and  others,  June  6,  1673  (Ips.  Deeds  3:  268). 

Hannah  Bigg  of  Boston,  widow  and  executrix  of  John  Bigg,  and  one 
of  the  (laughters  of  Mr.  Simon  Lynd  of  Boston.  decea.sed,  sold  Symonds 


Epes,  this  property,  with  a  house  and  land  adjoining  (in  the  rear  appar- 
ently), formerly  occupied  by  one  Mr.  Berry,  a  dyer,  Oct.  8,  1691  (Ips. 
Deeds  5:423).  Major  Symonds  Epes  was  son  of  Daniel  Epes  of  'Castle 
Hill.  His  mother,  Elizabeth,  was  Dep.  Gov.  Symonds's  daughter,  and  his 
grandmother  liecame  the  Governor's  wife.  His  brothers,  Samuel  and 
Daniel,  were  Harvard  graduates.  Daniel  was  the  eminent  Salem  school 
master.  The  Major  was  a  Justice,  as  well,  and  meml^er  of  the  Governor's 
Council,  1724-1734.  His  daughter  Elizabetli  marrried  Edward  Eveleth, 
and  the  same  year  they  were  married,  he  sold  Eveleth  his  homestead. 
It  now  included  eight  acres  and  was  bounded  by  Saddler  Rogers'sland,  and 
Col.  Jo.  Appleton's,  Dec.  5,  1715  (29:273).  Daniel  Eveleth,  .son  of 
Edward,  sold  to  Nathaniel  Treadwell,  Nov.  3,  1761  (109:  278).  It  was 
inherited  by  Moses  Treadwell.  The  land  reached  down  to  the  Cove,  and 
included  a  portion  of  the  County  property  about  the  House  of  Correction. 

Moses  Treadwell  sold  the  County  of  Essex,  a  piece  of  land  28  ft.  square, 
at  the  north  corner  of  his  homestead.  May  27,  1816  (215:  242).  The  widow 
Susanna  Kendall,  sold  a  plot  23  l)y  28  ft.,  May  2S,  1816  (215:  241)  and 
the  County  proceeded  to  erect  the  brick  building,  used  for  a  Probate  Office 
for  many  years.  ^  It  was  sold  by  the  County  to  Agawam  Lodge  of  Odd 
Fellows,  Dec.  26,  1867  (739:  246).  The  Treadwell  heirs  sold  the  house 
and  land  to  the  Trustees  of  the  Public  Library,  July  11,  1865  (686:  160) 
and  the  Lil)rary  building  was  built  on  this  lot. 

After  the  extension  of  County  Street  and  the  stone  bridge  were  built, 
four  and  three  quarters  acres  adjoining  the  House  of  Correction  lot  were 
sold  by  the  Treadwell  heirs  to  Aaron  Cogswell,  April  23,  1862  (636:287- 
288).     He  sold  to  the  County,  May  5,  1862  (636:  289). 

John  Jackson. 

(Diagram  1.) 

The  lot  on  the  corner  of  Green  St.  and  the  Green  was  granted  apparently 
to  John  Hassall,  but  Jackson  was  in  possession  in  1647.  Wm.  White  mar- 
ried his  widow,  Catherine,  and  appropriated  his  belongings,  and  in  due 
time,  they  sold  to  John  West,  who  sold  to  John  Woodam  a  dwelling-house 
and  lot,  also  a  house  lot  of  an  acre,  also  another  half  acre  lot,  June  28,  1649 
(Ips.  Deeds  1:  65).  Woodam  also  owned  part  of  a  house  lot,  bought  of 
Thomas  Manning,  a  portion  of  Mr.  Symonds's  house  lot,  which  was  conveyed 
by  him  to  secure  perpetual  maintenance  of  the  division  fence,  13-8-1653 
(Ips.  Deeds  1:  127).  All  this  property,  except  the  small  corner  lot,  was 
exchanged  with  the  Appletons,  as  has  been  mentioned.  The  extreme 
corner,  a  four  rod  lot  with  house,  he  sold  to  John  Procter  Sen.  and  William 
Fellows,  bounded  southeast  by ' '  Ma.ster  Appleton  's  lot, ' '  Aug.  23, 1666  (Ips. 
Deeds  4:  75).  Joseph  and  Benjamin  Procter,  sons  of  John,  deceased,  sold 
their  interest  to  the  executors  of  Fellows,  Dec.  21,  1676  (Ips.  Deeds  4:75-6). 
Ephraim,  Samuel  and  Ruth  Fellows,  widow  of  Joseph,  sold  the  lot,  to 

'  For  a  history  of  tlie  building  see  Publicatious  ot  tlie  Ipswich  Historical  Society, 
Xo,  n. 


William  Fellows,  Jan.  7,  1694  (29:  136).  Fellows  sold  to  Major  Epes 
March  29,  1708,  and  Epes  sold  to  John  Whipple,  Philemon  Dean  and 
Joseph  Whipple,  committee.  The  bounds  are  interesting  —  "on  the  S.  E. 
side  the  Appleton  lot,  the  S.  W.  end,  land  of  Epes,  on  N.  W.  side,  the 
Green,  extending  almost  to  the  Great  Rock  behind  the  Town  House,  and 
on  the  N.  E.  end  by  the  highway,  commonly  called  the  Major's  Lane,  etc". , 
Mar.  15,  1713  (39:  219).  The  Great  Rock  is  remembered,  a  lofty  pinnacle, 
which  was  blasted  down  many  years  ago.  The  name,  Major's  lane,  ap- 
plied to  Green  St.,  may  have  l)een  derived  from  Major  Gen.  Denison,  who 
lived  on  the  east  side  of  the  lane  or  from  Major  Samuel  Appleton,  who 
may  luive  lived  on  the  lot  adjoining  the  corner.  It  is  fre(iuently  called 
"  Master  Appleton's  lot,"  as  if  the  dweller  then  were  a  schoolmaster.  In 
1700,  some  lots  for  horsesheds  were  granted  on  Meeting  House  Green 
"against  the  orchard  fence  where  Mr,  Samuel  Appleton  lives,  beginning 
about  two  rods  from  ye  lane  corner  upwards  to  Mr.  Appleton's  Barn,"' 

The  Hon.  John  Appleton,  Judge  of  Probate,  owned  the  whole  corner, 
including  a  small  house,  and,  by  his  will,  provided  that  his  widow  should 
liave  the  use  of  this  portion  of  his  estate,  but  it  was  bestowed  eventually 
on  his  daughters,  Elizabeth,  the  wife  of  Rev.  Jabez  Fitch,  then  of  Ports- 
mouth and  Margaret,  ^Adfe  of  Edward  Augustus  Holyoke,  President  of 
Harvard  College.  The  wiU  specifies  that  it  was  "known  by  the  name  of 
Louds  and  Fosters  Lotts,  bounded  by  the  land  of  Mr.  Edward  Eveleth 
on  the  south,  the  River  on  the  east,  the  highway  on  north  and  north- 
west" (Pro.  Records  324:  1,2,  1739).  Mr.  Holyoke,  acting  for  the  owners, 
conveyed  this  land  to  John  Smith  and  Jolm  Hodgkins.  Smith  purchased 
three  and  one  half  acres  with  a  small  dwelling  abutting  on  the  Green  and 
Green  Lane,  and  Hodgkins  had  three  and  one  half  acres,  now  included  in 
the  County  land,  bounded  on  the  east  by  a  half  acre  "  belonging  to  Daniel 
Appleton,  lying  between  the  afore  granted  premises  and  the  River, "  April 
15,  1756  (103:85,86). 

Capt.  John  Smith,  who  was  a  man  of  wealth,  and  o'waied  Smith's  Island, 
Fish  Island,  Candlewood  Island,  and  had  interests  in  Grape  Island,  devised 
this  corner  lot  to  his  son,  Samuel,  and  made  provision  for  his  education 
at  college,  1768  (345:  30). 2  Samuel, then  a  Physician,  at  Hampton,  sold 
to  Ephraini  Kendall,  April  29,  1782  (139:  135).  In  the  settlement  of  the 
Kendall  estate,  this  plot  was  assigned  to  Ruth,  wife  of  George  Jenkins, 
and  they  sold  to  Moses  Treadwell,  May  25,  1825  (238:  104).  The  heirs  of 
Moses  Treadwell  conveyed  to  Charles  Kimball,  Aug.  23,  1845  (358:  208), 
who  sold  to  Essex  County,  July  10,  1847  (385:  112).  In  1860,  County 
St.  was  laid  out  across  the  County  land  and  the  stone  bridge  by  the  Lower 
Mill  was  built.  As  this  cut  off  part  of  the  County  land,  the  County  sold 
the  corner,  233  ft.  on  Green  St.  and  283  ft.  deep,  to  N.  P .  Wait,  W.  H.  Graves, 
and  J.  M.  Wellington  for  the  Methodist  Church,  July  16,  1859  (591:  24). 
Mr.  Wait  purchased  the  lot  on  the  corner  and  erected  his  dwelling  there. 

'  They  occupied  probably  the  aiicieiit  four  roil  lumse  lot,  which  Williiini  Fellows 
conveyed  to  n  Committee  of  the  Town  appjireutly,  in  1708  as  mentioned  above. 
"  Pro.Rec. 


Robert  Kinsman,  Samuel  Hall,  Richard  Brown,  William  Avery. 

(Diagram  1.) 

We  observed  that  in  John  Appleton's  will,  mention  was  made  of  the 
Loud  and  Foster  lots,  which  were  included  in  the  seven  acres  he  left  to  his 
daughters.  The  name  of  Foster  helps  to  locate  a  house  of  the  earliest 
times  as  it  is  probably  Reginald  Foster,  whose  lot  is  meant,  and  Reginald 
Foster's  lot  is  frequently  given  as  a  bound  of  the  Appleton. 

On  the  27th  of  July,  1G38,  Richard  Lumpkin  sold  John  Tuttell,  a 
house  and  lot .  "near  the  great  Cove  of  the  Town  River,  with  Wm.  Avery's 
lot  on  the  southwest,  Robert  Kinsman's  lot  on  the  northwest,  the  Town 
River  on  the  southeast,  houselot  of  Samuel  Hall's  on  east  (t.  e.  northeast) 
the  house  built  by  Richard  Brown  now  of  Newbury,  sold  to  Mr.  Richard 
Saltonstall,  and  sold  by  him  to  Lumpkin."  John  Tuttell  sold  this  to 
Reginald  Foster,  26  Sept.  1638,  "lying  near  the  great  Cove,  beneath  the 
Falls  of  the  Town  River"  (Town  Record,  1638). 

In  the  record  of  grants,  Robert  Kinsman  had  an  acre,  with  Richard 
Lumkin's  houselot  on  the  southwest  and  John  Jackson  on  the  west.  John 
Jackson,  we  know,  owned  the  lot  on  the  corner  of  Green  Lane  and  Meet- 
ing House  Green. 

In  1653,  the  deed  of  John  Woodam  to  John  and  Samuel  Appleton,  of 
a  house  and  three  acres  describes  the  lot,  "from  the  corner  of  the  lane  afore- 
said to  the  house  lot  of  Reonald  Foster,  and  so  over  to  the  house  lot  of 
the  widow  Averill,  and  thence  to  the  corner  of  the  rockwall  aforesaid 
♦next  the  Meeting  House  Green"  (Ips.  Deeds  1 :  132  and  154). 

The  widow  Averill  was  also  the  eastern  abutter  of  a  neighboring  lot, 
which  Thomas  Manning  had  sold  the  Appletons.  The  lot  may  be  located 
in  a  general  way  on  the  Cove,  not  far  from  the  County  St.  Bridge,  and  the 
Lumpkin-Foster  house  stood  next  toward  the  east.  The  Foster  lot  ex- 
tended out  to  Green  Lane  in  1653,  though  it  had  no  such  bound  in  1638, 
and  the  acre  lot  of  Robert  Kinsman  had  probably  been  added  to  the  origi- 
nal lot.  How  was  access  had  to  the  Averill  lot  and  these  others?  Again, 
in  1691,  when  the  Simon  Lynde  estate  was  sold  to  Symonds  Epes,  the 
six  acres  in  this  lot  were  bounded  by  the  Meeting  House  Green  north,  the 
River  south,  Reginald  Foster  and  Captain  .\ppleton  east,  and  the 
deed  of  sale  included  another  house  and  lot,  formerly  in  the  occupation 
of  Mr.  Berry  (a  dyer),  which  was  bounded  by  Capt.  Appleton's  northeast 
and  on  all  other  sides  by  the  six  acres  (Ips.  Deeds  5:  423). 

There  was  some  public  way  to  these  rear  lots  by  the  Cove.  Possible 
reference  to  this  way  may  be  found  in  the  record  of  Mar.  1685,  that  Thomas 
Low  bought  of  the  Town,  "two  acres  with  a  town  way  through  it,  bounded 
by  his  own  land  southerly,  by  tlie  Conmion  northeast,  Goodman  Reginald 
Foster's  southeast,  and  Robert  Kinsman's  southwest."  This  may  have 
been  in  Chebacco,  however.  More  definite  allusion  to  an  old  way  along  the 
Cove  is  found  in  the  deed  of  sale  of  a  piece  of  land,  about  half  an  acre, 
which  still  belonged  to  the  Commoners  in  1722.  By  vote  of  Mar.  21 ,  1722, 
a  Committee  of  the  Town  was  instructed  to  sell  several  parcels,  belonging 


to  the  Commoners,  and  this  lot  was  sold  by  them  to  Daniel  Appleton. 
bounded  by  Col.  Jolin  Appleton 's  land  on  one  side,  the  River  on  the  other, 
Green  Lane  east  and  Edward  Eveleth's  land  west,  April  25,  1723(42:25). 
Appleton  sold  this  to  Abner  Harris,  Dec.  7,  1757  (106:  241).  Harris's 
administrator  sold  to  John  Hodgkins  4th,  May  24,  1787  (155:  190),  and 
Moses  Treadwell  sold  an  acre  lot,  including  this,  to  James  Safford,  April 
7,  1818,  "reserving  any  right  that  the  Town  of  Ipswich  may  have  of  tow- 
ing or  tracking  vessels  or  boats  up  and  down  the  river,  or  passing  over 
the  land  for  that  purpose"  (222:  202).  Evidently  there  was  an  ancient 
way,  continuous  from  Water  St.  and  houses  were  built  along  its  course. 
More  than  this.  Green  Lane  was  anciently  known  as  Bridge  Lane.  Thomas 
Scott  had  a  house  lot  "lying  to  the  lane  called  Bridge  Lane,  near  the  meet- 
ing house, ' '  the  house  lot  of  Philip  Fowler,  southeast  and  Humphrey  Brad- 
street  northwest  (Town  Record  1640).  This  lot  was  on  the  corner  of 
County  St.  and  Green  St.  where  the  Baker  house  stands.  But  there  was 
never  a  bridge  at  the  foot  of  this  Street  until  a  few  years  ago,  and  there  was 
beyond  doubt  a  foot-bridge  that  crossed  the  river,  where  the  Island  on 
which  the  saw  mill  stands,  made  an  easy  span.  Foot-travel  was  by  way 
of  the  Lane,  and  this  ancient  river  path,  over  the  foot-bridge  to  the  South 
side.  In  later  years,  John  Hodgkins 's  will  bestowed  his  three  and  one  half 
acres  on  the  widow,  his  son  John  Jr.  and  his  daughters  Elizabeth  Perkins 
and  Salome  Dennis,  1797  (Pro.  Rec.  367:  504). 

John  Dennis  and  Salome  sold  their  one  and  one  half  acre  lot  to  Essex 
Co.  in  1803  (173:98)  and  the  Stone  Jail  was  built  on  this  land.  Isaac 
Stanwood,  grandson  of  Hodgkins,  inherited  another  lot,  which  he  sold  to 
Isaac  Stanwood  Jr.,  an  acre, Dec.  11, 1817  (217:  42)  and  he  to  the  County, 
Nov.  15,  1850  (438:  187).  This  was  northwest  of  the  Jail.  Jolin  Perkins 
inherited  his  mother 's  portion,  and  sold  one  and  one  quarter  acres  to  James 
Safford,  on  the  southeast  side  of  the  Jail,  May  18, 1822  (229:  270).  Safford 's 
earlier  purchase  from  Treadwell  has  been  mentioned.  He  built  his  modest 
house  by  the  River,  but  disposed  of  his  land  in  1833,  Feb.  1,  to  Frederic 
Mitchell  (268 :  45) .  Mitchell  sold  to  the  County,  May  1 ,  1834,  reserving  the 
spot  occupied  by  Safford's  house  (275:  21). ^  This  was  removed  across  the 
way  to  another  lot  owned  by  the  County,  and  the  sixteen  poles  of  land  were 
transferred  to  the  County,  Mar.  1 ,  1859  (584 :  177).  The  land  of  the  Tread- 
well estate  which  bounded  the  County  land  on  the  south  was  purchased  as 
has  been  already  said,  of  Aaron  Cogswell,  who  boiight  of  the  Treadwell 
heirs  in  1862.    (636:287-289). 

William  Warner. 

(Diagram  2.) 
Returning  to  the  ancient  Bridge  Street  or  Scott's  Lane,  we  find  that 
the  land  now  included  in  the  freight  yard  of  the  B.  &  M.  R.R.  and  the  house 
lot  occupied  by  tlie  "Stocker' '  house  was  granted  as  house  lots  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  settlement. 

'  The  House  of  Correction  was  built  ou  this  lot. 

D  I  A  G  R  A  r^i        Mo       Z 


The  acre  lot  on  the  corner  of  the  Lane,  known  as  Baker's  Lane,  was 
granted  to  Wni.  Warner,  1636.  Edward  Chapman  owned  in  1667  and  sold 
Edward  Lummus  "my  dwelling  house  wherein  sd  Lummns  dwells"  with 
barn  and  one  and  one  quarter  acres,  "the  Street  called  Mill  St.  toward 
southwest,  and  the  house  and  land  of  widow  Stacy  southeast,"  March  2, 
1667  (Ips.  Deeds  5:  190).  Edward  Lomas  conveyed  to  his  son,  Jonathan, 
his  homestead,  house,  barn  and  an  acre  of  land,  and  twelve  acres  purchased 
of  Mr.  Cogswell,  May  25,  1682  (Ips.  Deeds  4:  466).  His  will  (Ips.  Deeds 
4:  476)  states  that  the  twelve  acres  were  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
Street.  Jonathan  Liimas  sold  Daniel  Rogers,  schoolmaster,  "the  house 
in  which  he  now  dwells"  with  two  acres,  Thos.  Wait's  homestead  south- 
east, June  18,  1712  (25:1). 

This  lot  came  into  the  possession  of  the  Waits.  Marv  Wait  sold 
Robert  Stocker  Jr.,  a  half  acre,  March  12,  1792  (155:  191)  on  which  he 
built  the  house  still  called  the  Stocker  house.  Mary  R.  Kimball,  the 
widow  of  John  Stalker,  sold  to  George  B.  Brown,  the  lot  on  which  he 
buUt  a  grist  mill,  Jan.  12,  1881  (1055:  187).  She  sold  the  house  and 
land  to  Bridget  Murray,  Oct.  11,  1881  (1069:  261). 

Symon  Stace. 

(Diagram  2.) 
Symon  Stace  received  a  grant  of  the  lot  on  the  southeast  of  Warner  in 
1637.  His  son,  Symon,  we  infer  from  previous  mention  of  the  "widow 
Stace,"  sold  the  house,  barn,  and  an  acre  of  land  to  Thomas  Waite, 
Feb.  7,  1673  (Ips.  Deeds  3:  297).  This  lot  was  united  with  the  Warner 
lot,  as  has  been  stated. 

Mark  Quilter. 

(Diagram  2.) 
An  acre  lot,  described  as  "opposite  Allen  Perley's,"  was  granted  to 
Mark  Quilter,  and  recorded  in  1638.  His  son,  Joseph,  succeeded  and  his 
heirs  sold  a  house  and  six  acres  of  land  to  Dr.  Samuel  WaUis,  April  4, 
1724  (43:  117).  His  daughter,  the  Avidow  Sarah  Rust,  inherited  and  her 
heirs  in  turn.  Jolin  Cole  Jewett  and  his  wife,  Elizabeth,  quitclaimed  their 
interest  in  the  buildings  and  three  acres  "known  as  Quilter 's  lot"  to  Moses 
Smith,  April  17, 1789(157:  163).  It  is  now  included  in  the  B.  &  M.  R.R. 
land  and  the  Burke  shoe  factory  lot.  The  cellar  was  near  the  brick  build- 
ing of  tlie  Burke  factory. 

John  Wyatt. 

(Diagram  2.) 

He  owned  a  house  lot  in  1638  and  the  Town  Record  describes  it  as 
"lying  in  Bridge  Street  and  butting  upon  the  south  end  upon  the  same 
street,  having  a  house  lott  of  Mr.  Norton's  on  the  east,  and  a  house  lott 
of  Mark  Quilters  on  the  west. ' '     It  was  included  in  the  Quilter  lot  in  1717. 


John  Norton. 

(Diagram  2.) 
The  Rev.  John  Norton,  Teacher  of  the  Ipswich  Church,  received  a 
grant  of  three  acres, called  a  "house  lot"  in  the  record  of  grants,  but  later 
"a  pasture."  It  was  a  low  swampy  lot,  and  could  never  have  been  used 
for  building  purposes.  It  was  on  "the  lower  side  of  the  Mill  St.,"  with 
the  Street  southwest,  Christopher  Osgood  northeast,  John  Wyatt  northwest, 
and  "southeast  by  the  several  house  lots  of  Richard  Lumkin,  Robert 
Crane  and  the  3d  lot  ungranted."  This  was  inherited  by  William  Norton, 
l^rother  of  John,  and  conveyed  by  him  to  his  son,  the  Reverend  John 
Norton,  Pastor  at  Hingham,  Sept.  28,  1682  (Ips.  Deeds  4:  469).  Joseph 
Quilter  acquired  possession  and  conveyed  to  Michael  Farley,  measuring  15 
rods  on  the  street,  in  exchange  for  another  lot,  Sept.  20,  1710  (22:  204). 
John  Treadwell  owned  in  1753.  Capt.  Jolm  Lord  owned,  and  Wm.  G. 


Richard  Lumkin. 

(Diagram  2.) 

Referring  to  the  bounds  of  the  Norton  pasture,  it  will  be  seen  that, 
in  1638,  there  were  three  lots  on  Market  St.,  as  it  is  now  called,  owned  by 
Richard  Lumkin,  Robert  Crane,  and  one  unassigned.  The  Robert  Crane 
lot,  as  will  be  seen,  is  probably  identical  with  the  Daniel  Warner  lot  of 
later  years.  Lumkin  cannot  be  definitely  located,  but  probably  owned 
the  corner,  known  familiarly  as  Damon's  Corner.  Daniel  Warner  owned 
this  lot  in  1682  and  Isaac  Littlehale  was  its  possessor  in  1710  (22:  204) 
John  Littlehale  of  Dracut  transferred  to  Joseph  Littlehale  of  Gloucester 
"the  estate  in  Ipswich  by  virtue  of  my  father's  will,  on  the  occasion  of 
the  death  of  my  brother  James  Littlehale,"  March  1,  1727-8  (51:  37). 

Joseph  Littlehale  sold  Emerson  Cogswell,  an  acre  with  house  and  barn, 
Dec.  2,  1731  (98:  151).  Cogswell  mortgaged  to  Samuel  Grant  and  widow 
Anne  Holmes,  Dec.  8,  1753  (100:  219).  The  mortgagees  conveyed  it  to 
Thomas  Burnham,  Jan.  30,  1760  (108:  79)  and  it  continued  in  the  Burn- 
ham  family  until  1833,  when  Chas.  Kimball,  administrator  of  Thomas  Burn- 
ham,  sold  the  equity  of  redemption  of  a  mortgage  to  George  W.  Heard, 
Oct.  10, 1833  (282 :  163) .  George  W.  Heard  sold  to  George  Warner,  a  frame 
work  knitter,  March  15,  1836  (289:  175)  and  Warner  to  Caleb  K.  Moore, 
bounded  on  the  southwest  by  "Back  Lane,"  August  14,1838(307:269). 
Moore  sold  part  of  the  lot  to  James  and  Sanford  Peatfield,  Nov.  6, 1840(321 : 
150).  They  erected  the  brick  building  which  was  used  by  a  Company  for 
the  manufacture  of  machine  knit  goods.  It  is  now  known  as  Hayes  Tavern. 
The  Peatfield  lot  also  included  the  land  occupied  by  the  Gas  Works.  Moore 
mortgaged  to  Jeremiah  Smith,  June  28,  1855  (515:  188)  and  surrendered 
the  property  to  him  June  30,  1857  (554:  220).  Smith  sold  to  Curtis  Damon, 
July  19,  1865  (649:  56).     Mr.  Damon  removed  to  this  corner  the  old  Court 

MARKET    ST.    AND    NORTH    MAIN    ST.,    NORTH    SIDE.  341 

House  which  stood  near  the  Meeting  House  of  the  Methodist  church.  It 
was  burned  some  years  ago. 

The  small  lot  of  John  B.  Lamson  was  bought  by  him  from  Jeremiah 
Smith,  May  li,  1858  (570:  226).  The  building  on  the  premises  was  moved 
there,  and  the  low  and  wet  nature  of  the  location  is  indicated  by  the  fact, 
that  the  building  was  set  up  on  blocks,  and  workmen  walked  under  the 
building  thus  supported,  in  building  up  the  foundation.  An  open  spring 
on  this  lot  was  used  for  watering  cattle,  but  the  water  in  the  well  on  the 
spot  is  now  some  fourteen  feet  below  the  street  level.  The  whole  neighbor, 
hood  was  very  low,  and  the  meadow  land  adjoining,  now  drained  and  oc- 
cupied, was  originally  a  swamp  of  alders. 

The  lot  on  Market  St.  next  the  corner,  perhaps  a  part  of  the  original 
corner  lot,  was  sold  by  John  Warner,  administrator  of  his  father,  John 
Warner,  to  Samuel  Waite,  clothier,  with  a  house  and  barn  on  the  half  acre 
lot,  March  20,  1735  (92:  73).  Arthur  Abbott  sold  Thos.  Burnham  "all 
that  messuage  I  lately  bought  of  Samuel  Waite,"  June  7,  1744  (92:  65). 
Judith,  widow  of  Thomas  Burnham  4th  and  other  heirs,  sold  to  Moses 
Goodhue,  March  2,  1793  (158:  115).  Goodhue  sold  to  Joseph  Chapman, 
with  77  ft.  frontage,  Oct.  1,  1812  (198:  211),  and  the  widow  Hannah  Chap- 
man to  James  Damon,  Nov.  2,  1866  (714:  1).  Mr.  Damon  sold  a  strip  of 
this  estate  to  Josiah  H.  Mann,  March  23,  1867  (722:  29)  and  a  small  piece 
more  the  next  year  (768:  265).  Mr.  Mann  erected  a  building  and  sold  to 
Harriet  E.  Lord,  wife  of  Daniel  Lord,  March  27,  1870  (874:  154).  The 
remainder  of  the  Chapman  lot  was  inherited  by  Fred  Damon  and  sold  by 
his  widow  to  Mrs.  Aim  Hayes,  July  2,  1885  (1153:  112).  She  conveyed 
to  Isaac  J.  and  Jolm  M.  Potter,  April  24,  1886  (1172:  74)  and  they  to  George 
G.  Young,  who  erected  the  building,  April  18,  1890  (1275:  255). 

The  lot  now  occupied  by  the  blacksmith  shop  was  originally  part  of 
the  Warner- Waite  lot.  During  Burnham 's  ownership  of  it,  he  sold  a 
half  acre  to  Nathaniel  Heard,  whose  homestead  was  on  the  site  of  the  Lind- 
berg  house.  Thomas  Dennis  sold  this  to  his  sister  Mary  Dennis,  "the 
same  conveyed  by  Thomas  Burnham  3d  to  Nathaniel  Heard,  on  May  13, 
1797"  May  12,  1831  (262:  40).  Mary  Dennis  sold  to  Gilbert  Conant,  Nov. 
17,  1834  (289:  180).  Conant  sold  to  Daniel  P.  Nourse,  Aug.  27, 1836  (298: 
105),  Nourse  to  Samuel  P.  Guilford,  May  21,  1844  (343:  261).  Guilford 
built  and  occupied  the  Lindberg  house  and  also  the  blacksmith  shop  on 
this  site,  now  owned  by  J.  Albert  Smith. 

Robert  Crane. 

(Diagram  2.) 
The  lot  on  Market  St.  which  was  granted  to  Robert  Crane,  was 
owned  by  Daniel  Warner  in  1666.  Part  of  tlie  lot  was  sold  by  Philemon 
Warner,  a  half  acre  with  dweUing,  blacksmith's  shop  and  barn,  to  Jona- 
than Prince,  Sept.  8,  1710  (21:  227).  Prince  disposed  of  the  property  to 
John  Heard  Jun.,  May  1,  1776  (134:  262.)  John  Heard,  Junior,  the  son 
of  John,  presumably,  sold  part  of  the  homestead  to  Moses  Lord  Jr.,  chair 


maker,  Dec.  21,  1790  (152:  239)  the  -widow  Abigail  Heard  occupying  a 
tenement  in  the  house.  Nathaniel  Heard,  administrator  of  John  Heard 
Jr.,  sold  the  southwest  end  of  the  dwelUng  to  Richard  Manning,  clotliier, 
Oct.  10,1798(164:  151).  Aaron  Kimball  acquired  an  interest  in  the  estate 
prior  to  1797,  and  Captain  Robert  Kimball  purchased  of  William  Heard, 
the  same  that  he  had  bought  of  Moses  Lord,  by  deed  of  April  18,  1835, 
May  11, 1836  (291 :  290).  Captain  Kimball  built  the  present  dwelling,  now 
owned  and  occupied  by  his  heirs.  One  portion  of  the  original  house  was 
removed  by  Ephraim  Harris,  the  builder  of  the  new  structure,  to  his  own 
land  on  Mineral  St.,  and  incorporated  in  the  house  that  stands  on  the 
north  corner  of  Mineral  and  Central  Sts. 

Daniel  Warner  conveyed  to  his  son  in  law  Edmund  Heard  and  his 
daughter,  Elizabeth,  wife  of  Heard,  the  use  of  the  northeast  end  of  his  house 
and  provided  that  after  his  decease,  "all  my  said  dwelling  house  and  out- 
houses, that  shall  be  then  standing  upon  the  house  lott  that  was  my 
unckles,  reserving  still  the  privilege  of  the  right  of  commonage,  and  the 
most  of  the  house  lot  that  was  Robert  Crane's,  .  .  .  provided  he  pay  10£ 
each  to  his  son,  W'iUiam  Warner  and  his  daughters,  Abigail  and  Susanna," 
Sept.  10,  1675  (Ips.  Deeds  4:45).  Edmimd  Heard  built  a  new  house  on 
the  estate  prior  to  1715,  as  the  conveyances  reveal.  He  left  tliree  sons, 
Edmund,  Nathaniel  and  Daniel.  Edmund,  "having  purchased  by  right 
of  redemption  all  the  estate  of  my  honored  father,  Edmund  Heard,  deceased, 
and  part  of  the  same  belonging  to  my  brothers  Nathaniel  and  Daniel," 
conveyed  to  Nathaniel,  "the  southwest  end  of  the  old  dwelling  house 
where  he  now  dwells  and  half  ye  shop  and  one  third  part  of  the  land  or 
homestead."  This  old  house  stood  on  the  site  of  the  Jeremiah  Smith 
house,  and  the  land  included,  measured  3^  rods  6  ft.  from  Jonathan 
Prince's,  now  Kimball's,  line.  To  Daniel,  he  conveyed  the  northeast  end 
of  the  house  he  then  occupied,  "the  old  house,"  with  equal  part  of  shop 
and  land,  and  the  same  frontage,  Sept.  12,  1715  (30:  80).  The  new  house 
he  reserved  for  himself. 

Dan  el  Heard  sold  his  interest  in  the  old  Edmund  Heard  house  to 
Nathaniel,  May  1,  1758.  Samuel,  son  of  Deacon  Daniel  Heard,  inherited 
a  portion  from  his  son  Benjamin  Heard,  and  sold  a  part  of  the  house  to 
Samuel,  Jr.,  and  Ebenezer  Heard,  May  19,  1803  (174:  228,  229).  John 
Heard  sold  Gilbert  Conant,  a  schoohnaster,  the  house  and  half  an  acre, 
July  15,  1834  (289:  179).  Conant  conveyed  to  Capt.  Joseph  Gardner,  July 
1,  1843  (338:  188);  Gardner  to  the  widow  Elizabeth  Boardman,  July  24, 
1852  (465:  16) ;  her  heirs  to  Jeremiah  Smith,  July  21,  1862  (641 :  42).  The 
present  dwelling  cannot  be  identified  with  the  old  house,  but  the  date  of 
its  erection  is  not  known.  Edmund  Heard  sold  his  house,  probably  the 
one  built  as  we  have  mentioned,  before  1715,  to  Jabez  Treadwell,  cooper, 
Nov.  23,  1761  (119:  117).  His  heirs  sold  to  Jabez  Farley,  Jan.  20,  1792 
(154:  167)  and  the  estate  remained  in  the  Farley  ownership  until  its 
recent  purchase  by  Mr.  John  W.  Goodhue. 

Edmimd  Heard  sold  Robert  Potter,  a  tailor,  a  small  plot,  about  2^ 


i^iuH-  ? 



L  k:«  1«  v; '•>'■•;.*  1  =    ■ 

I     -.r=J  5s  V-*  ■*  -  *    '-; 






h. ' 


,  I  ^i.^* 


An  ancient  map,  made  in  1717,  showing  the  houses  and  house 
lots  on  Market  Street  and  Washington  Street,  and  the  ancient 
foot-way,  which  had  been  obstructed  by  Capt.  Beamsley 
Perkins.  Photographed  from  the  original,  now  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  Essex  Institute. 

The  long  note  appended  to  the  map  is  as  follows: 
Some  part  of  this  draught  was  done  by  rule  so  as  to  be  suffi- 
cient to  shew  wliat  was  it  petioned  for.  Manning's  lot,  in 
wliich  is  the  compass,  as  record  said,  bath  Sherard's  lot  nor  east- 
erly, the  highway  so  westerly,  which  must  needs  be  ment  the 
way  leading  from  Scot's  Lane  up  to  Quilter's  house  and  barn, 
which  barn  stands  on  Manning's  lot  and  so  according  to  the 
draught  runs  into  the  lane  called  Finder's  lane  (by  Graves  land) 
comes  into  the  broad  common  called  Meeting  House  green,  where 
the  meeting  house  is.  These  lots  here  marked  out  and  the  houses 
on  them  lying  southeasterly  of  the  way  petioned  for  were  .set  as 
was  accounted  when  granted  for  number  of  acres,  but  being  much 
more  may  not  suit  right  standing  by  what  here  is  done  by  rule, 
for  that  was  done  to  signify  how  far  to  the  meeting  house  it  is 
either  to  go  in  the  lane  by  Baker's  or  in  Scot's  Lane  up  to  the 
meeting  house  further  than  in  the  way  petioned  for,  for  from  the 
brook  against  French's  comer  it  is  thirty  rods  that  the  way  is 
stop't,  22  rod  of  ye  thirty  is  fenced  out  and  apple  trees  in  some 
part  set  where  we  used  the  way  to  go  to  meeting,  as  our  prede- 
cessors did  before  us,  without  molestation  which  30  rods  is  in 
the  possession  of  Captain  Beamsley  Perkins,  who  it  is  molests  us 
the  lots  of  Proctor  and  Ausgood  being  in  his  possession.  And 
the  squared  loggs  that  were  laid  over  the  brook  and  the  low 
watery  mirey  ground  to  the  brook  have  been  taken  from  thence. 
Then  this  draught  does  but  only  signify  such  a  way  for  a  foot 
way  in  ancient  times  granted  and  used  by  a  considerable  num- 
ber of  the  town  inhabitants,  but  now  deny'd  to  be  and  molested 
therein  by  Captain  Beamsley  Perkins. 
(A  second  map  of  the  same  territory  is  inserted  at  page  .349.) 

MARKET    ST.,    NORTH    MAIN    ST.,    NORTH    SIDE.  343 

rods  on  the  Street,  and  -i  or  5  rods  deep,  beyond  the  brook,  the  spot  occu- 
pied by  the  Ezekiel  Peabody  house,  April  7,  1717  (51:  159).  On  May  5th 
1726,  Potter  petitioned  the  Town  for  a  grant  of  "a  small  piece  of  land  in 
front  of  Edmund  Heard's  land,  on  the  N  E.  side  of  Heard's  Brook,  to 
sit  a  house  partly  thereon. ' '  The  Town  granted  a  lot  that  extended  10  ft. 
from  Edmund  Heard's  land  next  to  the  Brook, "and 6  feet  from  the  said 
front  forms  the  dividing  line  between  the  said  Heard  and  Mr.  Wainwright's 
land,  and  so  on  a  straight  line  on  the  highway"  (Town  Record).  The 
line  of  the  ancient  street  was  very  uncertain,  it  would  seem,  to  admit  of 
so  large  a  piece  being  taken  from  the  highway.  Robert  Potter  did  not 
build  the  house  he  had  planned  when  he  secured  the  enlargement  of  his 
lot,  but  sold  it  to  Thomas  Cross,  June  3,  1732  (68:  246).  Cross  did 
build  a  dwelling  but  disposed  of  the  house  and  the  12  rods  of  land 
to  George  Dutch,  Dec.  4,  1735  (71 :  1).  Dutch  sold  the  northeast  half  of  his 
dwelling  to  Daniel  Leighton,  March  14,  1740  (87:  152),  and  Leighton  sold 
the  same  to  Daniel  Heard  Junior,  March  9,  1742  (87:  149).  He  enlarged 
the  lot  by  a  quarter  acre,  purchased  of  the  Richard  Rogers  estate  adjoin- 
ing, Oct.  19, 1744  (87: 153).  Elizabeth,  widow  of  Daniel  Heard  and  John, 
their  son,  sold  the  property,  "the  garden  and  homestead  of  Mr.  Daniel 
Heard,  deceased,  the  husband  of  Elizabeth  and  father  of  John,"  to  John 
Jewett,  whitesmith,  March  12, 1798  (165: 81).  John  Jewett,  Jun.,  of  Row- 
ley sold  the  same  to  Samuel  Smith,  April  1 ,  1802  (169 :  250),  and  at  Smith 's 
decease,  Charles  Simonds  sold  to  Ezekiel  Peabody,  cordwainer,  reserving 
the  dower  of  the  widow  Hannah,  Aug.  6,  1817  (215:  167).  This  estate 
includes  the  land  on  which  the  clothing  store  of  Mr.  Robert  Jordan  stands. 
The  present  dwelling  is  evidently  not  the  original  one. 

John  Proctor  and  Christopher  Osgood. 

(Diagram  2.) 
In  1635,  Christopher  Osgood  had  received  a  grant,  bounded  by  John 
Proctor  south,  John  Robinson  north,  Wm.  Fuller  east,  the  swamp  west.  He 
bequeathed  his  house  and  land  to  his  son  Christopher,  April  19,  1650  (Ips. 
Deeds  1:77).  He  removed  "to  Andover,  and  sold  the  homestead  a  house 
and  four  acres,  "neare  to  the  brook  running  into  the  Mill  River,"  to 
Thomas  Metcalfe,  Oct.  2,  1666  (Ips.  Deeds  3:  108).  Metcalfe  sold  Isaac 
Littlehale,  blacksmith,  17  rods,  "at  the  uppermost  corner  of  my  home- 
stead," "adjoyning  to  the  land  of  John  Sparks,"  March  1,  1690  (Ips. 
Deeds  5:  588).  Littlehale  located  however,  on  the  Damon  corner,  and  the 
lot  reverted  to  the  original  estate.  Metcalfe  sold  his  whole  property,  about 
six  acres,  including  the  low  land  in  the  rear,  to  Jacob  Davis,  a  potter  by 
trade,  Nov.  21,  1699  (16:  97).  The  potter,  Davis,  sold  "a  certain  parcel  of 
upland  ground"  about  an  acre  and  a  half,  to  Col.  John  Appleton,the  Lieut, 
of  Andros  times,  now  become  a  Colonel  and  Judge  of  Probate,  Feb.  25, 
1707  (22:  144),  and  the  balance  of  the  estate,  five  and  a  half  acres  and 
buildings  to  Capt.  Beamsley  Perkins,  April  17,  1710  (21:  170).  The  Cap- 
tain carried  matters  with  a  high  hand.    An  ancient  footway  led  from  Scott's 


Lane  across  his  rear  land,  up  the  hill  to  Loney  's  Lane.  He  obstructed  this 
way  and  forbade  travel  and  the  matter  was  carried  to  Court.  A  rude  map 
of  the  region  was  drawn  and  presented  to  the  magistrates  in  1717.  The 
original  has  escaped  destruction  and  a  reproduction  will  be  inserted 
when  the  narrative  has  proceeded  farther.  A  note  appended  to  this  map 
states  that  the  Perkins  lot  included  the  original  Proctor  and  Osgood  lots. 

Dr.  John  Perkins,  son  and  heir  of  Capt.  Beamsley,  sold  his  estate,  re- 
serving an  eighth  of  an  acre  on  Col.  Appleton's  line,  to  John  Wainwright, 
April  13,  1725  (49:  231).  This  small  lot,  with  other  property,  the  Dr.,  then 
a  resident  of  Boston,  sold  to  his  son.  Dr.  Nathaniel  Perkins,  also  of  Boston, 
Dec.  1,  1740  (80:  302).  Wainwright 's  administrator  sold  to  Richard 
Rogers,  "a  dwelling  house  and  land  in  present  possession  of  Mrs.  Cliristian 
Wainwright,"  about  five  and  a  half  acres.  May  6,  1741  (80;  302)  and  Dr. 
Perkins  sold  his  eighth  of  an  acre  to  Rogers,  Oct.  14,  1741  (80:  303). 
Rogers,  or  his  widow  and  admhiistratrix,  Mary  Rogers,  sold  the  house  and 
a  quarter  acre  abutting  on  the  Heard  property,  to  Samuel  Wainwright,  son 
of  John,  before  1744,  though  no  record  of  the  deed  was  made.  Elizabeth 
Wainwright,  daughter  of  Samuel,  conveyed  to  Dr.  Parker  Clark,  of  New- 
buryport,  her  house  and  quarter  acre  bequeathed  her  by  her  mother.  May 
1788  (155:  199).  She  also  became  the  wife  of  Dr.  Clark,  who  took  up  his 
abode  in  the  dwelling  thus  provided.  Dr.  Clark  sold  the  house  and  land  to 
John  Baker,  Jr.,  Sept.  15,  1798  (164:  169).  His  heir,  Manasseh  Brown,  re- 
moved the  old  house  to  the  Topsfield  road,  where  it  was  afterwards  burned. 
The  new  house  erected  is  still  the  property  of  his  heirs,  and  the  estate 
includes  the  office  building  of  Hon.  Chas.  A.  Sayward  and  the  dry-goods 
store  of  W.  S.  Russell  and  Son. 

The  widow  Mary  Rogers  sold  the  four  acres  remaining  without  any 
buildings  to  Rev.  Nathaniel  Rogers,  Pastor  of  the  First  Church,  March  1, 
1744  (89:  36)  and  he  sold  to  Benjamin  Dutch  April  4,  1753  (104:  78). 
Dutchbuilt  ahouse  which  was  subsequently  enlarged,  andsold  to  Nathaniel 
Perley , ' '  the  whole  of  the  westerly  new  dwelling  house  with  chamber  and 
garret  in  the  west  end  of  the  old  dwelling,  both  of  which  houses  are  joined 
together,"  June  S,  1778  (138:  6).  Rev.  Ebenezer  Dutch  of  Bradford  sold 
to  Richard  Dummer  Jewett,  trader,  "  the  west  lower  room  of  the  old 
dwelling  of  my  father,  Benjamin  Dutch,  part  of  the  garden,  also  the  shop 
and  storehouse  near  said  house, "  "  formerly  called  by  the  name  of  fore 
yard,"  June  8,  1795(159:  117)  and  Samuel  Bacon  and  others,  heirs  of 
Nathaniel  Perley,  sold  to  Lucy,  wife  of  Richard  D.  Jewett,  the  whole  in- 
terest of  Perley  in  the  house  and  land,  March  2,  1798  (163:  171).  The  old 
house,  with  its  two  front  doors,  which  stood  on  the  site  of  the  present 
dwelling,  owned  and  occupied  by  the  Jewett  heirs,  is  remembered  by  the 
older  folk. 

John  Appleton. 

(Diagram  2.) 
On  that  part  of  the  old  Christopher  Osgood  lot,  which  Col.  Appleton 
purchased,  in  1707,  he  erected  his  mansion,  which  has  suffered  remodellings 



NORTH    MAIN    ST.,    NORTH    SIDE.  345 

and  additions,  and  wears  a  very  modern  look,  despite  its  age.  He  bequeathed 
it  to  his  sou  Daniel  (Pro.  Rec.  324:  1,  2,  approved  Dec.  10,  1739).  Ehz- 
abeth  Appleton,  daughter  of  Daniel,  married  Rev.  John  Walley,  first  Pastor 
of  the  South  Church.  Mr.  Walley  and  the  other  heirs  sold  the  Appleton 
homestead, the  house  andtwoacres, to  Daniel  Noyes,  Jan.  19, 1768(121:239). 
The  house  was  a  three  storied  affair,  and  much  decayed  when  Mr.  Noyes 
bought  it.  He  removed  the  upper  story,  put  in  new  windows  and  window 
frames,  and  repaired  it  thoroughly.  Wilham  Dodge  purchased  the  estate. 
His  widow  married  Mr.  Abraham  Hammatt,  the  Antiquarian.  Her  daugh- 
ter Wilhelmina,  the  wife  of  Dr.  Asahel  Wildes,  inherited,  and  the  Wildes 
heirs  sold  to  the  present  owner,  Mr.  M.  B.  Philipp  of  New  York.  Mr.  Noyes 
sold  a  building  lot,  abutting  on  Benjamin  Dutch,  to  William  Dennis, 
a  peruke-maker,  May  24,  1768  (130:  221).  The  heirs  of  Dennis  sold  the 
house  and  its  quarter  acre  lot  to  William  Heard,  Nov.  5,  1827  (248:  46). 
The  cellar  of  this  house  is  on  the  vacant  lot,  corner  of  Central  and  North 
Main  Sts.     The  house  was  burned  in  the  fire  that  swept  Central  St. 

William  Fuller. 

(Diagram  2.) 

William  Fuller's  grant  was  next  to  Christopher  Osgood's  on  the  north- 
east by  the  record  of  1635.  Wilham  Fuller,  gunsmith,  was  ' '  lately  possessed 
of  one  house  lot,  half  an  acre  of  ground,  to  which  he  added  one  house  lot, 
haK  an  acre  more,  also  a  parcel  in  the  same  place  bought  of  Christopher 
Osgood,  all  which  as  they  lye  together,  being  about  five  roods,  the  high- 
way to  the  Mill  on  east  and  southeast,  the  house  lot  of  Thos.  Rowlinson 
northeast,  the  land  of  Christopher  Osgood  south  and  southwest  touching 
upon  the  house  lot  of  Hugh  Sherrat,  north."  This  lot,  with  one  small 
dwelling,  he  sold  to  John  Knowlton,  shoemaker,  Oct.  1639  (Town  Record). 
The  Fuller-Knowlton  lot  came  into  the  possession  of  William  White,  who 
sold  two  acres  here.with  "house,  barn,  orchard,  garden  and  parrocke  or  in- 
closure  of  earable  land  adjoyning, ' '  to  John  Sparks, ' '  Biskett  Baker, ' '  Feb. 
15,  1671  (Ips.  Deeds  3:  216).  Samuel  Graves  abutted  on  the  northeast, 
Thomas  Medcalfe  southwest.  Sparks  had  served  as  an  apprentice  with 
Obadiah  Woods,  a  '  'biskett  baker"  on  East  St.  and  had  kept  an  ordinary 
leased  of  Thomas  Bishop  near  where  the  Public  Library  stands.  He  had 
received  his  finst  license  for  a  year  in  Sept.  1671  to  sell  "beere  at  a  penny  a 
quart,  provided  he  entertain  no  Town  inhabitants,  in  the  night,  nor  suffer 
to  bring  wine  or  liquor  to  be  drunk  in  his  house"  (Records  Ipswich  Quarter 
Sessions  Court).  Here  he  kept  a  famous  hostelry  for  twenty  years.  Judge 
Sewall  on  his  circuits  tasted  its  good  cheer,  and  many  a  man  of  renown 
tarried  about  its  wellspread  board.  Officers  and  soldiers  were  quartered 
here  in  time  of  danger  from  Indian  attacks. 

As  the  location  of  this  ancient  ordinary  has  been  discussed  our  study 
of  this  locality  may  be  extended  beyond  the  ordinary  limit.  Sparks 
sold  his  property  here  to  Col.  John  Wainwright,  Maj^  1,  1691(12:  118) 
described  as  a  messuage  or  tenement,  bake-house  and  barn.     The  dwelling 


was  not  included,  nor  was  the  acreage  the  same.  Sparks  bought  two  acres 
and  sold  one  and  a  half.  These  are  always  approximate  measurements, 
and  the  identity  of  the  land  is  determined  by  the  abutters  mentioned  in  the 
deed,  John  Potter  on  the  east,  Thomas  Medcalf  on  the  west,  etc.  Tliirteen 
years  later,  March  12,  1704-5,  Jolni  Roper  sold  Col.  Wainwright,  "a  dwell- 
ing house  .  .  .  formerly  in  possession  of  Mr.  John  Sparks,  now  in  possession 
of  Mary,  widow  of  John,  and  also  two  roods  of  ground  which  sometime  since 
I  bought  of  Thomas  Medcalf  of  Ipswicli,  adjoining  the  land  on  which  the 
house  stands"  (IS:  16).  It  seems  that  Sparks  remained  in  occupancy  of 
his  house  after  the  sale,  and  when  Col.  Wainwright  sold  his  estate  of  about 
three  acres  here  to  Deacon  Nathaniel  Knowlton,  Feb.  6, 1707-8,  he  specified 
that  there  were  two  messuages  or  tenements,  one  of  which  was  in  occupancy 
of  Thomas  Smith,  innholder,  and  the  other  was  occupied  by  the  widow 
Mary  Sparks,  "  which  she  is  to  possess  during  her  natural  life,  with  agarden 
plot  as  it  is  now  fenced  in,  and  is  situate  at  the  southeast  corner  of  said 
tenement"  (20:  145).  There  was  consideration  also  of  an  annuity  payable 
to  the  widow  Sparks  by  John  Smith,  cordwainer,  and  Thomas  Smith,  cooper- 
Deacon  Knowlton  sold  Ephraim  Smith,  son  of  Thomas  Smith,  tailor,  a  lot 
on  the  northeast  side,  abutting  on  John  Potter,  and  on  the  same  day,  Nov. 
20,  1710,  he  sold  to  Ebenezer  Smith,  a  small  dweUing  house  and  land,  on  the 
southwest  side  bordering  on  Col.  John  Appleton  (now  owned  by  Mr.  Philipp) 
with  six  rods  frontage,  about  three  (juarters  of  an  acre.  On  Nov.  30,  he 
sold  the  middle  lot,  containing  an  acre,  with  house  and  land  to  John  Smith, 
shoemaker  (23 :  22  and  23).  The  lot  sold  Ebenezer  Smith  was  the  same  that 
the  widow  Sparks  occupied.  The  "small  house"  may  be  the  same  that  is 
mentioned  in  Wm.  Fuller's  deed  of  sale. 

Ebenezer  Smith  owned  this  lot  thirty  seven  years  and  when  he  sold 
he  deeded  half  a  dwelling  house,  land,  etc.  with  line  running  through  the 
front  door,  with  privilege  of  a  cartway  on  the  northeast  end,  and  a  spring 
in  the  cellar,  to  Ebenezer  Stanwood,  peruke  maker.  Evidently  he  built 
the  house  now  occupied  jjy  Mr.  Chas.  A.  Brown,  during  his  ownership 
(90:203).  Smith  sold  Stanwood  20  rods  more  July  5,  1748  (93:184). 
Stanwood  sold  to  Daniel  Rogers,  1766  (120:  81).  It  was  bequeathed  by 
him  to  his  son,  Daniel  A.  Rogers  (Pro.  Rec.  391:  63).  Rogers  sold  his 
title  to  a  half  of  this  property  to  Moses  Lord,  July  5,  1833  (271:  39),  and 
other  heirs  sold  the  other  half  to  Steven  Warner,  Aug.  21,  1835  (338:  253). 
Warner  sold  to  Thomas  Lord  of  Boston,  July  5,  1845  (640:  290),  and  it 
was  .sold  by  him  to  Benjamin  C.  Browai,  father  of  the  present  owner  in  1862 
(640:  291).  The  other  half,  devised  by  Daniel  Rogers  to  his  four  daughters, 
was  sold  by  their  attorney  to  MarkR.  Jewett  of  Rowley,  May  13,1840  (318: 
247).  The  assignee  of  Jewett,  in  insolvency,  quitclaimed  to  John  N.  Ells- 
worth, Oct.  1,1844  (356:  57).  Thus  the  southwest  limit  of  the  original 
Wm.  Fuller  grant  is  determined,  and  the  location  of  the  John  Sparks 
dwelling,  which  disappeared  when  Ebenezer  Stanwood  built  the  present 

Before  Ebenezer  Smith  .sold  his  house  to  Stanwood,  he  had  sold  a  lot, 

NORTH    MAIN    ST.,    NORTH    SIDE. 


with  fifty  feet  frontage,  to  Daniel  Tilton,  March  1,  1732-3  (68:  149)  Tilton 
sold  to  Christian  Wainwright,  June  2,  1741  (80:  295).  In  1748  (June  22), 
this  lot  with  a  house  was  conveyed  by  Christian  Waniwright,  widow  of 
John,  to  Daniel  Staniford,  Nathaniel  Treadwell,  abutting  on  the  northeast 
(90  ■  '^39)  Dumnier  Jewett  purchased  from  the  estate  of  Staniford.  Thom- 
as Manning,  guardian  of  the  widow,  Mary  Thorndike,'  sold  the  house  and 
land  to  Jacob  Lord,  Oct.  16,  1820  (231 :  123) ;  Lord  to  Capt.  Wm.  Haskell 
in  1826  C>40-  299) :  Haskell  to  Samuel  N.  Baker,  in  1832  (263:  131) ;  Baker 
to  the  widows,  Hannah  and  -\nn  Brown,  Aug.  21,  1837  (302:  24) ;  and  they, 
to  Joseph  Baker,  April  29,  1845  (355:  215).  Mr.  Baker  owned  the  Tread- 
weU  property  adjoining.  He  sold  the  house,  which  occupied  the  lot,  and 
it  was  removed  to  the  corner  of  Market  and  Saltonstall  Sts.  It  was  torn 
down  by  the  Historical  Society,  after  the  corner  was  purchased. 

John  Smith  di^^ded  his  lot.    His  house,  a  tavern,  as  he  is  called  ' '  Tav- 
erner  "  with  a  half  acre,  he  sold  to  Jacob  Boardman,  March  28,  1734  (69: 
198)  '    This  "house"  can  hardly  be  identified  with  the  "bakehouse      of 
John  Sparks.    If  John  Sparks  occupied  his  "bakehouse"  as  his  ordinary,  it 
had  probably  disappeared  by  this  time,  as  no  mention  of  such  a  bmlding 
occurs    It  may  be  the  same  that  is  now  owned  and  occupied  by  Miss  Lucy 
Slade  Lord.   Boardman  sold  to  Patrick  Farrin, barber  ^'^ P^^f  ^'ISJ^^^^' ^^f 
James McCreelis,lately  removed  from  Marblehead,  April  19,  1.36   68:  16o 
Bv  diAdsion,'  McCreelis  received  the  house,  and  Farrin  the  northeast  half 
with  a  new^shop,  a  cartway  13  ft.  wide  between  house  and  shop  being 
reserved^or  access  to  the  back  land.     McCreehs  sold  the  house   and  a 
quarter  acre  of  land,  84^  ft.  frontage,  to  Nathaniel  Treadwell,  innholder, 
Spnt  114     1737    (73:  256),  and    Farrin  sold  his  three  quarter  acre,  63  ft. 
frontrto   James    Macom  of    Marblehead,  May  2,   1737  (73:  62)    Macom 
sold    o  Anthony  Loney,  April  11.  1739  (77:  273).     Loney    sold  to  Nath- 
aniel TreadweU,  May    15,    1742  (84:263).      Jacob  TreadweU  inher  ted 
from  his   father,  Nathaniel,  and  his  admmistrator  sold  to  Moses  Tread- 
weU,   the    house    and  land,    "being   all    that  said    deceased    owned   in 
that   place,  commonly  called  the    old   Tavern    ot,"   Aug.     0,^5(208^ 
110).'  The   executors   of   the  Moses  Treadwell    f^^ ^^^ ^^   ^^f^ 

^nd  land  to   Joseph  Baker  of  ^-^'.'^]'  ^'^'^'^ ''\]f'f^^^ 
heirs  of  Joseph  Baker  sold  to  Mrs.  Lizzie  G.  Hayes  (1176.  159)  .Mrs.  Hayes 
to  George  K  Dodge,  July  2,  1888  (1227:  508);  Dodge  to  Mrs.  Lois  Hardy, 
May  4, 1897  (1514   11),  who  transferred  to  Miss  Lucy  Slade  Lord,  the  pres- 

"*  ™'smith,  the  Taverner,  sold  the  rest  of  his  lot  about  a  quarter  of 
an  acre  to  Edward  Eveleth,  March  9,  1732  (68:  177).  Eveleth  sold  to 
Ws  McCreehs  Sept.  10,  1736  (73:  193),  and  McCreehs  to  James  Gordon 
orBoston   Oct     9    1737.     Gordon  built  a  house  and  sold  house  and   and 

Dei:::;  j::!;es  Foster  of  the  South  Church,  the  first  Postmaster  June 
20,1759(106:206).     John  Hodgkins  of  Bath  sold  Moses  Treadwell     the 

'^Mary  Stauifoid  ..amed.  flrst,  Uu.nmer  Jewett  and  after  his  death,  Lavkin 


lot  formerly  owned  by  James  Foster,"  Aug.  12,  1817  (213:  175).  Tread- 
well's  executors  sold  part  of  this  to  Timothy  Souther  (275:  186),  who  mort- 
gaged to  Otis  Holmes,  Jan.  1,  1835  (278:  277).  Holmes  foreclosed  the 
mortgage,  March  1,  1842  (329:  240),  and  sold  to  Stephen  Coburn,  April 
15,  1845  (357:  298).  He  erected  the  house,  which  is  still  owned  and  occu- 
pied by  his  daughter.  Miss  Lucy  C.  Coburn.  The  Deacon  Foster  house 
with  land  was  sold  by  the  executors  of  Treadwell  to  Elisha  Perkins  (276: 
286),  and  by  him  to  Charles  Kimball,  July  28,  1834  (276:  287).  He  built 
the  house,  now  the  property  of  the  Trustees  of  the  Manning  School,  on 
the  site  of  the  old  dwelling. 

The  eastern  end  of  tlie  old  Sparks  homestead  was  sold  by  Ephraim 
Smith  to  his  mother,  Martha  Smith,  Dee.  8,  1713  (29:  67),  and  Thomas 
Smith  sold  the  same,  as  the  deed  expressly  declared, to  Aaron  Potter,  cooper, 
Feb.  17,  1723  (42:  166).  Benjamin  Dutch  came  into  possession  of  a  part 
of  this  very  soon  and  probably  built  the  house.  He  conveyed  his  estate 
to  his  sons  Benjamin  and  Nathaniel,  March  12,  1741  (83:  126)  and  Benja- 
min sold  his  interest  to  Nathaniel,  Jan.  16,  1750  (101:  38).  John  Man- 
ning became  owner  of  an  interest  in  the  Nathaniel  Dutch  property,  and 
sold  the  north  half  to  Nathan  Jaques,  May  2,  1807  (ISl:  181).  Daniel 
Dutch  sold  the  south  half  to  Robert  Farley,  Aug.  29,  1833,  and  Farley  to 
Col.  Cliarles  Kimball,  June  28,  1834  (276:  288).  The  deed  describes  the 
property,  "being  one  half  the  homestead  formerly  of  Benjamin  Dutch,